• 半年刊 2007年6月創刊第十卷 第一期 2016年6月出版JOURNAL OF MACAU UNIVERSITYOF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGYSemiannual, Started in June 2007Vol.10 No.1 June 2016定價: 20元澳門幣(人民幣/港幣)ISSN 1994-4926半年刊Semiannual Vol.10二 一六年 第十卷 第一期JOURNAL OF MACAU UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGYVol.10 No.1 June 2016
  • 編輯委員會Editorial Board編委會主席:劉良Chairman of Editorial Board: Liu Liang主編 :許敖敖Chief Editors: Xu Ao Ao編委:劉良、許敖敖、祈務晨、余秋雨、張志慶、姜志宏、方泉、林偉基、戴龍基、黎曉平、唐澤聖、陳乃九、龐川、孫立雲、孫建榮Editorial Board Members:Liu Liang, Xu Ao Ao,Keith Robert Barclay Morrison, Yu Qiu Yu, Zhang Zhi Qing, Jiang Zhi Hong, Fang Quan, Lam Wai Kei, Dai Long Ji, Li Xiao Ping, Tang Ze Sheng, Chan Lai Kow, Pang Chuan, Sun Li Yun, Sun Jian Rong澳門科技大學學報Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology主辦單位: 澳門科技大學Organizer: Macau University of Science and Technology編委會主席: 劉良Chairman of Editorial Board: Liu Liang主編: 許敖敖Chief Editors: Xu Ao Ao編輯: 《澳門科技大學學報》編輯部Editor: The Editorial Department, Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology ● 電話: +853-8897-2173 Tel: +853-8897-2173 ● 傳真:+853-2888-0022 Fax: +853-2888-0022 ● 電郵:publication@must.edu.mo E-mail: publication@must.edu.mo ● 地址: 澳門科技大學 澳門氹仔偉龍馬路 Address: Macau University of Science and Technology, Avenida Wai Long, Taipa, Macau出版及總發行:澳門科技大學Publisher & Distribution: Macau University of Science and Technology ● 電話:+853-8897-2166 Tel: +853-8897-2166 ● 電郵:cbpsadmin@must.edu.mo E-mail: cbpsadmin@must.edu.mo ● 地址: 澳門科技大學 澳門氹仔偉龍馬路 Address: Macau University of Science and Technology, Avenida Wai Long, Taipa, Macau 封面及版式設計:高鴻 王港Graphic & Layout Designers: Gao Hong, Wang Gang印刷: 700本Print Run: 700出版日期:2016年6月Issued Date: June 2016國際標準期刊號:ISSN: 1994-4926規格: 21cm×29.7cmSize: 21cm width by 29.7cm height版權所有,翻印必究All rights reserved. No part of the publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, or otherwise, without the prior consent of the publisher.
  • 目 次【人文與藝術】澳門內地學生文化身份認同研究——基於焦點團體訪談的分析 …………… 汪 菲(1)大型多人在線角色扮演遊戲中的角色行為反映理想自我還是真實自我? …………………………………………………………………………………… 王 迪(9)社交網站使用行為與社會資本:基於相互作用模型的實證分析 ………………………………………………………………………………… 郭 羽(18)明星高管“女强人”:董明珠形象的生產和接受 …………………… 黃微子,葉沐森(27)抄襲的文化思辨 ……………………………………………………………… 嚴鴻基(36)禁忌之邊——談英譯張愛玲《心經》中的不倫戀的選詞 ………………… 陳季敏(45)【改革與教學研究】教育研究中的隨機對照試驗:以“醫學模式”為學習藍本 ……………… 祈務晨(64)澳門大學生英語學習風格 …………………………………………………… 鄧霄妍(76)【管理與旅遊】制度性因素對權益類國外組合投資的影響 ………………………………… 湯曉雷(88)個人與工作適配對員工創新行為的影響:家庭親善文化的干擾效果? …………………………………………………………… 連智華,黃 華,馮娜娜(95)管制與治理:面對共享經濟的挑戰——以Uber網路約車平臺為例 ……………………………………………………………………… 蔣曉陽,江  川(107)【資訊科技】近地小行星(2011UW158)的自轉週期研究 ……………………………………… 黃相傑,金  鑫,劉善恆,吳文希,盧曉平(118)【醫藥學】澳門中醫藥發展的歷史特質及現狀分析 ………………… 程春松,陳偉謙,梁 傑,王燦堅,張志鋒,劉 良,周 華(127)【信息短文】科研進展 …………………………………………………………………………… (8,26)學術活動 ………………………………………………………………………… (17,136)學生活動 ………………………………………………………………… (35,126,138)國際交流 ……………………………………………………………………………… (44)兩岸四地 ……………………………………………………………………………… (87)服務澳門 ……………………………………………………………………… (106,117)大師講座 ……………………………………………………………………………… (137)校園活動 ……………………………………………………………………………… (138)
  • ContentsHumanities and ArtsStudy on Cultural Identity of Mainland Students in Macau:Analysis Based on Focus Group Interview ……………………………………………………………………………… Fei WANG (1)Does Avatar Behavior in Massively Multiplayer Online Role-playing Game Reflect Ideal Self or Actual Self? …………………………………………………………………………… Di WANG (9)The Relationship Between Social Network Site Use and Perceived Social Capital: A Mutual Influence Model …………………………………………………………………………Yu GUO (18)Analyzing the Celebrity Superwoman: Production and Reception of the Images of Dong Mingzhu ……………………………………………………………………… Weizi HUANG, Musen YE (27)An Intellectual Inquiry into Plagiarism in Chinese Culture ……………………………… Hongji YAN (36)Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into English ……………………………………………………………………………………… Jimin CHEN (45)Pedagogic ExperienceRandomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model” …………………………………………………………………………………Keith MORRISON (64)A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in Macau ………………… Xiaoyan DENG (76)Management and TourismThe Impact of Institutional Factors on Foreign Equity Portfolio Investment ………… Xiaolei TANG (88)Person-job Fit and Innovative Behavior:The Moderating Effect of Family-friendly? ……………………………………………………… Zhihua LIAN, Hua HUANG, Nana FENG (95)Regulation and Governance: Facing the Challenges of the Sharing Economy: The Uber Car Booking Platform as an Example …………………………………… Xiaoyang JIANG, Chuan JIANG (107)Information TechnologyResearch on Rotational Period of NEA:2011UW158 ………………………… Xiangjie HUANG, Xin JIN, Sinhang LAO, Manhei NG, Xiaoping LU (118)MedicineHistory Characteristics and Current Situation of Traditional Chinese Medicine in Macau Chunsong CHENG, Weiqian CHEN, Jie LIANG, Canjian WANG, Zhifeng ZHANG, Liang LIU, Hua ZHOU (127)
  • 1第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 澳門內地學生文化身份認同研究 ——基於焦點團體訪談的分析汪 菲(澳門科技大學人文藝術學院,澳門)摘要: 在高等教育國際化發展的帶動下,大批內地學生湧入了澳門高等教育市場,已經成為除了本地學生外的第二大學生群體。本文運用焦點團體訪談法對內地學生展開調查,對他們在澳門的文化身份認同進行探索性研究,發現了三大問題:(1)“自卑"與“自尊"心理共同影響著內地學生的身份認同;(2)跨文化接觸中的偏見與歧視影響了內地學生的身份認同;(3)內地學生在澳門的身份認同一般會經歷“觀察—嘗試—退出"三個階段,是一個動態變化的過程。希望通過本研究能夠幫助內地學生建立良好的心態,消除由文化身份認同產生的迷茫與困惑。摘要: 焦點團體訪談法;內地學生;文化身份認同Study on Cultural Identity of Mainland Students in Macau: Analysis Based on Focus Group InterviewFei WANG( Faculty of Humanities and Arts, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China )AAstract: Encouraged by the globalization of higher education, large groups of mainland students flushed into the Macau higher education market. The mainland students have already become the second largest students group in Macau except the local students. And their cultural identity in Macau is to be investigated and explored in this paper, finding out 3 problems as follow: (1) the superiority and inferiority mind have a common impact on the cultural identity of mainland students; (2) their cultural identity is also influenced by the prejudice and discrimination in cross-cultural exchanges; (3) the identity usually is a dynamic process with 3 stages: observation, trial and exit. It’s expected that the paper could help mainland students establish a healthy mind and eliminate the confusions and puzzles, caused by the cultural identity.eywords: Focus group interview; Mainland students; Cultural identity收稿日期:2015-09-17;修訂日期:2015-10-13。* 通訊作者:汪菲,女,澳門科技大學人文藝術學院在读博士生,主要研究方向為跨文化傳播。E-mail:wangfayeguoer@163.com,Tel:00853-62115085.0 引言高等教育市場的國際化趨勢是在全球化浪潮下應運而生的,在這一發展趨勢的帶動下,越來越多的中國內地學生選擇了跨境求學。對於內地學生來說跨境留學包括兩個流動方向:一是國際間流動,也就是出國留學,選擇到其他國家去讀書;二是區域間流動,是指出境留學,選擇到香港和澳門地區的高等教育機構求學。[1]近幾年來,隨著澳門高校擴招政策的實施,內地與澳門之間的高等教育國際化市場已然形成,每年都吸引了
  • 2大批的內地學生前來澳門高校就讀。根據澳門高等教育輔助辦公室網站上公佈的統計資料顯示,2013/2014 學年,內地學生人數在澳門招收的外地學生總人數中占到了 95.08%,[2] 可以說,內地學生在澳門的高校中已經成為除了本地學生外的第二大學生群體。如此龐大的一個學生群體,必然存在著自身的一些特點和問題。然而,目前學術界對於這一群體的研究卻是比較匱乏的。例如,在 CNKI 上用“身份認同”和“澳門”兩個關鍵字進行檢索,僅有 18 篇文章 ,;在這 18 篇文章中,再用“身份認同”和“內地學生”進行檢索,結果為 0;如果直接用“身份認同”和“內地學生”進行檢索,僅檢索出一篇研究在香港的內地學生身份認同問題的文章。[3]由此可見,目前在學術界極其缺乏關於在澳門的內地學生身份認同方面的研究,而這也正是本文選擇澳門內地學生的文化身份認同作為研究課題的主要原因。本文通過質化研究來對在澳內地學生的文化身份認同問題做一個探討,旨在為該方面的研究增添一些研究範例和實際資料,彌補學界在這一問題上的研究空白,同時希望能夠對在澳內地學生自我文化身份的建立提供一些幫助。1 文獻回顧“ 文 化 身 份 認 同 ” 英 文 是“Cultural identity”,也常被譯為“文化身份”或“身份認同”。這個概念最早是由埃裡克森(Erikson)於20 世紀 50 年代提出的,他認為“在身份形成的過程中,兩個方面:個人身份(個體性)和群體身份(社會性)是交織在一起的,並將文化身份置於個人身份的核心部位。” [4] 對於文化身份認同這一概念,學術界目前仍沒有一個完全統一的定義。例如,社會語言學家埃納吉(Ennaji)認為,“文化身份認同是一種基於國籍、民族、宗教信仰、社會階層、代際、居住地和那些具有自身獨特文化的社會群體的基礎上,自我概念和自我認知屬於哪一群體的身份感覺,文化身份是個體特徵同時也是群體特徵,在群體中大家共用相同的文化身份。”[5]陳國明則指出,“文化認同是個人對一個特殊文化和族群所具有的歸屬感。”[6]身份認同的建立會受到多種不同的個人因素和社會因素的影響,在個人因素方面包括情感層面、認知層面、行為層面和精神層面等等;在社會因素方面包括個人與他人的社會關系(關系層面)、群體對個人的行為和看法(群體層面)、個人所處的文化語境(文化層面)等等。華裔學者 Ting-Toomey 針對跨文化情境下的身份認同進行了研究,他認為個人文化身份的建立取決於他在該文化群體中對於歸屬的感受和認知。他指出身份認識、覺察力和協商技巧直接影響著跨文化情境下文化身份的建立:身份認識是指個人能夠意識到與不同文化的人之間身份差異的能力;覺察力是指面對不同文化時的一種習慣性的、謹慎的意識;協商技巧是指個人具備的通過協商的方式構建文化身份的能力。[7]還有一些學者認為在跨文化過程中,個體的文化身份認同會受到心理層面的適應和社會行為層面的適應這兩個方面的影響。[8]文化身份認同的建立要經歷三個階段:首先,是“未審視的文化身份階段”,在這一階段中個體的文化特徵會被忽略,導致個體對自身的文化身份缺乏探索的意識;其次,是“文化身份探尋階段”,在這一階段中人們會對自己的文化產生疑問,並由此產生一種強烈的探索欲望,以求能對該文化進行深入瞭解;最後,是“文化身份實現階段”,在這個階段中個體能夠自信地接受某種文化身份,瞭解並認同自身文化的意義,並能很好的應對偏見和歧視。[9]學者們還針對中國留學生的文化身份認同進行了特別的研究,他們將中國留學生文化身份的重構過程概括為以下四個階段:(1)文化反思。文化反思是指中國留學生對自身感受和經歷到的具體跨文化事件的緣由、過程和結果進行多次的、持續的和不斷修正的思考、分析和總結的過程。(2)文化自覺。個人文化反思的上升階段便是文
  • 3汪菲  澳門內地學生文化身份認同研究 ——基於焦點團體訪談的分析化自覺。文化反思是個體在微觀、具體的跨文化情境和事件中,對自己的心理和行為進行認知和再認知,判斷和再判斷的過程。而文化自覺則是對這些具體情境下的片段式認知和思考進行有效的組織和整合,找出事件與事件之間在文化上存在的千絲萬縷的聯繫,在此基礎上形成對自身原有文化更系統、更完整、更深入的認識和理解,尤其是對往日裡一些習而不察的文化特質進行重新認識和評價。(3)文化認同。文化認同立足於文化自覺。在文化認同階段,中國留學生逐漸形成了一種更加開放、平等、互相尊重的態度來看待和處理不同文化間的差異,用一種客觀、發展的眼光來看待自身所屬的中國傳統文化,實現在傳承中創新,在學習中進步,在比較中發展的文化認同觀。(4)跨文化認同。跨文化認同的建立應該是中國留學生進行文化身份重構的最理想的階段。在這一階段中國留學生能夠批判地吸收眾異文化之長,並將其內化進自身的認知體系與文化價值系統之中。[10]對於在澳內地學生的文化身份認同來說,還具有一定的特殊性,這是由於澳門與內地之間特殊的跨文化情況決定的。一方面澳門與內地同屬於一個大的文化系統之下,具有一些相同的文化特徵;另一方面,澳門由於獨特的歷史背景又形成了一些有別於內地的文化特徵,因此,澳門與內地之間是一種地區亞文化與主文化之間的跨文化情況。在這種情況下,內地學生會在文化身份認同上出現兩種極端情況:一是他們可能無法意識到文化身份發生的改變,二是他們可能會過分強調主文化與亞文化之間的差異,從而陷入“分離型”的文化身份。[11]這是我們在研究澳門的內地學生文化身份認同時應當特別注意的一點。2 研究過程2.1 焦點團體訪談焦點團體訪談法“起源於社會學的群體訪談和歷史學中的口述史研究,是指一到兩個研究者同時對一群人進行訪談,通過群體成員相互之間的互動對研究的問題進行探討,訪談問題通常集中在一個焦點上,研究者組織一群參與者就這個焦點進行討論。”[12]焦點團體訪談法最重要的一個功能就是對知識進行集體建構,該方法認為:“個體的知識是從一個複雜的、個體與他人互動的人際網路中湧現出來的;在這種網路互動中,參與者的視角會通過集體的努力而得到擴展,進而接觸到更加具體的知識內容,深入到更加深刻的認知模式、人際情感和價值評價,並引發出個人以往經驗和現有意義之間的聯繫。”[13]焦點團體訪談法,既能夠“揭示對某一問題、現象的群體反應,又能夠通過集中訪談就某一研究形成假設和理論,它是一種發現、探索、驗證問題的重要研究工具,既可以用來進行探索性研究,又可以用來進行驗證性研究。”[14] 本文將採用焦點團體訪談這一方法對內地學生的身份認同問題進行初步的探索性研究。2.2 訪談過程在焦點團體訪談中,為了便於參與者之間能夠面對面地充分交流、發言、暢談自己的意見與觀點,因此參與訪談的樣本數不應太大,一般一個團體人數應控制在 6 ~ 10 人之間,也可以根據研究的目標和所具有的經費來增加樣本數,當樣本數較大時,可以分成多個團體進行訪談。[15]本文的研究物件是在澳門的內地學生,包括本科和研究生在內,出於經濟上及方便上的考慮,本文選取了來自澳門科技大學的 5 名內地學生和來自澳門大學的 5名內地學生,一共 10名來參與訪談。這 10 名參與者是通過老師和同學們的渠道發佈本研究尋找參與者的信息後,自願報名參與本研究的,其基本情況如表 1。研究者征得所有參與者的同意,在訪談過程中可以使用錄音設備,並保證不得洩露參與者的個人信息。在訪談前告知參與者基本訪談內容,並與所有參與者多次商量,最終確定了訪談時間與地點,計劃訪談時間為 1.5 ~ 2 個小時。
  • 4表1 參與者基本情況編號 性別 學校 學歷階段 在澳時間 專業A 男 科大 本科3年級 3年 工商管理B 男 科大 本科1年級 1年 法律C 女 科大 碩研2年級 6年 傳播D 男 澳大 本科4年級 4年 國際貿易E 女 澳大 博研1年級 1年 工商管理F 女 科大 博研3年級 5年 傳播G 女 澳大 本科2年級 2年 英文H 男 澳大 碩研1年級 1年 教育I 女 科大 本科3年級 4年 中醫藥J 女 澳大 博研2年級 5年 傳播注:科大:澳門科技大學;澳大:澳門大學;碩研:碩士研究生;博研:博士研究生。訪談會設定一些開放性的問題作為訪談的提綱,目的是引導和激發參與者就所要研究的問題展開自由的發言與交談。這些問題有:(1)請大家談談自己在澳門是一個怎樣的身份; (2)請大家談談對“內地人”、“中國人”、“澳門人”這三個詞的看法;(3)大家是如何看待在澳門的歸屬感這個問題的;(4)大家認為澳門人是如何看待內地人和內地學生的;(5)請大家談談你們是如何看待澳門與澳門人的;(6)請大家談談內地與澳門、內地人與澳門人之間不同。表2 編碼分析過程一級編碼 二級編碼 三級編碼澳門人有一種優越感澳門比內地好“自卑”與 “自尊”心理 的表現澳門比內地更國際化內地是澳門的經濟支撐內地比澳門好內地比澳門發展迅速對內地人有誤解對內地人的偏見跨文化接觸中的偏見與歧視認為所有內地人都素質低被澳門人指責過遭遇過歧視與澳門人發生過不快發現兩地之間的諸多不同“觀察”階段尋求身份認同的三個階段感受到文化的差異想要結交澳門的朋友“嘗試”階段想要融入澳門社會無法融入澳門人的圈子“退出”階段沒有歸屬感此次焦點團體訪談實際進行了 2小時 25分鐘,錄音檔時長141分鐘,轉錄成文本,共33842個字。通過對文本資料進行編碼分析後(見表 2),歸類和總結出資料中所反映出的三大問題,下面將對這三大問題進行詳細分析。3 分析結果3.1 “自卑”與“自尊”心理共同影響著內地學生的文化身份認同心理因素的影響在文化身份認同中有著不可忽視的作用。在對內地學生進行焦點團體訪談的過程中,可以發現影響他們對自我文化身份定位的心理呈現出“自卑”與“自尊”兩個相反的方面,而且這兩種心理在內地學生文化身份認同過程中起到了很大的負面作用。首先,具有“自卑”心理的內地學生,他們在與澳門人接觸的過程中認為澳門人都有一種“優越感”,會看不起內地人,對內地人抱有輕視的態度。例如,參與訪談的學生 D 談到:“我感覺他們(澳門人)總給人一種高高在上的感覺,好像他們是發達的文明地區的人,而我們是從落後地區來的人一樣。他們總是認為他們的做法是對的,看不慣也看不起內地來的人。他們總是喜歡說‘我們澳門人怎麼樣好,你們內地怎麼樣不好’之類的話,澳門人從來不覺得自己是中國人,他們覺得自己比中國人更加優越。”參與訪談的學生 F 談到:“雖然我身邊的一些澳門同學比較友好,但是我有時感覺他們這種‘友好’是一種強者對弱者的照顧,類似於一種‘同情’,好像我們來自內地就比他們差,他們好像是上等人一樣,而我們來這裡就是沾了他們的光。”除此之外,還有一些參與者的言語中也透露出一些帶有自卑感的情緒。這種自卑的心理導致了內地學生在與澳門人接觸時變得十分的敏感和脆弱,他們有時無法正確和客觀地看待和處理自己與周圍澳門人的關係,會將對方一些普通的平常的言語或者行為看作是帶有攻擊性和歧視性的。“研究者發現當人們內心深處有一種身份認同的
  • 5汪菲  澳門內地學生文化身份認同研究 ——基於焦點團體訪談的分析威脅時,便將自己放在一種容易被傷害的位置上,產生一種消極結果期望值和刻板印象,並尋求外部群體的行為來與之吻合和確認。”[16]因此,在這種自卑心理影響下的內地學生往往會過分強調自己與澳門人之間的差別,陷入“分離型”文化身份。其次,那些具有“自尊”心理的內地學生,則與“自卑”心理的內地學生相反,他們認為澳門本來就是中國的,現在澳門既然回歸了祖國,就是中國的一個特區,是中國的一部分而已,澳門的經濟發展要依靠內地,內地是澳門的衣食父母。參與訪談的內地學生 C 談到:“我覺得澳門沒什麼了不起的,如果沒有內地的旅客,澳門的經濟絕對是一落千丈,所以是澳門人靠著內地人生活的。”參與訪談的內地學生 H 談到:“我覺得我們這些內地學生來澳門上學,很大程度上促進了澳門的經濟,我們每年的學費、生活費都貢獻給了澳門啊。”內地學生 J 認為:“現在中國強大了,經濟也發展的很快,內地的有錢人太多了,來到澳門消費對澳門來是件好事。他們澳門人其實很一般,有些也很窮,澳門的那些奢侈品不都是內地人來買的嗎?他們本地人哪有那麼有錢。”在上述這種“自尊”心理下,內地學生也會無法客觀地看待自己與澳門人之間的關係,覺得澳門人應該感謝內地,對內地感恩戴德,是內地保障了澳門的發展。在這種心理狀態下的內地學生,很容易引起自己與身邊澳門人的矛盾,因為在澳門人看來這些內地學生的想法很自大,讓他們反感,但在內地學生看來如果澳門人否定內地為澳門帶來利益的話就是“忘恩負義”,所以,跨文化接觸中的矛盾與衝突由此產生。不管是“自卑”還是“自尊”的心理都對內地學生的身份認同產生了負面的影響,讓他們過分強調了兩者間的文化差異,並對這種文化差異懷有狹隘的看法,無法包容和客觀地對待這些差異。需要注意的是,這種“自卑”和“自尊”心理並不是孤立存在的,它們常常共存於同一主體內,那些具有“自卑”心理的內地學生往往會有一些十分刻意的“自尊”行為表現出來,而那些具有“自尊”心理的內地學生其實在內心裡對“澳門人如何看待內地”更加的在意和敏感。3.2 跨文化接觸中的偏見與歧視影響了內地學生的身份認同偏見是指“一種文化人群對另一文化人群的錯誤態度和不正確的感覺”[17],而歧視則是這種不正確的感覺在行為上的表現。在焦點團體訪談過程中,參與訪談的內地學生都講述了自己在澳門曾遭遇過的受到歧視的經歷。例如,內地學生I 談到:“有一次我去新八佰伴幫朋友買化妝品,一個服務員態度很壞,聽到我講普通話都不願意理我,我問她一些問題,她一句也不回答,真的很過分,我差點跟她吵起來了。”內地學生E談到:“那次我在關閘下面的公車站坐車,我知道要排隊的,但我之前沒坐過那一路車,所以不知道隊頭和隊尾在哪裡,我觀察了一下就站了進去,結果還是站錯了,我把隊頭錯當成了隊尾,結果他們就說我插隊,我趕緊道歉並解釋自己是站錯了,並不想插隊,但是裡面幾個澳門人聽到我說普通話,反而開始說些內地人素質低之類的話,這讓我很受傷也很氣憤。我只是一個無心的錯誤,而且已經道歉了,可是他們竟然認為內地人都沒素質。”內地學生 G 談到:“我承認內地在一些社會規則上,素質上確實沒有澳門人好,但是並不是所有的內地人都是這樣的啊,可是澳門人看內地人的第一反應就是內地人不講文明,素質底下,這樣很偏激很不公平。”透過這些訪談對象的話語可以看出,他們對於澳門人對內地人的這種固有的偏見和歧視顯得非常不滿和失望。而且,透過訪談對象的話語,我們還可以發現語言差異所造成的影響。語言是一個地區的人的文化身份的一種象征,人們可以通過對方所使用的語言來判斷對方是“哪里人”,并據此來判斷對方的文化身份。就像訪談對象談到的那樣,當他們一說出普通話的時候,當地人立刻就能判斷出他們是內地人,并表現出對於內地人的明顯的偏見。
  • 6歧視和偏見產生的根源其實是一個文化群體內的成員對自己文化的過分的崇拜和忠誠所導致的,“因此一個人的文化身份的形成可以導致對非文化圈的人的敵視、憎恨和歧視”[18],也就是說,當個體的文化身份形成後,他會對其所處的文化抱有特別的崇拜和忠誠,當他在異文化圈中遭遇到不友好的對待時,例如偏見和歧視時,就會更加加重個體對於自文化的盲目的崇拜和忠誠,這種盲目的感情便導致了個體對於異文化的敵意。因此,當內地學生遭受到偏見和歧視時,他們對於澳門和澳門人也相應地產生了一些偏見和敵視,這種情緒嚴重影響了他們在澳門的文化身份認同,他們始終以“外來者”自居,將自己隔離在澳門文化之外,也逐漸喪失了與澳門文化進行接觸和交流的熱情。3.3 內地學生在澳門的身份認同是一個動態變化的過程。文化身份本身就是動態的,一個人的文化身份意識,也就是文化歸屬感會隨社會環境和個人生活的變化而變化的。[19]內地學生來到澳門之後對於自身文化身份的探尋、定位和認同也是動態的,會隨著對澳門人、澳門社會和澳門文化的接觸和瞭解而產生變化。 參與訪談的內地學生 A 談到:“最初到澳門的時候,我覺得自己是一個‘闖入者’,我對這裡的一切都不太瞭解,所以我會先保持一段距離,看看這個社會是怎樣的,與內地有什麼不同。後來,在這裡生活了一段時間後,我對澳門的瞭解加深了,挺喜歡這裡的,適應了這裡的生活,也認識了一些朋友,我覺得自己有點像其中的一份子了……但是,當我想真正融入進去的時候,卻覺得這是一件很難的事情……你永遠也不可能真正屬於這裡,所以我現在也沒有想要再去融入這個社會。”內地學生 J 表示:“我曾經以為我會在這裡(澳門)找到歸屬感的,但是現在我已經放棄了,有很多方面的原因……讓我覺得想要獲得歸屬感是很難的,我們只不過是‘過客’,是‘外來者’而已。”內地學生 G 談到:“我覺得我的適應能力還是不錯的,當然剛開始來到澳門時,會感覺陌生,我就是這個城市裡的‘外地人’,但當我適應了這裡之後,我覺得在這裡居住學習都很舒服,我生活在這裡可以算是這座城市裡的一員了……但是,後來發現我們在他們本地人眼裡永遠都是‘外地人’,你不可能真正的參與進這個社會裡的,也許要在這裡生活個十幾年才能,反正現在我對這裡沒有了歸屬感。”除了這幾位內地學生外,其他參與焦點團體訪談的內地學生也表達了類似的看法和感受,由於篇幅限制就不再一一列舉了。從他們的言語中不難感受到一種心態的轉變,而且這種轉變所經歷的階段都大致相同,可以概括總結為以下三個階段:首先,是“觀察”期。在這一階段裡,內地學生剛來到澳門,無論他們是否能敏感地覺察到文化差異的存在,他們都會對這裡的一切產生一種好奇的心理,因為他們到了一個新的陌生的環境裡。這種好奇心理又引發了探索的欲望,他們會不自覺地去瞭解和學習新環境裡的規則。當然,為了能在新環境裡很好的生活,他們也不得不去進行瞭解和學習。他們雖然已經身處於新環境之中,但心理上卻與新環境保持著不遠不近的距離,就像“旁觀者”一樣觀察、審視和試探著周遭的一切,然後用“觀察”所得到的資訊來判斷自己是否可以接近,又該如何接近這個新環境。其次,是“嘗試”期。在經過了“觀察”期的磨合後,大部分內地學生都適應了在澳門的生活,也對新環境有了比較深的瞭解,於是他們躍躍欲試,開始嘗試完全進入這個新環境。這一階段裡他們會比較主動的,並且抱有極大的熱情和信心去和這個社會進行接觸,甚至在身份上會感覺自己是這個社會的一員,並期望得到這個社會的認可和接受。但很可惜的是,在參與訪談的內地學生口中得知,這種“嘗試”的結果往往並不令人滿意。他們會在這一階段中遇到新的問題和困難,於是就進入了下一個階段。最後,是“退出”期。由於在“嘗試”階段
  • 7汪菲  澳門內地學生文化身份認同研究 ——基於焦點團體訪談的分析遭遇到了意想不到的困難,導致內地學生想要融入澳門社會的心情受到打擊,於是他們便逐漸的產生了退意,不再刻意去追求這個社會的認可,也不會刻意地想要去融入這個社會了。他們最終把自己定位為“一個到澳門長期旅遊的外來者”。舍爾 (Searle) 與沃德 (ward) 將跨文化適應劃分為心理適應和社會文化適應兩個方面,心理適應是指跨文化接觸者獲得了心理幸福感和滿意度,社會文化適應是指跨文化接觸者獲得了適合新文化的知識和技能,在新文化環境中能有效地交流和溝通。”[20]通過訪談發現,處於“退出”期的內地學生在社會文化適應上的程度遠遠大於其心理適應程度。他們言談中所表達的不滿多來源於心理上的反應,也就是說他們雖然能夠在澳門很好的生活,甚至喜歡上這裡的飲食、氣候、環境、社會規則等等,但是卻無法在心理上獲得“幸福感和滿意度”,因而最終導致他們對於這個社會難以產生歸屬感。4 結論本文通過組織 10 位分別來自澳門科技大學和澳門大學的內地學生進行焦點團體訪談的形式,從參與者口中直接獲得一手資料進行分析,瞭解到內地學生在澳門的文化身份認同方面的一些問題,主要體現在“自卑”與“自尊”心理的影響、偏見與歧視的影響以及內地學生身份認同的三個變化階段。身份認同本身是一個複雜的心理結構,在深層次上是指身份所能夠帶給主體的情感體驗,[21]透過本文的分析不難看出內地學生在身份認同上所受到的心理因素的影響是十分嚴重的。首先,內地學生本身就帶有某種“自卑”或“自尊”偏向的心理,而這種心理在遭遇到跨文化接觸中的偏見與歧視時就會被放大,於是這種被放大了的“自卑”和“自尊”心理使得內地學生要麼對融入澳門社會望而卻步,要麼對融入澳門社會產生不屑和抗拒的情緒,最終導致他們都無法獲得一種心理歸屬感。其次,由於內地學生與澳門學生在價值觀、思維方式、生活態度等內在本質上的文化差異,導致他們無法在澳門文化中產生共情和共鳴,難以真正融入澳門社會,在心理上無法獲得“幸福感和滿意度”,這種心理上的不適應導致內地學生對澳門社會歸屬感的喪失,因而也影響到了文化身份的建立。由此可見,正確的心理和心態在文化身份認同中的重要作用,對於內地學生來說,應當保持開放的、客觀的、積極的心態面對跨文化接觸中的偏見和歧視,遇到問題和困難應當理性思考,切不可妄自菲薄或者妄自尊大,始終保持良好健康的心態才能在澳門度過一段美好的求學時光。參 考 文 獻[1] 李梅. 高等教育國際市場——中國學生的全球流動. 上海:上海教育出版社,2008:6.[2] 資料來源:澳門高等教育輔助辦公室網站:http://www.gaes.gov.mo/mhedb/。[3] 注:檢索日期為2015年9月3日,中國知網資料庫。[4] 安然,等. 跨文化傳播與適應研究. 北京:中國社會科學出版社,2011:111.[5] 劉燕. 媒介與文化身份認同:移民跨文化身份的建構——以澳門為個案[D].澳門:澳門科技大學人文藝術學院,2015.[6] 劉燕. 媒介與文化身份認同:移民跨文化身份的建構——以澳門為個案[D].澳門:澳門科技大學人文藝術學院,2015.[7] 斯蒂芬·李特約翰,凱倫·福斯著,史安斌譯. 人類傳播理論. 北京:清華大學出版社,2009:104-106.[8] 劉燕. 媒介與文化身份認同:移民跨文化身份的建構——以澳門為個案[D].澳門:澳門科技大學人文藝術學院,2015.[9] 安然,等. 跨文化傳播與適應研究. 北京:中國社會科學出版社,2011:35-36.[10] 譚瑜. 高校中外合作辦學專案學生跨文化適應研究[D]北京:中央民族大學,2013.[11] 付永剛. 地區亞文化與主文化交際的跨文化問題探討——以內地高校港澳臺與大陸學生的交際為例. 第十屆中國跨文化交際國際學術研討會論文集. 2013年11月21-24日,海口 .外語教學與研究出版社,2013.[12] 陳向明. 質的研究方法與社會科學研究. 北京:教育科學出版社,2008:211.[13] 陳向明. 質的研究方法與社會科學研究. 北京:教育科學出版社,2008:216.[14] 胡浩. 焦點小組訪談理論及其應用. 現代商業.2010(26):228.[15] 陳向明. 質的研究方法與社會科學研究. 北京:教育科學出版社,2008:221.[16] 安然,等. 跨文化傳播與適應研究. 北京:中國社會科學出版社,2011:118.[17] 安然,等. 跨文化傳播與適應研究. 北京:中國社會科學出版社,2011:40.[18] 安然,等. 跨文化傳播與適應研究. 北京:中國社會科學出版社,
  • 82011:41.[19] 安然,等. 跨文化傳播與適應研究. 北京:中國社會科學出版社,2011:36.[20] 朱國輝,謝安邦 ,許美德 . 高校來華留學生跨文化適應問題研究.高等教育研究. 2013(9):94.[21] 張淑華,李海瑩,劉芳 . 文化身份認同研究綜述 .心理研究.2012:5(1):22.科研進展太空科學研究所在國際權威期刊發表亮點研究成果澳科大太空科學研究所徐曉軍助理教授(第一作者),黃漢青副教授(通訊作者)近日在地球物理學權威期刊《Journal of Geophysical Research: space physics》上發表題為《Observations of current sheets associated with reconnection exhausts passing through the near lunar wake》的研究論文,並被選為當期的亮點研究成果。太空科學研究所研究人員通過研究電流片的磁場變化,發現月球近月尾跡中的磁場確實會受缺失的那部分等離子體的影響。其總的效應相當於周圍存在一些永久磁體的磁場進入月球或者月球近月尾跡中。這些永久磁體是外面所有太陽風等離子體集體運動的結果。因此,當考慮宇宙中普遍存在的磁凍結等離子體磁場進入低電導率的環境,比如非磁化的小行星等的時候,不僅要考慮電導率的大小,還要考慮其尺度。如果某個物體尺度很大,其內部深處的磁場環境則幾乎不受外部等離子體的影響。此篇論文改變了此前普遍存在的一個錯誤看法,增加了人們對太空中不同等離子體環境之間磁場變化的認識。月球既沒有大氣也沒有全球性的內禀磁場,觀測表明月球的電導率小到幾乎可以忽略。這類天體可以被形象地看成一塊大石頭,當磁場穿過這種不導電物體的時候,磁力線是保持不變的。當月球處於地球磁層之外時,它會被來自於太陽的超聲速磁化等離子體(俗稱太陽風)包圍。由於沒有磁場的屏蔽,月球的向陽面能直接吸收太陽風粒子。目前,科學家普遍認為,在月球極低電導率假設下,雖然那部分入射的太陽風粒子被吸收,但是太陽風的磁力線能毫無阻礙地進入月球內部。放置於空氣中的永久磁鐵周圍的磁場是受磁鐵內部有序的微小電流控制的,與周圍的空氣並無關係。太陽風的磁場與此不同,它和太陽風等離子體凍結在一起,主要受當地等離子體的控制。即被月球向陽面吸收後的這部分等離子體的缺失應該會對進入月球內部的磁場產生影響。這與進入月球內部磁場幾乎不變的觀點相矛盾。然而幾乎不可能直接測量月球內部的磁場來研究磁力線的變化。所幸的是在太陽風中,月球背陽面的近月尾跡同樣是一種不導電或導電率非常低的環境,可以通過研究近月尾跡中磁場的變化來研究太陽風磁力線進入月球的變化特徵。科大囊括本年度澳門科學技術成果獎勵評選中僅有的2個一等奬兩年一度的澳門科學技術成果獎勵評選於本年6月8日下午公佈初步結果,共有18個研究項目獲獎,其中澳科大有8個項目獲獎,特別囊括了該次評獎中僅有的2個一等獎。這是澳科大發展學術研究新的里程碑。而澳門科學技術獎勵頒獎典禮擬於今年10月舉行。這次評選公佈的初步結果,自然科學獎授獎項目共 8 項,其中:一等獎 2項,二等獎 3 項,三等獎 3 項;技術發明獎授獎項目 6 項,其中:二等獎 2 項,三等獎 4 項;科技進步獎授獎項目 4項,其中:二等獎 1 項,三等獎 3 項。澳科大獲得的8個授獎項目分別為:自然科學獎一等獎2個:“嫦娥工程多波段探月資料的科學發現”和“類風濕關節炎的發病新機制和治療新途徑”;自然科學獎三等獎“基於解析相位分析的超強Heisenberg測不准原理及信號的快速正頻率分解”(與澳門大學合作);技術發明獎二等獎“活細胞固相色譜技術體系在創新中藥研究中的應用”(與廣州醫科大學附屬第一醫院合作);技術發明獎三等獎“基於DAA的逆向二次認證新技術及應用”(與安信通科技(澳門)有限公司合作)和“複雜製造裝備和生產系統控制與調度新技術”;科技進步獎三等獎“澳門交通噪音評價系統的開發與應用”和“中藥家居用室內空氣消毒劑的研發與應用”。
  • 9第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 Received 11 Dec. 2015; Revised 24 Mar. 2016*Corresponding author: Di WANG, PhD, Assistant Professor of Faculty of Humanities and Arts. Research Area: New Media and Consumer Behavior. Email: dwang@must.edu.mo, Tel: 00853-88971965.Does Avatar Behavior in Massively Multiplayer Online Role-playing Game Reflect Ideal Self or Actual Self?Di WANG( Department of Humanity and Art, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China )AAstract: Whether avatar behavior in the video game reflects a player’s ideal self or actual self is debated in the literature. In this study, we provide new evidence to literature by examining whether avatar behaviors in massively multiplayer online role-playing game reflect a player’s ideal self or actual self. We predicted players’ behavior in Jian Xia Qing Yuan 3 would reflect their ideal self more than actual self. Results only support our hypotheses in terms of appearance. In terms of agreeableness and extraversion, both actual self and ideal self are reflected in the players’ behavior in the game, though it was actual self, not ideal self, which played a bigger role in explaining the players’ behavior in the game.eywords: Actual self; Ideal self; MMORPG; Agreeableness; Extraversion; Appearance大型多人在線角色扮演遊戲中的角色行為反映理想自我還是真實自我?王 迪(澳門科技大學人文藝術學院,澳門)摘要: 遊戲角色行為反映遊戲者的理想自我還是真實自我在文獻中充滿爭議。本研究給這個問題提供新的證據。我們檢驗在大型多人在線角色扮演遊戲中的角色行為反映遊戲者的理想自我還是真實自我。我們預測遊戲者在劍俠情緣3中的行為反映理想自我多過真實自我。結果顯示我們的假設只在外表方面成立。在親和力和外向方面,真實自我和理想自我都反映在遊戲行為中,但是真實自我比理想自我更能解釋遊戲行為。文章討論了為什麽會出現這種結果。關鍵詞: 真實自我;理想自我;大型多人在線角色扮演遊戲;宜人性;外向性;外表0 IntroductionThe massively multiplayer online role-playing game (MMORPG) is one kind of role-playing game (RPG) in which each participant assumes the role of one or more characters, completing the game by upgrading their level or by developing the plot of the story [1]. To complete the tasks in the game, players can compete or collaborate with other players. The games also offer players the opportunity for personal expression by allowing instance communication with other players in the game. In the games, players also construct their character through competition,
  • 10cooperation, social interaction, avatar appearance enhancement and task accomplishment. Whether these characters are a reflection of one’s actual self or project one’s ideal self is debated in the literature. Some studies show that the characters are closer to their ideal-selves than to their actual selves [2] while others found the reverse finding [3]. In the current study, we focus on whether players’ characters in MMORPGs reflect one’s actual self or ideal self in one of the most popular MMORPGs, Jian Xia Qi Yuan 3. By 2016, its monthly active users have reached 6.82 million people [4].1 Self discrepancy theory The actual self and ideal self concepts were first clearly defined by the self discrepancy theory. Self discrepancy theory states that people holds three basic selves, the actual self, the ideal self and the ought self [5]. The gap between two of these self-representations is called self-discrepancy. This self-discrepancy may lead to emotional discomfort, which may motivate people to reduce the discrepancy. The actual self is defined as one’s representation of a t t r ibutes that one bel ieves one actual ly possesses, or that one believes that others believe he/she possesses. The ideal self is defined as one’s representation of attributes that one would like to possess ideally, or that others would like one to possess. The ought self is defined as one’s representation of the attributes that one believes that one should or ought to possess, or that others believe that one should or ought to possess [5]. The ideal self reflects one’s hopes and wishes, whereas the ought self reflects one’s obligation and sense of duty. As the focus of this study is the character identity in MMORPGs, the ought self is not relevant in the discussion, only actual self and ideal self are studied in this study. 2 Character identity in MMORPGsIn MMORPGs, players can choose their characters according to their own preference. They can also experience different characters by trying out different character [6]. As players gain experience in the game, their characters also grow in knowledge, skills, and resources, increasing their overall value over time. Every bit of growth involves the players’ effort and time, thus players often feel psychologically connected to their character, keeping the same character for months or years. As this connection is so intense, some players cannot even distinguish their actual self and their virtual character. Thus, the characters one constructed in the game may reflect one’s actual self. On the other hand, thanks to the anonymity of the Internet, players can make their character whatever they wish, which could be quite different from their actual self [7].Several studies supported the game character reflect ideal-self argument [2]. For example, Bessière et al. (2007)’s research on character choice in World of Warcraft showed that players create characters closer to their ideal-selves than to their actual-selves [2]. Contrary to the above findings, the game character reflects actual-self argument also received support [3]. Birk and Mandruk (2013)’s study showed that the perceived game character reflect more of one’s actual self than one’s ideal self. To resolve these discrepant findings, this study shall conduct another survey that test whether the game character reflect actual self or ideal self in terms of both the physical and psychological aspects. For the psychological aspect, we choose two dimensions of personality that is most related to game character, extraversion and agreeableness. 2.1 AgreeaAlenessThe agreeableness trait reflects one’s general concern for social harmony. Agreeable people tend to get along with others. They are generally considerate, kind, generous, trusting and trustworthy, helpful, and willing to compromise their interests with others while place self-interest above getting along with others [8].In MMORPGs, players can help apprentice players fulfill tasks, e.g. attacking-monster and upgrade. They can also help new players become familiar with the game. Players can also help strangers accomplish their tasks. Many of the friendships are
  • 11Di WANG Does Avatar Behavior in Massively Multiplayer Online Role-playing Game Reflect Ideal Self or Actual Self?developed through these helping activities.Huang and Chen (2002) believed that the helping behavior is different in MMORPGs than in real life[7]. In real life, people are very cautious of strangers, and thus may be reluctant to help others. In the game society, due to the anonymity of identity, players may be more willing to help others. In the virtual game society, players are also not afraid of losing any self-interest when helping others, and the helping behavior may boost one’s sense of accomplishment. On the other hand, studies found that though most video players had high moral standard, there were still a few players who did immoral, or violent things in the games, as they do not care how others view themselves due to the anonymity and virtual nature of online game [9~10]. Based on the literature, we can argue that for the majority of MMORPGs players, they will be more agreeable in the online game than in real life as there are fewer risks involved. As one’s actual self perception is based on one’s behavior in real life, we hypothesize that players’ character in the game will reflect more about their ideal self than their actual self. Thus we hypothesize:H1:The avatars in MMORPG will be more consis tent wi th one’s ideal se l f in terms of agreeableness than one’s actual self.2.2 ExtraversionExtraversion relates to the preference to seek social interaction [11]. In MMORPGs, players can interact with other player through their characters. As most MMORPGs are intensively competitive, characters often need other players’ characters for training, information, and resources, forming groups and intergroup collaborations. To do these, they need to communicate with others not only in the game but also through instant messaging, online forums, e-mail, and voice over IP networks. According to the 2014 China online game survey report, making friends is the second biggest goal of playing online game (the number one goal is entertainment).Social interactions in MMORPGs are different from social interactions in the real life. In the game, a player can communicate with others using his/her virtual character. The virtual role play can greatly reduce the psychological barrier that prevents people from social interaction in the real life [12]. The compliment from other players can increase one’s self-confidence and broaden one’s real life social interaction. Many game players become real life friends offline. Some even party together or date each other [4]. There are two competing hypotheses about the relationship between extraversion and use of computer-mediated-communication (CMC). The “rich get richer” hypothesis posits that extraverts gain more from CMC usage as they transfer offline sociability to CMC platforms [13]; in contrast the “social compensation” hypothesis posits that introverts gain more from CMC usage as they are able to compensate for their weaker social skills through use of CMC platforms [14]. A l t h o u g h t h e t w o h y p o t h e s i z e s s e e m contradictory, both received some support from the literature. Consistent with the “rich get richer” hypothesis, studies found that extraverts were more likely to use social media than introverts [15~17], have more Facebook friends [18~19] and belong to more Facebook groups [20] than introverts do.The “social compensation” hypothesis also received some support. Valkenburg and Peter (2007) found that although introverts communicated online less often than extraverts, they rated the Internet as more valuable for intimate self-disclosure than did extroverts [21].Therefore, we hypothesize that both extraverts and introverts could benefit from the MMORPGs virtual environment for social interaction. Extraverts could interact more frequently with other people due to the easiness of the platform. Introverts could also disclose more information to others in MMORPGs than in their real life.Therefore we make following hypothesis:H2:The avatars in MMORPG will be more
  • 12consistent with one’s ideal self in terms of extraversion than one’s actual self.2.3 Physical appearanceThe love of beauty is human nature. People all want beautiful things. In MMORPG, the virtual games provide players the opportunity to construct their ideal physical appearance. Players can not only construct the character’s physical appearance, but also dress up the characters. Due to the anonymity and virtual nature of online games, one can create an avatar whose appearance and figure have nothing to do one’s real appearance or figure. In the game, a striking character appearance can also increase the chance of social interaction, thus for those who are not satisfied with their actual physical appearance, creating a character that reflect their ideal self may not only boost their self-confidence but also increase their social interaction. Dunn and Guadagno (2011)’s study on avatar selection found that men and women generally selected self-representations consistent with ideal male and female bodies[22]. Thus, we hypothesize:H3:The avatars in MMORPG will be more consistent with one’s ideal self in terms of physical appearance than one’s actual self.3 Method3.1 ParticipantsAs the focus of this study is Jian Xia Qing Yuan 3 players, an convenience sample was chosen by distributing an online questionnaire through websites related to video games (duowan.com and tieba.baidu.com), and social media sites (Webo and Wechat). A total of 322 people participated in the study (132 females, 191 males). The average age was 23.93 years old (SD = 5.01). The average game experience (online games in general) was 5.44 years (SD = 3.26). This showed that our sample was made up of experienced gamers, who were the target of our study. Of the 323 participants, 59.8% of them were office workers, 34.7% of them were students. The details were shown in Table 1.TaAle 1 Descriptive statistics.Variables N % M SDAge 323 23.93 5.01Gender 323 Female 132 40.9 Male 191 59.1Years of game experience 323 5.44 3.26Occupation 323 Student 112 34.7 Worker 193 59.8 Other 18 5.63.2 MeasuresThe variables examined in this study can be divided into three parts: ideal self and actual self; behaviors in the MMORPG, Jian Xia Qi Yuan 3; and demographic variables. Actual self is defined to participants as “attributes that you believe that you actually possesses or others believe you possess,” while ideal self id defined to participants as “attributes that you would like to possess ideally, or that others would like you to possess.”3.2.1 Actual agreeablenessParticipants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their actual self on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “I am very responsible.” “I will take initiative in helping those who are in trouble.” I like helping others.” “I pay no attention to those who are in trouble (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.77.3.2.2 Ideal agreeableness Participants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their ideal self on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “I am very responsible.” “I will take initiative in helping those who are in trouble.” I like helping others.” “I pay no attention to those who are in trouble (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.75.3.2.3 Actual extraversionParticipants were asked the extent to which the
  • 13Di WANG Does Avatar Behavior in Massively Multiplayer Online Role-playing Game Reflect Ideal Self or Actual Self?following descriptions were consistent with their actual self on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “I am very sociable.” “I have a lot of friends.” “I am very talkative.” “I am ineloquent (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.84.3.2.4 Ideal extraversionParticipants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their ideal self on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “I am very sociable.” “I have a lot of friends.” “I am very talkative.” “I am ineloquent (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.78.3.2.5 Actual appearanceParticipants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their actual self on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “I am more attractive than most people.” “I have a good shape.” “I am very handsome/pretty.” “My appearance cannot leave a deep impression on other people (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.82.3.2.6 Ideal appearanceParticipants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their ideal self on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “I am more attractive than most people.” “I have a good shape.” “I am very handsome/pretty.” “My appearance cannot leave a deep impression on other people (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.80.3.2.7 Agreeable behaviorParticipants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their behavior while playing the MMORPG, Jian Xia Qi Yuan 3, on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “When friends in the game are in need of help, I will help them in the first place” “When the whole team was defeated, I always take my own responsibility.” “When I see the new comer who cannot beat up the monsters and upgrade, I will actively help them ” “I will ignore the help request from other players (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.65.3.2.8 Extraversion behaviorParticipants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their behavior while playing the MMORPG, Jian Xia Qi Yuan 3, on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “In the game, I have my group of friends who will do tasks or chat together everyday.” “I made many friends by playing video game” “I always chat with friends in the video game while doing tasks or playing in the instance zones.” “I don’t like to act in a team while playing video games (reverse coded).” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.69.3.2.9 Character appearanceParticipants were asked the extent to which the following descriptions were consistent with their behavior while playing the MMORPG, Jian Xia Qi Yuan 3, on a five-point Likert scale (1 = ‘Completely inconsistent’ to 5 = ‘Completely consistent’), “I will select avatar based on my preferred face and figure.” “I will select avatar whose physical appearance is different from my own.” “I love collecting fashionable clothes to dress up my avatar in the game.” Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimate was 0.59.3.2.10 AgeParticipants were asked to indicate their age with the following choices, “12 years old or younger,” “13~18 years old,” “19~24 years old,” “25~29 years old,” “30~40 years old,” “40 years old or older”. The results are recoded into a continuous variable, age.3.2.11 Video game experienceParticipants were asked to choose how many years they have played video games from the following choices, “less than 1 year,” “1~3 years,” “4~5 years,” “6~10 years,” and “more than 10 years.” The results are recoded into a continuous variable, years of playing video games.3.2.12 Education
  • 14Participants were asked to indicate their education from the following choices, “primary school or lower,” “middle school to high school,” “college,” “graduate school or above,” “more than 10 years.” The results are recoded into a continuous variable, years of education.3.2.13 OccupationParticipants were asked to indicate their occupation from the following choices, “student,” “office worker,” “retired,” “unemployed,” and “other”. 4 ResultsT-tests were used to test whether there were significant differences between actual self and ideal self in terms of agreeableness, extraversion, and appearance. As can be seen in Table 2, results showed that the ideal agreeableness ( M = 3.74, SD = 0.70 ) was significantly higher than the actual agreeableness ( M = 3.46, SD = 0.67 ), t (322) = 9.89, p < 0.001. The ideal extraversion ( M = 3.73, SD = 0.75 ) was significantly higher than the actual extraversion ( M = 2.89, SD = 0.84 ), t (322) = 16.99, p < 0.001. The ideal appearance ( M = 3.75, SD = 0.76 ) was significantly higher than the actual appearance ( M = 2.71, SD = 0.77), t (322) = 19.87, p < 0.001.TaAle 2 T-test results of ideal self and actual differences of helpfulness, sociaAility, appearance, and achievement.VariablesIdeal self Actual selfdf tM SD M SDAgreeableness 3.79 0.70 3.46 0.67 322 9.89***Extraversion 3.73 0.75 2.89 0.84 322 16.99***Appearance 3.75 0.76 2.71 0.77 322 19.88****p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.Next, correlations were run between ideal agreeableness, ideal extraversion, ideal appearance, actual agreeableness, actual extraversion, actual appearance, game agreeableness, game extraversion and game appearance. Table 3 showed the mean, standard deviation of each variable. Table 4 showed the correlation between perceived actual self, ideal self, and behavior in the video game.TaAle 3 Descriptive statistics.M SDActual Agreeableness 3.46 0.67Actual Extraversion 2.89 0.84Actual Appearance 2.71 0.77Ideal Agreeableness 3.79 0.70Ideal Extraversion 3.73 0.75Ideal Appearance 3.75 0.76Game Agreeableness 3.65 0.61Game Extraversion 3.33 0.76Game Appearance 3.77 0.76TaAle 4 The correlation Aetween perceived actual self, ideal self, and Aehavior in the video gameBehaviorAgreeableness Extraversion AppearanceActual selfAgreeableness 0.52*** - -Extraversion - 0.25** -Appearance - - 0.01Ideal selfAgreeableness 0.44** - -Extraversion - 0.22** -Appearance - - 0.22***p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001, n=323.The hypotheses were tested using three separate regression analyses. H1 predicted that the characters one play in MMORPG will be more consistent with one’s ideal self in terms of agreeableness than one’s actual self. Regression was run with actual agreeableness and ideal agreeableness as predictor variables and game agreeableness as criterion variable. As can be seen in Table 5, results showed that both actual agreeableness and ideal agreeableness were significantly related to related to game agreeableness. Contrary to our hypothesis, results showed that actual agreeableness was more closely related to game agreeableness ( β = 0.40, p < 0.001 ) than ideal agreeableness ( β =0.20, p < 0.001 ). H1 was rejected.TaAle 5 Regression analyses of actual agreeaAleness, ideal agreeaAleness predicting agreeaAleness in the video game.Predictor Variables β actual agreeableness 0.40*** ideal agreeableness 0.20***R2 0.30n 320*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.
  • 15Di WANG Does Avatar Behavior in Massively Multiplayer Online Role-playing Game Reflect Ideal Self or Actual Self?H2 predicted that the characters one play in MMORPG will be more consistent with their ideal self in terms of extraversion than their actual self. Regression was run with actual extraversion and ideal extraversion as predictor variables and game extraversion as criterion variable. As can be seen in Table 6, results showed that both actual extraversion and ideal extraversion were significantly related to related to game extraversion. Contrary to our hypothesis, results showed that actual extraversion was more closely related to game extraversion ( β = 0.19, p < 0.001 ) than ideal extraversion ( β = 0.15, p < 0.01). H2 was rejected.TaAle 6 Regression analyses of actual extraversion, ideal extraversion predicting extraversion in the video game.Predictor Variables β actual extraversion 0.19*** ideal extraversion 0.15**R2 0.08n 320*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.H3 predicted that the characters one play in MMORPG will be more consistent with their ideal self in terms of appearance than their actual self. Regression was run with actual appearance and ideal appearance as predictor variables and game appearance as criterion variable. As can be seen in Table 7, results showed that ideal appearance was significantly related to game appearance ( β = 0.23, p < 0.001 ) while actual appearance was not significantly related to game appearance ( β = 0.04, p > 0.05 ). H3 was accepted.TaAle 7 Regression analyses of actual appearance, ideal appearance predicting appearance in the video game. Predictor Variables β actual appearance 0.04 ideal appearance 0.23***R2 0.05n 320*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.5 DiscussionOur data suggest that in the MMORPG game, Jia Xia Qing Yuan 3, a player’s behavior reflected both his/her actual self and ideal self in terms of agreeableness and extraversion. This finding was consistent with previous studies on online groups, which suggests that in some cases the online self is an amalgamation of their actual and ideal selves[23~ 24]. We can come to the conclusion that the virtual self is a somewhat idealized actual self in terms of agreeableness and extraversion. C o n t r a r y t o o u r h y p o t h e s e s , f o r b o t h agreeableness and extraversion, actual self explained more of one’s behavior in the game than ideal self. The reason for this may be that agreeableness and extraversion were personality factors that were not easily felt while playing MMORPG games. For some players, the sole purpose of playing MMORPG games is entertainment. Making new friends and helping others were not in their minds while playing games. Thus, they did not consider using MMORPG games as a way of making new friends or enhance one’s morality by helping others. Their behaviors in the game reflected more of their actual self in reality than their ideal self.In terms of appearance, results showed that one’s ideal self was significantly related one’s behavior in MMORPG games while one’s actual self was not significantly related to one’s behavior in the games. Appearance is easy to change in MMORPG games. One does not need much time, money or effort to change the appearance of their avatars in the game. Thus constructing an avatar whose appearance reflects one’s ideal self is common practice in the games. Due to the anonymity of the virtual world, one does not have to construct their avatars according to one’s own appearance. For instance, a thin player may choose an avatar that is more muscular than he is. A male player could choose a female avatar to explore what it feels like to be a girl. Thus, one’s actual appearance may not be related to their avatar appearances in the MMORPG games. This finding is consistent with Dunn and Guadagno (2011)’s study, which found that men and women generally selected avatars consistent with ideal male and female bodies [3].
  • 16Several limitations of the study needs to be considered. First, our survey was limited to players of Jian Xia Qi Yuan 3, thus the results may not be generalized to other MMORPG players. Second, the survey was an online survey that is based on self-report. Participants may not accurately recall their behaviors in the game. Future research could address these problems by using the experiment method. By bringing participants in the lab and monitoring their actual playing of several games, researchers could more accurately record participants’ behavior in the games and participants may pay more attention to the survey in the lab than in other environments.Despite these limitations, this study contributes to the literature by providing new evidence to the question — whether avatar behaviors in MMORPG are more consistent with one’s ideal self or actual self. When studying avatar characters, previous studies have mostly asked respondents to self-report their avatar character to compare with their self-reported actual self and ideal self (Bessiere, Seay, & Kiesler, 2007). However, using self-report to evaluate actual self, ideal self and avatar character all together may prime respondents to compare the three variables. Thus, instead of directly ask about respondents’ avatar character, this study asked a few questions to measure avatar behaviors to compare with one’s actual self and ideal self. As avatar character is not directly asked, respondents are not forced to compare the three, and therefore the reported avatar behaviors may reflect more of the avatar character than directly asked.To sum up, the resul ts from the present study showed that in terms of agreeableness and extraversion, both one’s actual self and ideal self are reflected in the virtual self in the MMORPGs, with actual self played a more important role than ideal self. 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  • 17Di WANG Does Avatar Behavior in Massively Multiplayer Online Role-playing Game Reflect Ideal Self or Actual Self?and personality predictors of avatar-self discrepancy. Computers in Human Behavior, 28, 97-106. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2011.08.015[23] Lawson, K. (2000). Beyond corporeality: the virtual self in postmodern times. Journal of Psychological Practice, 6, 35-43.[24] McKenna, K.Y.A., & Bargh, J. (2000). Plan 9 from cyberspace: the implications of the Internet for personality and social psychology. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 4, 57-75.學術活動澳科大社會和文化研究所 辦“明確水域管理範圍及陸地界線對澳門的意義”座談會由澳門基金會贊助,澳門科技大學社會和文化研究所主辦的“明確水域管理範圍及陸地界線對澳門的意義”座談會於2016年1月11日下午在澳門科技大學A501會議室舉行。座談會出席嘉賓包括澳門科技大學協理副校長兼社會和文化研究所所長龐川教授,澳門經濟建設協進會楊道匡理事長,澳門大學澳門研究中心林廣志學術總監,澳門理工學院李略副教授,澳門科技大學法學院助理院長黃明健副教授。國務院常務會議通過新的《中華人民共和國澳門特別行政區行政區域圖(草案)》,明確澳門將擁有八十五平方公里水域管理範圍和新陸地界線,充分體現中央政府對澳門支持,為澳門的發展帶來更大的機遇。澳門科技大學社會和文化研究所組織此次座談會,與會學者暢談明確水域管理範圍及陸地界線對澳門的意義。龐川協理副校長表示,這次中央明確了水域範圍,避免以前因界限不清導致與鄰近地區的管轄範圍重疊的問題,有助於澳門政府更好地管理好水域。劃定水域管轄範圍後,有助澳門內部更暢順地協調,徹底解決鴨涌河和內港的問題。此次劃定的水域屬於近海淺水域,特區政府可以規劃發展濱海休閒旅遊的元素,並借鑒舟山群島等發展海洋經濟的經驗,開發適合本地水域的海洋經濟。龐川指出特區政府把中央此次劃定水域的政策要用好用足,在管理上積累經驗,在法律上不斷完善,發展好現有水域,促進經濟多元發展,發展更多元的海洋經濟形式。楊道匡理事長指出,對澳門特區政府來說,無論從城市建設和社會經濟發展的範疇看,明確習慣水域管理範圍最重要和最實際的作用,就是拓展澳門城市規模,為長遠以及多元發展提供更廣闊的空間。在明確澳門水域範圍之後,不僅港口、水域與海事有關的權利責任和義務將更為清晰。從城市規劃建設角度來看,一些長期擱置的舊城區開發利用問題應該也可以順勢而解,尤其可以推動內港和路環沿岸一帶地段的重建開發。澳門區域合作的積極取態應該配合國家開拓海洋經濟的發展新策略,主動聯手與粵港的合作,共同建設環珠江口灣區“藍色產業帶”。林廣志學術總監指出,落實水域管理權,再一次體現了一國兩制的制度優勢及其不斷發展的可能性;對澳門建設成為濱海城市,改善人居及旅遊環境具有戰略意義。同時,對澳門發展世界旅遊休閒中心及經濟適度多元發展提供了新空間和新場所,而海洋經濟的發展也具可能性,對建立新型粵澳合作關係提供了新的可能。李略副教授認為,明確水域管理範圍及陸地界線,顯示“單一制國家”體制下一國兩制的巨大優勢,是澳門產業適度多元的有力基礎。落實水域管理範圍,對澳門既是利好,也是責任,管好用好是關鍵。黃明健助理院長指出,澳門是經濟發達的國際化城市,海洋文化深厚,與香山文化一脈相承,使澳門創造、積累了大量的海洋文化,形成了建設海洋文化產業的基礎。用優劣分析法(SWOT)對澳門建設海洋文化產業政策進行分析,其優勢是具有優越的地理位置,豐富的海洋文化資源,雄厚的經濟實力;劣勢是海洋文化產業基礎薄弱;機遇是中央政府的大禮,明確水域管理範圍;威脅則是海洋生態環境破壞。
  • 18第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 Received 7 Jan. 2016; Revised 18 Mar. 2016*Corresponding author.Yu GOU, PhD, Assistant professor of Faculty of Humanities and Arts. Research Area:Computer-mediated Communication and Crisis Management.E-mail: yuguo@must.edu.mo, Tel: 00853-88971927/65301158 The Relationship Between Social Network Site Use and Perceived Social Capital: A Mutual Influence ModelYu GUO( Faculty of Humanities and Arts, Macau Unviersity of Science and Technolgy, Macau, China )AAstract: This study tests the mutual influence between social network site (SNS) use and perceived social capital by using data collected from a sample of 998 loyal SNSs users in China. Results first confirm previous findings, suggesting SNS use for social and informational purpose increases two types of social capital while SNS use for entertainment and recreational purpose decreases bonding social capital. More importantly, this study assumes that how people perceive their social ties will cause their SNS use. Results of structural equation modeling demonstrate satisfactory fit indices, supporting the role of perceived weak ties in predicting SNS use. Findings of this study are expected to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of SNS use.eywords: Social network site use; Perceived social capital; Mutual influence社交網站使用行為與社會資本:基於相互作用模型的實證分析郭 羽(澳門科技大學人文藝術學院,澳門)摘要: 本研究通過對中國998位忠實社交媒體用戶的實證數據分析,探析社會媒體使用行為與社會資本之間的相互作用關係。分析結果顯示,基於信息社交功能的社交網站使用行為將會增加個體的“結合型社會資本"和“橋接型社會資本",而基於娛樂功能的使用行為則會降低用戶的“結合型社會資本"。更為重要的是,本研究的結構方程模型結果也發現個體所感知的“橋接型社會資本"會同時影響其社交網站的使用程度。關鍵詞: 社交網站使用;社會資本感知;相互影響0 IntroductionMyriad studies in the field of computer-mediated communication (CMC) have investigated the association between social network sites (SNSs) and interpersonal relationships. Most of them follow a dominant framework that emphasizes the role of SNS use in predicting individuals’ social ties [1]. However, some communication scholars argue that the focus on identifying cause and effect regarding media use will limit our understanding of the dynamic
  • 19Yu GUO The Relationship Between Social Network Site Use and Perceived Social Capital: A Mutual Influence Modelrelationship between them [2, 3]. They stepped beyond the typical framework and provided evidence for the mutual influence between media consumption and its effects [2~3]. Considering social media research, very few studies have paid attention to how individuals’ social ties in turn strengthen media use, which highlights the need for further investigations on their relationship. Given the above, this study suggests mutual influence between individuals’ SNS use and their social ties. Specifically, besidethe effect of SNS use on perceived social capital, we assume perceived social capital will show potential power to contribute to SNS use. Insights are drawn from the social cognitive theory (SCT), which concentrates on the acquisition of behavior patterns [4]. According to SCT, people learn certain behavior through observing their environment. For most people, family members, friends, colleagues, etc. constitute their everyday environment [5]. As such, individuals’ social ties can be seen as an environmental factor to influence SNSs behaviors. Numerous studies have confirmed that SNS use is able to increase individual-level social capital [6~8]. We suggest that the relational gains could be incentives that promote people’s continuous use of SNSs. As such, SNS use may be the outcome of people’s relationship networks. Especially when more innovative applications have emerged, people tend to expect social media can facilitate greater improvements in their social lives. The social-cognitive perspective allows us to establish a structured model to explore how perceived social ties contribute to SNS use. Our results of path analysis show satisfactory model fit and demonstrate the salient role of perceived weak ties in predicting SNS use. We expect this study will provide both theoretical and methodological insights for future social media research. 1 Theoretical Basis1.1 Individual-Level Social CapitalThe concept of social capital was initially proposed by sociologists [9~10] and expanded by Putnam [11] and Lin [12]. As a multi-level concept, the definition of social capital was differentiated among social science researchers. Generally, it is known as the benefit built within group members and developed from social networks. The individual-level social capital has been widely invited to research associated with interpersonal relationships. Putnam [11] suggested to understand social capital from three aspects: a) social capital is tightly related to community members’ attitude and value of mutual trust, reciprocity, and cooperation; b) social capital is the important part of social structure which will promote civic engagement; c) social capital is generated within particular social networks. Considering different patterns of interpersonal relationships, Putnam [13] classified the individual-level social capital into two types: bridging social capital and bonding social capital. Bridging social capital refers to weak ties among individuals, which leads to actual benefits such as useful information. Bonding social capital refers to strong ties, for instance, relationships with intimate friends and family members. Its benefits can be physical succor, financial support, emotional cares, etc.1.2 Effect of Social Network Site Use on Social CapitalExtensive discussions have been focused on how engagement in cyber communities affects individuals’ real-world relations. Both positive and negative effects have been argued in relevant research. Early findings supported that social media use could increase the possibility of activating potential relationships [14], and the more people use social media the more likely they are to experience connectedness [15]. As individuals’ social media activities become more diverse and complex than before, indicators of general use such as hours [16] and frequency are considered to lack explanatory power. Research on the outcomes of Internet use showed that individuals’ social relations varied according to different purposes of use [17]. Based on previous findings, Guo et al. [8] examined the effect of SNS use on perceived social capital by analyzing data collected from international students. They found two functions of SNS use, suggesting SNS use
  • 20for social and informational purpose (SIF function) greatly increased perceived bridging social capital, whereas SNS use for entertainment and recreational purpose (ERF function) showed no significant effect on either bridging or bonding social capital. Their findings implied that the social and informational use of SNSs would play a bigger role in interpersonal relationships, which needed to be investigated with a more representative sample.1.3 A Social-Cognitive PerspectiveSocial network site (SNS) shares a variety of technical features brought by the development of information and communications technologies (ICTs), providing a vast and vital platform for interpersonal interactions. SNSs bring many benefits to daily communication, such as letting people keep in touch with others and stay informed about the world. The advantages of SNSs have greatly enriched people’s social life. Given this, we assume that the more social relations people think they have, the more likely they are to use SNSs to facilitate their improvement of relationships. That is to say, people’s perception of social relations could also be their reason to use SNSs. Explanation could be found from the social cognitive theory (SCT), which is well known as a theory of behavior change, concentrating on the acquisition of behavior patterns [18]. The major proposition of SCT concerns the reciprocal relationships among the contextual, personal, and behavioral factors that act upon behavior change [4]. It emphasizes that people can observe and learn from the environment to evaluate their abilities, set goals, and behave. From this perspective, Chiu, Hsu and Wang [19] claim that an individual’s social network could be an important environmental factor that shapes his or her behavior, because for most people, family members, friends, colleagues, etc. constitute their everyday environment and influence their interpretation of the environment. They conducted empirical study to predict knowledge sharing in virtual communities and supported the predictive power of social ties. Following previous findings, this study attempts to further examine the effect of interpersonal relationships on online activity in a social media context. We introduce two key concepts of SCT, perceived self-efficacy and outcome expectation, which are considered to have the closest association with and strongest impact on behavior [20]. Perceived self-efficacy refers to an individual’s confidence in his or her abilities of doing a certain behavior, and outcome expectation refers to what he or she expects from the behavior. The two factors are supposed to mediate the effect of perceived social capital on SNS use, because individuals’ sense of social ties could induce more confidence and higher expectation to use SNSs for improving the relationships. 1.4 The Present StudyThis study first attempts to add empirical evidence to early findings by examining the effect of SNS functions on individual-level social capital. The following research question and hypotheses were proposed:RQ1: How SNS use influence users’ perceived social capital?H1: SNS use for social and informational purpose will increase users’ perceived social capital.H2: SNS use for entertainment and recreational purpose will make no significant contribution to users’ perceived social capital.Furthermore, we suggest individuals’ perceived social capital would in turn contribute to their SNS use. From the social-cognitive perspective, a person’s sense of environment could greatly get the person motivated to conduct a certain behavior [21]. For instance, the stronger an individual feels being connected, the more likely the person is to use SNSs, because the convenience and easy accessibility of SNSs are expected to facilitate the maintenance and improvement of relations. People could also envision various benefits of using social network services as long as they realize the advantages. In this process, his or her confidence in managing the using behavior and expectation of the outcomes serve as mediators [20]. Therefore, to explore the potential impact of social ties on SNS use, this study assumed a strengthening role of perceived social capital and proposed:
  • 21Yu GUO The Relationship Between Social Network Site Use and Perceived Social Capital: A Mutual Influence ModelRQ2: How users’ perceived social capital contributes to their SNS use?H3: Perceived social capital will increase users’ intensity of SNS use through the mediation of perceived self-efficacy.H4: Perceived social capital will increase users’ intensity of SNS use through the mediation of outcome expectation.2 Methods2.1 Data CollectionData used in this study were collected via an online survey among Chinese SNSs users between September 10 to 13, 2013. The questionnaire was posted on a web survey platform organized by a research institute. The sample consisted of 1003 adults (over 18 years old), and it was representative of the China adult population as reported in the 2013’s data from National Bureau of Statistics of China [22]. The completion rate is 35.1%. After filtering respondents who didn’t have desire to use social media next year, 998 respondents were left and seen as loyal SNSs users. There are 490 male (49.1%) and 508 female (50.9%) respondents in the final sample set with an average age of 33.78 years old. Generally speaking, descriptive results indicated that Chinese Internet users spent an average of 28.9 hours per week online and showed a high level of Internet use frequency (M=5.79, SD=0.53, 1=less often and 6=several times a day).2.2 MeasuresScales developed by Guo et al. [8] were adapted to measure functions of SNS use in this study. Five items were used to assess the instrumental purpose of SNS use and five items were used to assess the recreational purpose of SNS use. All items were rated on 7-point scales (1=strongly disagree and 7=strongly agree). Two components were extracted by factor analysis, which were consistent with the two-factor structure of SNS functions found by previous study [8]. Therefore, the two factors obtained by this study, which explained approximately 59.4% of the variance, were also labeled social and informational function (SIF, 5 items, α=0.81) and entertainment and recreational function (ERF, 5 items, α=0.78).Intensity of SNS use was measured by a combination of 6 items adopted from previous studies[1] that describing the daily use of SNSs (see Table 1). The first item regarding the time length of SNS use per day was rated on a 5-point scale (1=10-30 minutes, 2=31-60 minutes, 3=1-2 hours, 4=2-3 hours, 5=more than 3 hours). The following 5 items regarding the habits of SNS use were rated on 7-point scales (1=strongly disagree and 7=strongly agree). The Internet Social Capital Scale (ISCS) [23] was adopted and modified to measure perceived social capital. All items were rated on 7-point scales (1=strongly disagree and 7=strongly agree). As shown in Table 2, 7 items measured perceived bridging social capital (α=0.93) and 6 items measured perceived bonding social capital (α=0.87). To introduce and examine a social-cognitive model, 6 items measuring perceived self-efficacy (α=0.86) regarding SNS use and 8 items measuring outcome expectation were adopted from previous studies [17~18]. Two components of outcome expectation were extracted through factor analysis, labeled social outcomes (4 items, α=0.83) and novel outcomes (4 items, α=0.80) respectively. All items were rated on 7-point scales (1=strongly disagree and 7=strongly agree) (see Table 3).3 ResultsWe first conducted multiple regression analysis to test the effect of SNS functions on perceived social capital. Gender, age, income, educational level, and indicators of general Internet use (hours and frequency of Internet use) were controlled. Results in Table 4 show that the more individuals use SNS for SIF function the more social capital they believe they will get (perceived bridging social capital, β=0.45, p<0.001; perceived bonding social capital, β=0.36, p<0.001). SNS use for ERF function shows no significant effect on perceived bridging social capital but significantly decreases perceived bonding social capital (β=-0.15, p<0.001). Therefore, H1 was
  • 22supported while H2 was partially supported.To answer the second research question and test the hypotheses, we performed structural equation modeling (SEM) by using AMOS 21.0. Chi-square value is reported as an index of model adequacy, where a nonsignificant value suggests good model fit. Although the value of chi-square is sensitive to sample size [5], when the sample size exceeds 200 and other indices indicate acceptable model fit, the significance of chi-square value can be disregarded [20]. Moreover, the comparative fit index (CFI), Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), standardized root mean square residual (SRMR), and the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) are reported. CFI and TLI values equal to or larger than 0.90, SRMR value equal to or less than 0.05, and RMSEA value less than 0.08 indicate good fit. As presented in Figure 1, the resulting model shows satisfactory fit: X2 (3)=13.067, p-value=0.004, n=998>200, CFI=0.996, TLI=0.978, RMSEA=0.058 ( 9 5 % C I = 0 . 0 2 8 ~ . 0 9 2 ) , S R M R = 0 . 0 1 4 . T h e standardized regression estimates showed that perceived self-efficacy (β=0.14, p<0.001) and outcome expectation (β=0.49, p<0.001) directly increased intensity of SNS use; however, neither perceived bridging social capital nor perceived bonding social capital showed direct effect. As sources of individuals’ efficacy beliefs, perceived bridging social capital largely contributed to perceived self-efficacy (β=0.49, p<0.001) and outcome expectation (β=0.58, p<0.001), and perceived bonding social capital only contributed to perceived self-efficacy (β=0.12, p<0.001). Regarding the indirect effects, results showed that perceived bridging social capital positively affected intensity of SNS use through perceived self-efficacy, b=0.07, p<0.01, as well as through outcome expectation, b=0.28, p<0.01. However, perceived self-efficacy and outcome expectation didn’t show significant mediation effect on the relationship between perceived bonding social capital and intensity of SNS use. Therefore, H3 and H4 were supported in terms of the effect of perceived weak ties. TaAle 1. Questionnaire items measuring intensity of SNS useItem M SDSocial Media Intensity (SMI)In the past week, on average, approximately how many minutes per day have you spent on your most preferred SNS?2.67 1.26I find myself using SNS about the same time each day. 5.20 1.33Checking my SNS account is part of my usual routine. 5.88 1.13I would miss SNS if I could no longer go online. 5.77 1.19I would be sorry if the SNS was shut down. 5.92 1.12I feel out of touch when I haven’t logged onto SNS for a while. 5.57 1.29Social and Informational Function (SIF)I’m likely to use my most preferred SNSto get immediate knowledge of big news events around world 5.68 1.01to find a wealth of information 5.84 0.92to get peer support from others 4.99 1.27to find something to talk about 5.16 1.23to meet new people who have similar interest as me 5.50 1.07Entertainment and Recreational Function (ERF)I’m likely to use my most preferred SNSto use recreational applications or play games 4.58 1.47to hear music or watch video I like 5.00 1.27to relieve boredom 5.28 1.2to find a way to pass the time 4.67 1.46to feel less lonely 4.65 1.47TaAle 2. Questionnaire items measuring individual-level social capitalItem M SDPerceived Bridging Social Capital Interacting with people makes me interested in things that happen outside. 5.49 0.94Interacting with people makes me want to try new things. 5.57 0.91Interacting with people makes me interested in what people unlike me are thinking.5.56 0.91Talking with people makes me curious about other places in the world. 5.56 0.93Interacting with people reminds me that everyone in the world is connected.5.53 0.99I am willing to spend time to support general civic activities. 5.47 1.07Interacting with people brings me new people to talk to. 5.58 0.93Perceived Bonding Social CapitalThere are several people I trust who can help me solve problems. 5.52 0.98There is someone I can turn to for advice when making very important decisions.5.57 0.93When I feel lonely, there are several people I can talk to. 5.39 0.99If I needed an emergency loan of 1000 RMB, I know someone I can turn to. 5.54 1.13People I interact with would be good job references for me. 5.37 1.07People I interact with would help me fight an injustice. 5.08 1.16
  • 23Yu GUO The Relationship Between Social Network Site Use and Perceived Social Capital: A Mutual Influence ModelTaAle 3. Questionnaire items measuring perceived self-efficacy and outcome expectation of SNS useItem M SDPerceived Self-efficacyI have confidence in my ability to understand the information on SNS. 5.35 0.98I have confidence in my ability to understand how to use different applications on SNS.5.26 1.26I have confidence in my ability to search information on SNS. 5.56 1.00I have confidence in my ability to generate various formats of contents on SNS.5.72 0.98I have confidence in my ability to evaluate the credibility of information from SNS.5.45 1.00I have confidence in my ability to identify rumors or unreal contents on SNS.5.27 1.07Outcome ExpectationI will get peer support by using SNS. 4.99 1.27I will find something to talk about by using SNS. 5.17 1.22I will stay in touch with people I know by using SNS. 5.67 0.98I will know new people by using SNS. 5.51 1.06I will get knowledge by using SNS. 5.68 1.01I will find a wealth of information by using SNS. 5.84 0.91I will keep a record of my life by using SNS. 5.48 1.09I will figure out what has happened around me by using SNS. 5.59 0.95Figure 1. The resulting social-cognitive model that predicts intensity of SNS use (*** p<0.001)TaAle 4. Multiple regression predicting perceived social capitalPredictorBonding Social CapitalBridging Social Capitalβ t-value β t-valueStep 1 Gender 0.04 1.13 0.13*** 4.02 Age -0.19*** -5.58 -0.14*** -4.10 Income 0.17*** 5.00 0.20*** 5.80Education 0.01 0.22 0.01 0.38 Hours 0.03 0.84 0.05 1.48Frequency 0.07* 2.33 0.02 0.64Step 2 Gender -0.02 -0.56 0.07** 2.60 Age -0.12*** -3.72 -0.06 -1.85 Income 0.05 1.40 0.06 1.83Education 0.00 0.12 0.01 0.34 Hours -0.01 -0.29 0.01 0.44Frequency 0.04 1.31 -0.02 -0.60 SMI 0.19*** 5.53 0.16*** 4.89 SIF 0.35*** 9.68 0.39*** 10.99 ERF -0.03 -0.79 0.02 0.71R2 0.25 0.29Note: * p<0.05; ** p <0.01; *** p <0.0014 DISCUSSIONOver the past decade, the fast growth of China’s social media market has coincided with Chinese people’s increasing fanaticism in using such convenient communication tools. Unlike elsewhere in the world, the ecosystem of China’s social media market has been developed from the prosperity of many homegrown digital media platforms. Due to the Internet censorship that sets boundaries between the mainland China and the outside world, a unique cyber environment has been established. Many popular worldwide social networking services, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram are kept out of reach by the Great Firewall of China. However, this censorship has not hindered the progress of new media technologies in China; instead, it has created golden opportunities for local companies to develop domestic social media platforms that are cultivating their users. By the end of 2014, there were 620 millions social media users in mainland China, and three-quarters of them checked their social media accounts at least four times per week and spent approximately 30 minutes each time of checking. These numbers demonstrate
  • 24how indispensable social media are in Chinese people’s daily lives. However, unlike findings in the western contexts that suggest a stronger influence of social media use in improving weak social relations than in improving strong ones [1], this study in the Chinese context claims that social media use could significantly contribute to both bridging (β= 0.16, p < 0.001) and bonding social capital (β= 0.19, p < 0.001). Explanations for these differences could be found in the characteristics of Chinese society and the Chinese way of socializing. Influenced by traditional Chinese culture, Chinese people normally expand their “guan xi” (social relations) through networks of family members and relatives. Thus, in the traditional Chinese social model, obtaining specific social resources involves expanding one’s strong connections through social activities. According to traditional Chinese social practices, it seems that real world interactions would be more important than online communication. And as social mobility increases, the geographic distance between people also inevitably increases, making the economical and networked communication tools essential channels for many Chinese people to stay connected. In addition, social media also provide a new avenue that allows people to present an ideal self. It has been found that self-disclosure on social media could expand individuals’ circles of friends, enhance their feelings of intimacy, and facilitate their development of romantic relations. Therefore, social media could be a good choice to supplement users’ social resources and to enlarge their existing relational networks.Theoretically, developed from previous research, this study proposed the mutual influence between SNS use and individual-level social capital. By examining data collected from a representative sample of Chinese loyal SNSs users, results first confirmed a prevalent assumption that emphasizes the predictive power of social and informational purpose of use (SIF function) on social capital. The social and informational function is seen as built on a positive attitude to communicate. Individuals’ willingness to seek for connections may easily get them engaged in social networking services that are perceived helpful for enhancing social relations. In contrast, the entertainment and recreational purpose of use (ERF function) may prolong users’ time spent online [8], which may cause isolation from the real world. These remind us that people use social media for different purposes will generate different outcomes. Therefore, analyses of varied patterns of usership are expected to improve our understanding of social media effects.More importantly, inspired by the social cognitive theory, this study presented a new way of thinking concerning the relationship between SNS use and individual-level social capital. How individuals perceive interpersonal relationships could be the source of their confidence in managing social media and their expectation of the outcomes of social media use. Previous studies suggested that the two factors have the closest association with behavioral variables and strongest predicted effect on actions [28~31]. This study also statistically supported perceived self-efficacy and outcome expectation regarding SNS use as mediators in the effect of perceived social capital on intensity of use. Results of path analysis in this study suggested different paths between perceived weak ties and strong ties in affecting SNS use. First of all, both of the two types of social capital failed to show direct effect on SNS use. However, findings highlighted that the effect of perceived weak ties on SNS use was significantly mediated by perceived self-efficacy and outcome expectation. Individuals’ sense of weak ties tends to be more likely to motivate SNS use. Because, comparing with strong ties, people are probably reluctant to contribute too much to weak ties. Therefore, they may believe the online platform that easy to access will greatly facilitate the enhancement of weak ties, and have expectations of new benefits from the convenient online interactions. Despite insightful findings, there are several limitations should be acknowledged. The first limitation of this study relates to the components of SNS functions. The two-factor structure indicated
  • 25Yu GUO The Relationship Between Social Network Site Use and Perceived Social Capital: A Mutual Influence Modelby factor analysis may not be strong enough to comprehensively illustrate the using patterns of SNS users. As the new media environment becomes more complex, the reasons for engaging in social media activities could be multifolded. Therefore, future studies are encouraged to develop the measurement of social media functions, which would contribute to a more thorough explanation of how people use social media. In addition, although results of this study didn’t support the predicted effect of ERF, the role of recreational use of social media is worth further investigation. For instance, within the contexts of online interactive gaming, or music and video sharing, increases in the degree of engagement may lead to a higher level of demand for informational and relational gains. As such, the recreational purpose of use could also influence interpersonal relations online and/or offline. Therefore, future studies may try to specify the using contexts to achieve more detailed predictions of social capital change in the new media environment.The second limitation relates to the measurement of perceived social capital. As the netizens population has reached 648 million, China probably owns the most energetic and promising market for social media. This constitutes the significance of investigating social media use in China. Therefore, instead of the universal scales, items that better fit the cultural context should be designed. Chinese people have a distinct way of socializing. Therefore, when examining the effect of social media use in the Chinese context, specific characteristics of interpersonal relationships among Chinese should be considered. Otherwise, even though the assumptions are statistically confirmed, results may not perfectly reflect the actual situation of the given context. Accordingly, when taking social capital as an environmental factor, it is more important to have a context-friendly measurement of perceived interpersonal relationship. The third limitation of this study relates to the proposed social-cognitive model. As exploratory in nature, this study only adopted key concepts of the social cognitive theory, perceived self-efficacy and outcome expectation. The model construction is unaccomplished because of the absence of personal factors, another set of determinants of behavior pattern [4]. Future research is encouraged to include both environmental and personal factors to establish a more comprehensive model. For instance, previous studies have invited self-construal and personality traits to predict self-presentation on SNSs [6]. Furthermore, it would be necessary to conduct dynamic research on the relationship between social media use and social capital, especially considering the examination of the mutual influence. Because analysis using cross-sectional data, like in this study, can indicate potential causal relationships but is not persuasive enough to determine the causation. Therefore, longitudinal analyses are suggested for future research.References [1] Ellison, N. B., Steinfield, C. and Lampe, C. 2007. The benefits of Facebook “friends”: Social capital and college students’ use of online social network sites. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 12, 4, 1143-1168.[2] Feldman, L., Myers, T. A., Hmielowski, J. D. and Leiserowitz, A. 2014. The mutual reinforcement of media selectivity and effects: Testing the reinforcing spirals framework in the context of global warming. Journal of Communication, 64, 4, 590-611.[3] Slater, M. D. 2007. Reinforcing spirals: The mutual influence of media selectivity and media effects and their impact on individual behavior and social identity. Communication Theory, 17, 3, 281-303 [4] Bandura, A. 1986. Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.[5] Bandura, A. 1989. Social Cognitive Theory. JAI Press, Stamford, CT.[6] Chen, B. and Marcus, J. 2012. Students’ self-presentation on Facebook: An examination of personality and self-construal factors. Computers in Human Behavior, 28, 6, 2091-2099.[7] Ellison, N. B., Steinfield, C. and Lampe, C. 2011. Connection strategies: Social capital implications of Facebook-enabled communication practices. New Media & Society, 13, 6, 873-892.[8] Guo, Y., Li, Y. and Ito, N. 2014. Exploring the predicted effect of social networking site use on perceived social capital and psychological well-being of Chinese international students in Japan. 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  • 26[13] Putnam, R. D. 2000. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Simon and Schuster, New York, NY.[14] Johnson, C. A. 2007. Social capital and the search for information: Examining the role of social capital in information seeking behavior in Mongolia. Journal of the American Society for Information Science & Technology, 58, 6, 883-894.[15] Valkenburg, P. M., Peter, J. and Schouten, A. P. 2006. Friend networking sites and their relationship to adolescents’ well-being and social self-esteem. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 9, 5, 584-590.[16] Robinson, J. P. 1997. Time for Life: The Surprising Ways Americans Use Their Time. Penn State University Press, University Park, PA.[17] Weiser, E. B. 2001. The functions of Internet use and their social and psychological consequences. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 4, 6, 723-743.[18] Denler, H., Wolters, C. and Benzon, M. 2014. Social cognitive theory. Retrieved Feburary 23, 2015, from http://www.education.com/reference/article/social-cognitive-theory/.[19] Chiu, C.-M., Hsu, M.-H. and Wang, E. T. G. 2006. Understanding knowledge sharing in virtual communities: An integration of social capital and social cognitive theories. Decision Support Systems, 42, 3, 1872-1888.[20] Bandura, A. 1997. Self-efficacy: The Exercise of Control. Worth Publishers, New York, NY.[21] Bandura, A. 2001. Social Cognitive Theory of mass communication. Media Psychology, 3, 265-299.[22] NBS. 2013. Population of China. National Bureau of Statistics of China, Beijing. [23] Williams, D. 2006. On and off the’Net: Scales for social capital in an online era. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 11, 2, 593-628.[24] oo, Y.-J., Bong, M. and Choi, H.-J. 2000. Self-efficacy for self-regulated learning, academic self-efficacy, and Internet self-efficacy in Web-based instruction. Educational Technology Research and Development, 48, 2, 5-17.[25] LaRose, R. and Eastin, M. S. 2004. A social cognitive theory of Internet uses and gratifications: Toward a new model of media attendance. Journal of Broadcast Electronic Media, 48, 3, 358-377.[26] Bollen, K. A. 1989. Structural Equations with Latent Variables. John Wiley & Sons, New York, NY.[27] Moss, S. 2009. Fit indices for structural equation modeling. Retrieved January 20, 2014, from http://www.psych-it.com.au/Psychlopedia/article.asp?id=277.[28] Hsua, M.-H., Jub, T. L., Yenc, C.-H. and Chang, C.-M. 2007. Knowledge sharing behavior in virtual communities: The relationship between trust, self-efficacy, and outcome expectations. International Journal of Human-Computer Studies, 65, 153-169.[29] Prati, G., Pietrantoni, L. and Zani, B. 2011. A social-cognitive model of pandemic influenza H1N1 risk perception and recommended behaviors in Italy. Risk Analysis, 31, 4, 645-656.[30] Schwarzer, R. and Fuchs, R. 1995. Changing Risk Behaviors and Adopting Health Behaviors: The Role of Self-efficacy Beliefs. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.[31] Schwarzer, R. and Fuchs, R. 1995. Changing Risk Behaviors and Adopting Health Behaviors: The Role of Self-efficacy Beliefs. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.科研進展澳科大澳門藥物及健康應用研究院林偉基講座教授獲《分子》雜誌 出版紀念特刊表揚其科研成就國際科研雜誌《分子》將於本年2~12月出版紀念特刊,題為《介導過敏及自身免疫炎症的分子》,以表揚澳科大澳門藥物及健康應用研究院林偉基講座教授在此領域的科研成就。《分子》是一本國際性、同行評審及開放獲取的前沿科研雜誌,由瑞士多學科數碼出版機構 [Multidisciplinary Digital Publishing Institute,(MDPI AG),Switzerland] 發行,專注出版有機化學、藥物化學及天然產物的原創論文及綜述。這電子雜誌刊登論文以快速見著:投稿後24天內即有收錄(或退稿)決定,隨後平均在8天後刊出論文。現時它的SCI影響因子是2.416。林教授現時任職澳門科技大學健康科學學院副院長、科大醫院病理及臨床檢驗科室總監以及澳門藥物及健康應用研究院中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室研究員。林教授自1990年代領導的基礎及臨床醫學研究,範圍包括過敏病學及臨床免疫學、腎病學、血脂學、內分泌學、毒理學及中藥臨床測試。至今共發表論文超過550篇,被引用總次數超過12500,h指數達55。其中關於過敏病(過敏性鼻炎、哮喘及異位性皮炎)及自身免疫病(系統性紅斑狼瘡(SLE)及類風濕性關節炎)的文章超過140篇。在2008年,林教授獲國際臨床化學及檢驗醫學聯盟(IFCC) 頒授首屆檢驗醫學及病人服務卓越獎。同年他的一篇發現細胞因子IL-17介導SLE炎症的論文,在2011年被美國《臨床免疫》雜誌評為2006~2010年首5名被引用次數最多的原創科研報告。為表揚林教授的科研成就,《分子》雜誌將於本年出版的紀念特刊中,接受林教授研究領域《介導過敏及自身免疫炎症的分子》的原創論文或綜述的投稿。
  • 27第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 明星高管“女强人”:董明珠形象的生產和接受黃微子1*,葉沐森2(1. 澳門科技大學人文藝術學院,澳門;2. 南方都市報,珠海)摘要: 企業高管的明星化是當代文化中的一個重要面向。董明珠是一個知名度高、個人形象鮮明的女性國企高管。對她的媒介文本進行分析,有助於理解她通過什麽樣的媒介策略、與哪些話語進行協商而參與建構了自身形象,進而理解當代中國文化中的一些重要表徵。對受眾所做的焦點小組訪談,則有助於理解這些形象的接受。本文揭示董明珠如何主要借助傳統媒體形塑了其幹練、强硬、無私、不近人情、追求宏大“政績"的形象,“爲中國造奮鬥"這種富國强兵式的情懷,以及爲平衡“女强人"的標簽而凸顯的“母性"的光輝。文章亦進一步解析這些形象何以在受眾中得到兩極化的評價。關鍵詞: 明星高管;董明珠;形象;接受Analyzing the CeleArity Superwoman: Production and Reception of the Images of Dong MingzhuWeizi HUANG1*, Musen YE2( 1. Faculty of Humanities and Arts, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China ) ( 2. Southern Metropolis Daily, Zhuhai, China )AAstract: One significant dimension of contemporary culture is the celebrification of enterprise CEOs. Dong Mingzhu, who manages a state-owned enterprise, is a well-known female CEO with unique personality. Analyzing the media texts about her would be helpful for us to understand the images constructed through specific media strategies and discourses, which were important representations in contemporary China. Focus groups were also employed to study the reception of her images. This paper finds how the images of a capable, uncompromising, disinterested, ambitious and patriotic superwoman with maternal love were shaped mainly through traditional media. It also explains why these images received polarized comments.eywords: Celebrity enterprise CEO; Dong Mingzhu; Image; Reception收稿日期:2016-01-19;修訂日期:2016-03-14。*通訊作者:黃微子,女,博士,人文藝術學院助理教授,主要研究方向:媒體與文化研究。Email: wzhuang@must.edu.mo, Tel: 00853-889729610 引言現任格力電器董事長的董明珠是一個明星高管。現代明星起源於好萊塢影星制度[1],明星高管的出現則是明星文化擴展的結果。[2]新媒體的發展更是令更多的平常人得以成名。[3]以當代中國的媒介景觀而言,明星大致可以分爲三大類:一類是由成熟的娛樂工業打造的演藝明星;一類是受媒體追捧的專業人士,如體育明星、文化明星[4]、明星高管等;還有一類是首先且主要通過自媒體成名的普通人,即所謂“草根明星”。這
  • 28三類明星之間幷非涇渭分明,而是充滿互動、聯姻,甚至在一定條件下可以互相轉化。有個人魅力的企業高管早已有之,但在遴選企業首腦的過程中强調諸如“領導力”、“魅力”等社會文化特質在美國成爲一種趨勢則是在 1980年代開始的。[5]中國大陸的明星企業家 / 高管的出現被認爲是與鄧小平 1992 年南巡之後“光榮”的新富階層登上歷史舞臺緊密相關的事實。書店裏的“成功學”貨架、財經類雜誌如《商界》、《中國企業家》,電視脫口秀節目如《財富人生》、《財智人物》、《會見財經界》、《頭腦風暴》、《波士堂》,真人秀節目如《贏在中國》等都起到推波助瀾的作用。[6]儘管明星高管是一個耀眼的文化事實,但從傳播學的角度對其形象進行研究的學術作品却不多見。已有的研究多在管理學的視野下進行。多個研究表明,明星高管的聲譽是一種資本。股票分析師在評價公司的股票時會考慮管理者的聲譽[7]。明星高管具有更高的薪酬,並且被解雇的概率小於默默無聞的企業高管。[8] 甚至有研究指出高聲譽的 CEO 更多與盈利能力低的企業聯繫在一起。[9]而即使公司績效層面無論是股票價值還是經營績效都發生了下降,但是高管在獲得很高的聲譽後,薪酬卻反而得到增加。[10]國內學者關於明星高管的研究主要集中在梳理國外理論文獻[11],並通過借鑒國外的相關模型和研究方法研究企業家聲譽形成機理[12],調查管理者聲譽的激勵機制[13],探討 CEO 聲譽與盈餘管理程度的關係[14]。研究結論也大都印證了國外文獻得出的結論。當前對於明星高管的實證研究,並沒有從傳播和文化的視角,對明星高管形象的生產及受眾接受作嚴肅的學術討論。已有對明星形象和粉絲的研究,仍集中在演藝明星和一部分文化名人,而極少涉獵到明星高管。本文是關於明星高管形象的一個更大研究項目的一部分。該項目包含四個不同個案,並通過個案間的對照分析,得出一些更具理論價值的結論。限於篇幅,本文只選擇董明珠的個案進行討論。個案研究是質性研究中常見的方法。儘管單個個案無法推導出具有普遍性的結論,但是,細緻的個案研究仍然有助於我們理解並反思具體的現實問題,因此同樣具有學術價值。之所以選擇董明珠個案,是因爲:首先,董明珠具備高知名度、鮮明的個人形象且富於爭議性;其次,已有的學術研究多關注男性明星高管,董明珠則提供了在性別視角下討論明星高管的一個另類案例;第三,類似的,受到關注的明星高管多爲私營企業家,董明珠却來自一家國有控股企業。1因此,董明珠的個案可以貢獻一些不同於以往的學術發現。1 研究方法本研究採用質性的研究方法,以文本分析和焦點小組相結合的方式,來討論董明珠形象的生產與接受。筆者收集到由董明珠參與生產的媒介文本主要集中在自傳性圖書、電視專訪、演講、公共論壇發言和廣告等。詳見下表。時間 媒介 節目/名稱2000 書籍 棋行天下2006 書籍 行棋無悔2013年4月7日 中央電視臺綜合頻道 首席夜話2013年7月20日 中央電視臺綜合頻道 開講啦2013年11月3日 北京衛視 楊瀾訪談錄2013年12月12日 中央電視臺經濟頻道第十四屆中國經濟年度 人物評選頒獎盛典2013年9月起 中央電視臺綜合頻道 晶弘冰箱廣告2014年3月起 中央電視臺綜合頻道 格力中央空調廣告2014年12月14日 《中國企業家》雜誌2014(第十三屆)中國企業領袖年會2015年9月23日 微信朋友圈推送廣告 格力電器企業形象廣告2016年3月8日 微博 “董明珠自媒體”上線本文將主要分析 2013 年~ 2016 年 3 月初之間的文本。這段時期,董明珠的媒介曝光是十分活躍的。除上文表格所列舉的文本外,一些由媒介機構采寫的,以董明珠為報道對象的稿件也會被包括進來。值得說明的是,本文不同於量化的內容分析,1. 例如戴維斯(Davies)的文章以王石、馬雲和嚴介和爲例,三人皆是男性私營企業家。見注釋 [6]。
  • 29黃微子,等  明星高管“女强人”:董明珠形象的生產和接受不建立在對大量文本的編碼和統計結果分析的基礎上,而是對典型的、有影響力的文本進行細讀,深究其隱藏的意義,分析其修辭和話語策略,從而理解:第一,這些媒介文本生產出什麼樣的董明珠形象?第二,這些形象如何被生產出來?除了文本分析,筆者還通過焦點小組的方式,嘗試回答第三個研究問題:受眾怎樣接受這些形象?焦點小組分兩次,分別於 2014 年 3 月 9 日和3 月 20 日在北京和澳門兩地舉行。一共有 12 名受訪者參與,其中男女各半,年齡由 20 歲至 50 歲不等,職業主要為在校學生、白領和專業人士組成。受訪者均對明星高管有一定認識。由於本文是一個包含四個個案的更大研究課題的一部分,因此,在焦點小組中,主持人組織受訪者圍繞包括董明珠在內的四名明星高管的形象進行自由討論。文本只截取其中與董明珠相關的部分進行分析。2 文本分析結果2.1 面向大衆:傳統媒介文本正如 Davies 的文章所列舉的,中國大陸第一代明星高管的形象建構多出自傳統媒介。[15]然而時至今日,越來越多的明星高管,特別是年輕一代,都更加善用互聯網和社交媒體平臺,其中包括了和董明珠有過所謂“十億賭局”的小米科技創始人雷軍。不過,董明珠的形象建構仍然主要來自傳統媒介。董明珠出書,上電視,却沒有開通個人微博。僅 2013 年一年,董明珠就四度登上中央電視台和北京衛視的節目。由她代言的格力旗下晶弘冰箱廣告,以及她和王健林共同代言的格力中央空調廣告,都選擇在中央電視台綜合頻道投放。可見董明珠不僅偏好電視這種傳統大眾媒體,而且偏好中央電視台這樣的主流媒體平台。雖然格力電器在 2015 年 9 月 23 日在微信朋友圈發布企業形象廣告,也是董明珠代言,但是,這則廣告是整個“讓世界愛上中國造”營銷活動的一部分,同樣的廣告信息也發布在包括《人民日報》和《中國青年報》在內的數十家傳統媒體上,甚至出現在 9 月 24 日的美國《紐約時報》上。當今中國眾多的明星高管,諸如馬雲、劉強東、雷軍等等,都開通了新浪認證的個人微博(即加有橙色 V 字的微博賬號),以發佈個人信息,或以個人身份轉發、評論其所在商業機構的業務信息,并與粉絲互動。董明珠則至今沒有此類微博賬號。2016 年 3 月 8 日“董明珠自媒體”在微博和微信上線,然而在微博的認證類別為機構(即加有藍色 V 字)而非個人,描述的宗旨也是“中國企業家及社會各界人士平等交流、共同發展的開放平台”,[16]董明珠個人在視頻自述里聲明“希望和更多的企業家在這個平台上交流”。[17]迄今發佈的全部 19 條微博信息都是 3 月 8 日當天董明珠舉行的線下新聞發佈會的圖文報道,除置頂視頻的文字信息採用第一人稱外,其餘 18 條微博均以第三人稱的“董明珠”或“董姐”作為主語。可見這個“自媒體”賬號事實上並非面對普通粉絲,以個人身份與網友特別是消費者互動的。董明珠仍然把這個微博賬號當作單向宣傳的渠道之一來運作。董明珠偏愛傳統主流媒體,主要是由於格力電器的潜在消費者和消費場景與傳統家內媒介更爲契合——面向大衆、指向家庭。與强調互動性的社會媒體不同,傳統媒介的建構使得董明珠的形象單向度、有距離感。2.2 集體意識與社會責任和中國的多數明星高管一樣,董明珠也是出身平凡,成就白手起家(self-making)的商業神話。但與這種神話通常指向個人主義意識形態不同,董明珠刻意地體現出一種集體意識,强調奉獻和自我犧牲。她曾說:“(格力)有這樣的成績,來源哪裏?不是我一個人的力量,是我們所有的員工。”談及禁止員工留長髮、戴首飾時,她說:“因爲我要在公司一盤散沙的條件下,讓他們有一種集體的觀念。”對集體意識的强調進而體現在她使用了准軍事化的隱喻——“(年終總結)後來就說到部隊的營房去!”“戰士是保家衛國
  • 30的,他們能吃苦爲什麽我們不能吃苦?我們也應該像戰士一樣要求自己……就是生於憂患而死於安樂。幹部會在安逸優越的環境中放弃自我。”[8]這與她高舉“社會責任感”的大旗是一脉相承的。在《開講啦》節目中,短短二十分鐘的演講,“責任”這一關鍵詞出現了二十餘次。在《楊瀾訪談錄》中董明珠也一再地談及社會責任。她說:“對社會負責任,對員工負責任,對股民負責任。這三個責任是你隨時隨地要思考的。”“無論這個企業是民營的還是國有的,它最後都是社會的。”“不是爲資産去工作,而是爲了責任去工作。”[9]在最新的營銷話語中,集體意識和社會責任感更進一步上升到民族國家主義的層次。發布在朋友圈的廣告文案寫道:“我是董明珠。製造業是國家强盛的基礎。我願意爲中國造奮鬥。讓世界愛上中國造!”這樣就把董明珠的個人形象、格力的企業形象與集體、社會乃至國家話語扣連起來。這種扣連固然暗合於董明珠的人生經歷,更與格力電器的國有控股性質相匹配。2.3 自我中心與特立獨行儘管强調集體、社會和國家,董明珠却在營銷活動中著意凸顯自己作爲强而有力的企業領導核心的個人形象。除了常規的接受媒體采訪,她更別出心裁地高調出現在格力的産品和品牌形象廣告中。從替換成龍而親自上陣拍電視廣告開始,董明珠每次領銜的營銷活動都惹人爭議而成爲話題中心。特別是在朋友圈投放的格力企業形象廣告,以及格力手機的開機畫面,不僅都使用了她的照片,而且文案也是以其第一人稱的視點創作的。董明珠這樣合理化自己爲格力代言的動機:“請成龍做廣告要花 1000 多萬,自己做廣告一分錢不用花!”[10]她和中國內地首富王健林合作拍的格力中央空調廣告,據稱兩人都沒有收取代言費。然而有數據顯示這則廣告在中央電視臺的投放費用高達 2.8 億元 [11]。董明珠免費做代言人看似無私,實則獲得了在媒介上天天“露臉”的機會,幷且通過這樣的曝光,不斷强化其個人形象與格力品牌形象的接合(articulation),强化其作爲格力中心的地位。這種强力的接合甚至引發了一則謠傳——“格力手機內置董明珠 99 張自拍照”[12]。董明珠得意於這樣的形象接合:“我去臺灣過安檢,一個安檢員認出了我,說‘你就是董明珠?’我笑笑說是的。他說‘你是格力的董明珠,我用的就是格力的空調!’他會把‘格力’和‘董明珠’聯繫在一起的,這種尊重用錢買的來嗎?買不來。”[13]董明珠的自我中心還聯繫著她的特立獨行,即展現出一種不同於他人(平凡的大多數)的價值判斷。她說:“我的性格如果變了,那就不是我。”她善於以對照的方式陳述這種價值判斷。“別人講座,都說‘這個人很成功很成功’、‘他已是多少多少身價’……我沒有,但是我覺得我很幸福,因爲我培養了多少個千萬富翁、億萬富翁,我覺得我的價值在於得到了社會對我的認可。”[14]“做企業就是這樣,沒親人沒朋友——有人就說,你看董明珠這人沒朋友,她活得一點意思都沒有,出差一個人連秘書都沒有,托她辦事也辦不成,所以這個人是很孤獨的。但是我覺得我不會:因爲孤獨與否是你自己感覺的,幷不是人多就不孤獨。我在格力 23 年,我相信任何一個有良心的、有正義感的人都會是你的朋友——朋友不在於卿卿我我,而在於對你的支持。”“有人說你看董明珠多可憐,天天上班,別人天天打麻將;我說我不可憐,因爲我天天上班,反而是你比較可憐,天天只打麻將。可憐不可憐不是別人說的,是自己感悟的。”“女人的可愛有很多,不是別人說你可愛就可愛,可愛不可愛是自己去理解的。”[15]2.4 好勇鬥“狠”與絕對化修辭董明珠樂於將自己塑造成一個“狠角色”。例如她和雷軍在 2013 中國經濟年度人物評選頒獎上的“十億賭局”,雖然是雷軍首先提出“五年之內,如果我們的營業額擊敗格力的話,董明珠
  • 31黃微子,等  明星高管“女强人”:董明珠形象的生產和接受董總輸我一塊錢就行了”,然而董明珠迅速回擊幷將賭注加碼到一個非常吸引眼球的數目——“第一,我告訴你不可能;第二,要賭不是一億,我跟你賭十個億。”而後續評論小米和老競爭對手美的的合作,董明珠更是放出狠話——“兩個騙子在一起,是小偷集團。”這種“狠”不僅指向外部的競爭對手,而且對於內部的下屬乃至於自身亦是如此。董明珠在《開講啦》的演講主題就是“對自己狠一點”——“我們一直在說一個‘狠’字,你爲難不是自己,而是一個團隊”。“不狠一點,企業沒法團結”。對外,“狠”體現爲一種進攻性;對內,“狠”意味著嚴苛。董明珠管理員工是疾言厲色,自己則是一個沒有休閑時間的工作狂。對自己的“狠”,還包括斬斷私欲、不留情面乃至六親不認。董明珠多次提到自己的“鐵面無私”。“我也可以把我的親戚帶進來,搞個上游配套,沒人敢說我。但是這樣一來,你搞裙帶關係,送來的零件不合格,就可能個人利益會發展,但這個企業無法得到社會的承認。”[16] “你手上有這個權力,爲什麽不爲家裏人做點事情?又不違法,爲什麽不給我做?我做了的話我的手下都會這樣做——但是這樣市場上的合作夥伴就會對你失去信任,他覺得和你做生意就是要和你搞好關係,這對企業來講是最致命的。”[17] 與她這種不留回旋餘地的“狠”相對應的,是她話語中常見的絕對化修辭。“我從來沒有犯過錯,我永遠都是對的。” “員工罷工都是逼不得已:員工是草,幹部是風,風往哪裏吹,草就往哪邊倒,所以員工出問題,必然是幹部先出問題。”(《開講啦》)[18]“一個國家的發展,實體經營永遠是頂梁柱。金融只是一個服務。我不懂金融,也不會搞金融,我這輩子就是做空調,把空調做好。”[19] “我們好多朋友都在分享:雷軍和董明珠賭,誰贏誰輸?我告訴你,肯定我贏……”[20]“從來”、“永遠”、“必然”、“這輩子”、“肯定”等等,都是一些非常絕對化的副詞,塑造出董明珠强硬、說一不二和極端自信的個人形象。2.5 協商女性角色:“母性”猶存的“女强人”主流意識形態中的社會性別定型,認爲男性陽剛而女性陰柔,男尊女卑。個性强硬張揚幷且身居高位的董明珠,僭越了這樣一種性別秩序。她出現在公衆媒體的視覺形象,通常是中短髮型,著職業套裝,五官硬朗,眼神犀利。儘管她往往通過佩飾,比如珍珠項煉或絲巾,作爲某種女性的社會性別表徵,然而,媒體仍然常常稱其爲“女强人”或“鐵娘子”,來凸顯其特殊的性別角色,亦即“不像女人的女人”。有媒體文章的標題是——“董明珠:像男人一樣去戰鬥”[21]。董明珠因爲這樣的性別角色而遭受非議。無論是朋友圈“刷臉”、格力手機開機畫面甚或是格力手機內置其 99張自拍照的謠傳,之所以引起强烈反應,相當一部分原因是董明珠的形象在男權文化的標準下幷不符合令(男)人賞心悅目的審美期待。董明珠的家庭生活向來是媒體窺探的對象。董明珠“原本有一個幸福的家庭,30 歲時候丈夫因病去世,爲了養家糊口,6 年後她將 8 歲的兒子托付給母親撫養,獨自一人南下闖蕩,從小小的業務員一路走到今天,二十年來一直沒有再婚。爲了事業,她捨弃了一個女人對於家的渴望。”[22]。網易女人頻道報道董明珠的網頁,有一個小標題是“對兒子幾乎是撒手不管”。董明珠上《楊瀾訪談錄》時,楊瀾也問她:“沒陪孩子,會感到恐懼?”“女强人”和“賢妻良母”是男權社會對女性的不同分類,所以董明珠的“女强人”形象,很容易被連接上失敗的家庭 / 感情生活。鳳凰網轉載央視《首席夜話》起的標題是:“董明珠:我帶著兒子一直單身,但是沒有人說過愛我。”不幸福的家庭 / 婚姻 / 感情似乎是事業成功的代價或者懲罰。董明珠努力協商其女性角色。一方面,她合法化“女强人”,强調其正當性和自足的價值;
  • 32另一方面,她還是盡力展現和維護其“母性”的表達,幷聲明自己是個“普通女人”。在被問到如何平衡家庭和事業時,董明珠說:“這個是我們要改變別人的。爲什麽那麽多男性的成功人士,不回家吃飯也是正常的。如果一個女同志顧不了家,每天在外面要應酬,就會覺得這個女同志與別人不一樣。他們鎖定女同志的目標就是你的形象就是應該在家,在鍋臺前面做飯,那是過去。”[23]“我覺得在過去的時代,可能女性這種自我依賴程度比較高。所以一般夫唱婦隨的現象比較多,是沒有主見的。但是隨著改革開放以後,女性自立、獨立的能力越來越强,所以這時候,他可能在家庭之間,男女雙方,可能女性强一點男的會自卑。”[24]但是當談及兒子時,她一方面承認“有遺憾”,甚至在接受楊瀾采訪時有一瞬間落泪,這是她的公衆形象中非常罕見的部分。另一方面她提供不少細節來佐證她仍是一個非常愛孩子的好媽媽。“我們那時,孩子小的時候就抱在手上去上班,當時踩單車又怕孩子被風吹了,就每天抱著小孩跑半個小時,一天要跑四趟,就是 2 個小時,把孩子抱在手上來回走,但我們上班也能够安排得很好。”[25] “同樣在這一年,董明珠收穫了另一個驚喜,她的兒子考取了重點大學,再强勢的女人,對於自己的孩子,還是會流露出天生的母性。‘2001年夏天,是特別值得高興的日子,我兒子考取了重點大學,這部分彌補了我因忙於工作而疏於關愛孩子的遺憾,他很爭氣,在缺乏家庭關懷、父母監督的情况下能够勤奮攻讀,考取大學,我非常自豪,得到喜訊的那段日子,我身心愉悅極了。’”[26] 除了表明自己的“母性”,董明珠還强調自己就是一個“普通女人”。“生活中我是個普通女人,我家沒有保姆也沒有阿姨,我自己做飯做家務的,我早上自己做早餐。我自己洗衣服擦地板。我中午也和員工一樣,六塊五一餐,食堂……晚上就煲好米飯,炒個青菜就好了。”[27] 3 焦點小組結果分析綜合焦點小組討論情況,筆者發現,討論中涉及的議題,與上文文本分析的形象,是基本對應的。然而,對這些形象的評價,卻呈現出兩極化的情況。3.1 傳統媒介作為主要的接收渠道大部分受訪者都是從電視上或媒體報導上接觸到有關董明珠的信息。只有一名受訪者從人際傳播中接收到相關信息。而該名受訪者從人際傳播中接收到的信息是負面的,負面評價主導了他對董明珠形象的看法。受訪者C:“我第一次知道董明珠是從廣告上,我當時都不知道她是誰。後來才知道她是格力的老總。”受訪者 F:“我家有個親戚是做墊片的,給格力供貨,幾萬個產品裏有三個還是四個殘次品,她就給打回來重做,一分錢不給不說,還罰款……格力空調的質量真心好,確實佩服,但是她這個人太毒辣了,不替別人著想的。”除兩三個對董明珠了解相對較多的受訪者外,其他人儘管都知道董明珠,卻沒有津津樂道地交流什麼細節和逸聞。多名受訪者提到對董明珠的印象是“女強人”、“成功女人”、“成功的企業家”,十分籠統。這種高知名度卻籠統的認知,與董明珠倚重傳統大眾媒體進行單向傳播,而沒有與受眾建立起通過符號互動的、想象性的私人關係有關。受訪者 H:“我覺得董明珠是個有錢人——至少她的廣告給我這種印象。……因為她很成功啊!所以肯定很有錢。”3.2 對“責任感”和“自我中心”的接受大部分的正面評論表現在對董明珠的責任感的肯定,以及對她與格力的形象接合的肯定。董明珠不斷利用宣傳產品乃至企業的機會,強化其個人形象與格力品牌的連接,其視覺形象常常置
  • 33黃微子,等  明星高管“女强人”:董明珠形象的生產和接受於宣傳的中心。焦點小組的研究顯示,這種策略有其有效性。但有意思的是,受訪者大都認識格力品牌在先,並出於對格力的喜愛,進而對董明珠生出好感。相反,沒有受訪者提出是由於對董明珠的喜愛而購買格力的產品。受訪者 A:“董明珠是個很有責任感的女人,老牌高管,非常的有魄力。”受訪者 C:“我家用格力的空調,我覺得她挺好的。”受訪者 D:“我家用格力的空調,我覺得格力的牌子很好,質量很硬,所以我喜歡她。”受訪者 L:“因為購買了格力的空調,所以開始特意關注董明珠的信息。”也有受訪者對董明珠熱衷自我宣傳表達反感。他們把這種在他們看來是過度的自我宣傳理解為愛出風頭、不誠懇和沒有內涵的表現。受訪者 E:“我覺得董明珠可喜歡出名了。”受訪者 I:“我覺得她很裝,很做作。她講的還是以大道理為主,沒什麼養分的,都是大家都知道的事情,不能因為她地位高,就捧她說她是管理大師、大企業家。”3.3 對“好勇鬥狠”的接受相当一部分的負面評論表現在對董明珠“好勇鬥狠”個性的否定上。持負面態度者,會強調董明珠對外的“狠”,即對競爭對手的進攻性,對合作夥伴以及下屬的苛刻不留情面。受訪者 G:“挺高傲的一個人,和雷軍打賭那事就感覺這人不服輸,求勝慾很強。現在又開始做手機了,她出的手機能賣得動?我不看好,太二了,一個爭強好鬥的人。” 受訪者 I:“董明珠很高傲,強硬,非常自信。給我的感覺就是‘狠’,然後走過的地方不長草……這種管理模式我不喜歡。”受訪者 K:“管理狠一點,搞搞手段,包裝包裝……沒什麼大不了的。”董明珠試圖在傳播中塑造一種正面的“狠”文化,然而,焦點小組的數據顯示,受眾對“狠”的解讀還是偏向貶義的。對董明珠持正面態度者,會提及她對內的克己、拼搏,但不會用“狠”這樣的措辭。受訪者 A:“一個女人拼到這個地步挺不容易的。”受訪者 B:“離婚(誤,事實上董明珠是喪偶)之後也沒有再婚,一個人打拼到這個程度,企業做到很大,已經是自己最大的成功了,而且格力已經做到了行業級別了,不再需要媒體的附和了。”3.4 對“女強人”的接受董明珠的女性身份,是所有受訪者在討論中都會提及的,無論受訪者對其持何種感情色彩。“女強人”是對董明珠形象最強烈的認知。但通常來說,對董明珠表示敬佩的,會避免使用“女強人”這樣的說法。“女強人”一詞,在受訪者的使用中是偏中性或負面的。受訪者 L:“女強人,鐵面無私,而且不給面子。”受訪者F:“董明珠是個傳統意義上的女強人,一個女人做到這種程度,一定是非常有手段的,不管是哪種手段吧,反正她挺牛的。”受訪者 I:“我知道她是個女強人,但是我不喜歡她。”受訪者 K:“女強人嘛!都那樣。”儘管董明珠較少主動提及私生活,但還是有一些受眾對她的感情和家庭有所了解。受訪者 B:“離婚之後也沒有再婚,一個人打拼到這個程度。“受訪者 E:“我覺得董明珠可喜歡出名了……都不理孩子的。”受訪者 J:“我覺得董明珠不顧家——雖然她是一個成功的女企業家,但是我覺得作為一個孩子來說,母愛顯然是比金錢更重要的。”對董明珠持偏正面評價的受訪者有男有女,而對董明珠持強烈批評意見的受訪者則均為男性。在焦點小組的討論過程中,有一名原本態度比較中立的男性,受到另外兩名強烈批評董明珠的男士的影響,也轉而表達了更多的負面意見。在最
  • 34強烈批評董明珠的受訪者中,有人發表了有著明顯性別歧視的言論。受訪者 F:“董明珠如果是男人的話我也許會更佩服她的。因為我覺得我佩服的人應該是比我強的人,雖然董明珠比我強,但是我總覺得她是一個女人,而一個女人太把男人踩在腳下,我總覺得有些不舒服……所以,我對董明珠的感覺是覺得這個人確實很強大很優秀,但是無法從心裏把一個女人當作偶像對待。所以如果是同樣管理模式、同樣性格、同樣成績的一個男人,我會更敬佩他的。”4 總結董明珠的媒介形象是幾種力量協商的結果——董明珠本人、格力的廣告公關團隊、媒體和媒體人等等,在各自的話語體系之間角力。角力之後,董明珠在大衆媒介上呈現出幹練、强硬、無私、不近人情、追求宏大“政績”的形象,一種“爲中國造奮鬥”的富國强兵式的情懷。而這些基本上都聯繫著經典社會主義的話語和價值——科層體制、高度集權、强調生産和積累、抑制消費、崇尚軍事化。面對對於“女强人”的污名化和質疑,她幷不是急於否認自己作爲“女强人”的形象,相反,是對這一形象的自信接納。從她正當化自己全心全意投身事業的行爲選擇的論述來看,基本上是“婦女能頂半邊天”式的抹除性別差异的平等追求。這也是經典社會主義“婦女解放”的話語策略。董明珠這樣一種個人形象,既和她幾乎是共和國同齡人的成長背景有關,也契合她作爲國企領導人的身份,幷能令其獲得官方意識形態的贊許而爲企業和自身贏取發展空間。然而,上世紀九十年代初以來,隨著市場經濟的確立和消費主義的興起,隨著互聯網行業和虛擬經濟的繁榮,董明珠的形象和她對製造業的堅持,在年輕一輩看來,都顯得“老土”。與筆者研究的其他明星高管個案相比,董明珠雖然有著高知名度,在焦點小組受訪者心中的印象卻比較籠統,缺乏細節支撐,不夠栩栩如生。儘管有受訪者對其持正面態度,但主要是基於其成就而產生的敬佩,沒有強烈的身份認同或私人性的情感投射。“身為一個女人”,是董明珠被評判的起點,無論支持她的人,還是詬病她的人。相比之下,男性的明星高管並不必然被關注性別身份和私生活。不完整的家庭和“不顧家”的行為仍然是董明珠在男權社會性別分工之下面臨的最嚴重指摘。即使董明珠已經以對兒子的母性流露、以做家務的細節,試圖去平衡“女強人”形象所具有的負面效應,但是,對於那些男權思想堅固的受眾來說,仍然無濟於事。參 考 文 獻[1] Marshall, P. David. Celebrity and Power: Fame in Contemporary Culture. Minneapolis/London: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. McDonald, Paul. Star System, Hollywood’s Production of Popular Identity. New York: Columbia University Press. 2001.[2] Rojek, Chris. Celebrity. London: Reaktion Books, 2001. Turner, Graeme. Understanding Celebrity. London: Sage, 2004.[3] Turner, Graeme. Ordinary people and the media: The demotic turn. London: Sage, 2010.[4] 黃微子. 文化明星:知識分子與當代中國的文化生産場. 熱風學術(第五輯).上海:上海人民出版社,2011: 179-197.[5] Khurana, Rakesh. Searching for a Corporate Savior: The Irrational Quest for Charismatic CEOs. Princeton University Press, 2002.[6] Davies, J. David. “China’s Celebrity Entrepreneurs: Business Models for ‘Success’.” //Louise Edwards and Elaine Jeffreys ed. Celebrity in China. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010: 193-216.[7] Milbourn, T. Todd. CEO reputation and stock-based compensation. Journal of Financial Economics, 2003,68:233-262.[8] Lee, SH. CEO Reputation: Who Benefits - the Firm or the CEO? SSRN Electronic Journal, 2007.[9] Francis, J, AH Huang, S Rajgopal et al. CEO Reputation and Earnings Quality. Contemporary Accounting Research, 2008, 25(1):109–147.[10] Malmendier, Ulrike and Geoffrey Tate. Superstar CEO. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2009, 124(4): 1593-1638.[11] 寶貢敏, 徐碧祥. 國外企業聲譽理論研究述評. 科研管理, 2007, 28(3): 98-107.[12] 姜濤. 企業家聲譽形成機理及其驅動因素研究──基於新的聲譽結構觀[D]. 杭州: 浙江大學, 2010.[13] 徐晉, 王愛民, 陳宏民. 考慮聲譽效應的風險投資控制權激勵機制. 管理工程學報, 2007, 21(3):67﹣71.[14] 吳迪. 上市公司CEO聲譽與盈余管理程度的關係研究[D]. 大連: 大連理工大學, 2009.[15] Davies, J. David. “China’s Celebrity Entrepreneurs: Business Models for ‘Success’.” // Louise Edwards and Elaine Jeffreys ed. Celebrity in China. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010: 193-216.
  • 35黃微子,等  明星高管“女强人”:董明珠形象的生產和接受[16] 董明珠自媒體的微博. [EB/OL]. (2016-03-8)[2016-3-12] http://weibo.com/DMZZMT?refer_flag=1005055013_&is_hot=1[17] 董明珠自媒體 . 我是董明珠,我的自媒體今天上線了![EB/OL]. (2016-03-8)[2016-3-12] http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XMTQ5MjU2MTEyMA==.html.[18] 董明珠. 開講啦. 中國中央電視臺綜合頻道,2013年7月20日.[19] 董明珠. 楊瀾訪談錄. 北京衛視,2013年11月3日.[20] 張欽 . 董明珠爲何“拿下”成龍 :自己做廣告一分錢不用花![EB/OL].(2014-06-12)[2015-10-22].http://news.xinhuanet.com/finance/2014-06/12/c_126608917.htm.[21] 饒 玉 哲 . 格 力 應 向 董 明 珠 王 健 林 收 取 廣 告 費 嗎 ?[EB/OL] . (2014-06-12) [2015-10-22] .h t tp : / /money.163 .com/14/0612/10/9UHK77TF00253G87.html.[22] 洋葱日報社. 網傳格力手機相册或將預設董明珠99張自拍.[EB/OL].(2015-09-16)[2015-10-22].http://weibo.com/1806732505/CAMKpmGZJ?type=comment#_rnd1446434601399.[23] 董明珠. 開講啦. 中國中央電視臺綜合頻道,2013年7月20日.[24] 同上.[25] 董明珠. 楊瀾訪談錄. 北京衛視,2013年11月3日.[26] 董明珠. 開講啦. 中國中央電視臺綜合頻道,2013年7月20日.[27] 董明珠. 楊瀾訪談錄. 北京衛視,2013年11月3日.[28] 董明珠. 開講啦. 中國中央電視臺綜合頻道,2013年7月20日.[29] 董明珠. 楊瀾訪談錄. 北京衛視,2013年11月3日.[30] 中國企業家網 . 「年會」董明珠 : 小米和美的是兩個騙子[EB/OL].(2014-12-14)[2015-10-22].http://www.iceo.com.cn/com2013/2014/1214/298462.shtml.[31] 尹鋒. 董明珠:像男人一樣去戰鬥.[EB/OL].(2008-07-07)[2015-10-22].http://money.163.com/08/0707/14/4G8NLHI9002524SC.html.[32] 董明珠. 首席夜話. 中國中央電視臺綜合頻道,2013年4月7日.[33] 網易女人. 董明珠:傳奇從36歲開始.[EB/OL]. [2015-10-22]. http://lady.163.com/special/sense/ladyleader09.html.[34] 董明珠. 首席夜話. 中國中央電視臺綜合頻道,2013年4月7日.[35] 網易女人. 董明珠:傳奇從36歲開始.[EB/OL]. [2015-10-22]. http://lady.163.com/special/sense/ladyleader09.html.[36] 尹鋒. 董明珠:像男人一樣去戰鬥.[EB/OL].(2008-07-07)[2015-10-22].http://money.163.com/08/0707/14/4G8NLHI9002524SC.html.[37] 董明珠. 開講啦. 中國中央電視臺綜合頻道,2013年7月20日.學生活動澳科大國際學院學生榮膺葡文詩歌朗誦比賽獎項日前,澳門理工學院及澳門高等教育輔助辦公室合辦第十一屆中國高校葡語詩歌朗誦比賽,澳科大國際學院葡萄牙語專業的三位學生表現優異,獲得在場嘉賓及評委的一致讚揚。經過激烈的角逐,來自澳科大大四葡萄牙語專業學生吳惠榮膺最佳詩歌獎,並獲得獎金澳門幣3000元,是連續第二年澳門科技大學葡語專業學生在該比賽中獲獎。獲獎學生吳惠表示,能夠在自己即將畢業之際贏得該獎項感到興奮及鼓舞。來自本澳及內地12所高校共32名選手參加了此次比賽, 共設十個獎項,分為初級、中級及高級三組,每組分別評出冠軍、亞軍及季軍,此外,東方基金會還特設了最佳詩歌獎。澳科大國際學院葡萄牙語課程自2012年開始以來,有了長足的發展,在課程學習之外,學院積極鼓勵學生參與校內外的不同語言學習活動,對同學們的學習幫助很大。澳科大人文藝術學院學生獲“2016年全球品牌策劃大賽中國賽區選拔賽”全國品牌策劃二、三等獎“2016年(新加坡)全球品牌策劃大賽中國地區選拔賽”於4月16日至18日在天津召開。澳門科技大學人文藝術學院新聞傳播學系“逆襲者聯盟品牌策劃工作室”(成員:劉之佳,周盈,何雅頌,王子暉,陳籽多,李曉丹)和“六根清淨品牌策劃工作室”(成員:劉依杭,許悅,楊喋,楊鵑瑛,董嘉暉,林群)兩支隊伍在夏冰青助理教授的帶領下赴天津參加比賽。兩支隊伍運用“策劃與創意策略”的相關知識完成“西津渡歷史文化街區宣傳策劃案”和“珠海綠手指份額農園宣傳策劃案”兩個作品,經過與來自全國74所高校(其中包括浙江大學,上海對外經貿大學,北京第二外國語學院等重點院校)的133支優秀隊伍的激烈競爭後,分別榮獲全國品牌策劃二等獎和三等獎的榮譽。是次比賽體現了以理論為導向,緊密結合實際產業運作的課程模式改革。
  • 36第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 抄襲的文化思辨嚴鴻基(澳門科技大學商學院,澳門)摘要: 中國歷代抄襲行爲不能簡單僵硬地被西方知識產權保護的思想定義為可恥或無價值。在西方,人的獨特性、創意和著作權等觀念形成時有其宗教與歷史淵源,而在中國歷史中文學的抄襲也有其獨特崇高的出發點,使歷代的模仿行為(包括自我抄襲和冒名之作)得到辯解。與現代沽名釣譽的抄襲行爲抗爭,我們必須要從自身的文化出發:諒解我國文化中抄襲行爲背後的動機,幷積極考慮分享與欣賞他人作品的文化價值在現代社會的可行性。最後本文提出一些在教育學術界中防止抄襲的原則。關鍵詞: 抄襲;學術剽竊;中國文化;中國價值觀;中國教育問題An Intellectual Inquiry into Plagiarism in Chinese CultureHongji YAN( Business School, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China )AAstract: This paper rejects the rigid and simplistic definition of Western intellectual copyrights to judge the historical Chinese copying of others as disgraceful or without its value. With her religious and historical origin, the Western notions of human uniqueness, creativity and copyrights have made plagiarism easy to define. A brief review of the historical account of plagiarism in China reveals the noble purpose of sharing and spreading the truth, making the literature copying defendable, including so-called self-plagiarism and publishing under the names of those well-known. However, to fight against the modern fishing for fame and credit, we should understand the motives behind the historical plagiarism under the Chinese context, and consider the feasibility of sharing one’s ideas and appreciating others’ work in today’s society obsessed with copyright-protection and commercial self-interest. The paper concludes by offering some principles to counter plagiarism in academic arena.eywords: Plagiarism; Academic Plagiarism; Chinese Culture; Chinese Traditional Values; Education Problems in China收稿日期:2016-01-19;修訂日期:2016-02-26。*通訊作者:嚴鴻基,男,博士,商學院助理教授。主要研究方向:商業倫理,道德教育。Email: hkim@must.edu.mo,Tel: 00853-88972844。人真是很矛盾:我們像很文明,但也野蠻;像很聰明,但也愚蠢;像很互(兼)愛,但也自私…… 趙煥明 香港世界宣明會總幹事0 引言“我這地方不是托兒所,而是大學。”這是美國一所大學的校長最近的一句話,暗指大學生應該長大了。他在大學的網站上說,“我們的文化只是教孩子專注自己的利益和自我崇拜。每當他們的感覺受傷時,他們就認為自己是受害者。任何人敢於挑戰他們,就是讓他們‘難受’,這些人就被稱為‘憎恨者’,‘頑固不化者’,‘壓迫者’和‘兇手’。” [1] 當然,這位校長的精警措辭是有背景原因的。現在美國的大學生都要求
  • 37嚴鴻基  抄襲的文化思辨在參加講座和課堂之前預先知道講課的主題,來判斷要聽的課題是否會攪擾個人情緒,對於與微侵略(Microaggressions)有關的話題則更敏感。無論有意或無意,一切語言或非語言的嘲笑和侮辱,都被視為對被邊緣化團體的不友善行為。這位校長最後指出:“世界上只有你……我們不相信每次你感到不舒服的時候都是因為你是受害者。這所大學不是一個舒適安逸的地方,而是一個求學的場所:學會生命不僅僅與你有關,也關於別人。”可惜現在的學生大多數都與社會中其他的人一樣:自我意識膨脹,生活經歷匱乏,更不願意面對生命之起落。這種不想付出努力只想享受的觀念在學習方面衍變成了“無痛”的學習方式。“無痛”教育最明顯的表現就是抄襲。雖然抄襲的文化在社會各個領域都大面積出現,但學術界因其行業的特殊性,抄襲使學術界成為腐敗滋生的溫床。本論文從文化的角度對抄襲進行辨析,分析抄襲背後反映我國歷史文化上深層次的問題,幷為學術界提出相應的建議。中國古代不同行業都存在模仿他人的現象,但以文學創作的模仿爲主,如詩詞和文章等。雖然這裡主要討論的是學術抄襲問題,但其中的分析和提議同樣可以用以剖析在商業領域的抄襲侵權行為。1 抄襲的現代釋義從學校的文章抄襲到微信多媒體內容的無授權共享共用,我們可以預見,隨著通訊科技的日益進步,版權觀念隨之改變,作者和分享者的界限漸漸模糊,分不出原創還是抄襲,甚至真實與虛擬都難以分辨。這裡引出一個問題,就是抄襲(Plagiarism)的嚴重氾濫程度。抄襲通常指抄錄他人作品以為己作,但這樣定義過於籠統空泛,而且沒有考慮到動機和抄襲的範圍及程度,也沒有考慮到各個行業中模仿改進與逐字逐句剽竊的區別。因此有必要對眾多的抄襲現象進行細分。法律界給了抄襲一個狹窄的定義:表達上的抄襲就是大量的甚至是整段地照抄別人的作品而沒有注明出處,且不做任何更改或僅做部分無關緊要的更改。至於學術界中廣義的抄襲就不僅限於表達上的抄襲,還包括“思想概念原理方面的竊取,例如偷取他人作品中特有的內容和思想,或將他人的思想或觀念改頭換面,使其看起來像是自己的創作,卻未注明出處”[2]。比較起來,法律上的定義操作性強,但學術界的定義更為嚴密,不單對作品的輸出作出了限定,對形式以外的概念和思想也都有規範。而學術界對抄襲定義的缺點是求證難度較大,要求認真辨別,甚至要動用專家以確切鑒定抄襲的行為[3]。最典型的學術剽竊案件應該是吳曉波抄襲案[4],它展示出在新的形勢之下判定剽竊的難度,也給我們提供創作上的教訓和啟示。這個案件主要圍繞兩個作者為著名經濟學家吳敬璉所寫的傳記中出現驚人的雷同內容這一事件展開。兩位作者都從傳主吳敬璉處取得部分相同的寫作材料,但問題是能否可以證明後出書的作者剽竊先前出版傳記的內容,特別是一些改寫的部分能否認定為抄襲。在新聞界,改寫同業報導的現象司空見慣,為新聞從業人所不屑[5]。從這個侵權案中,我們可以看到,若要避免抄襲的嫌疑,後來的作者必須創新:提出新的主意幷運用不同的手法記述同一件事。但現在學術界悲哀的是:打開電子論文庫我們發現許多同一主題甚至標題只有幾字之差的論文,內容大同小異,結論如出一轍。試問創新之意在哪裡?因此,要寫同一主題的作家一方面要小心謹慎,沒有新意就儘量不要寫,免得惹來非議甚至官司,另一方面則要另闢蹊徑研究一個新的主題。1999 年中國著作權法中對抄襲行為的認定有更清晰和嚴格的指引。國家版權局在回覆青島市版權局的答覆(下稱《答覆》)中宣佈,原封不動或者基本原封不動地複製他人作品的行為(低級抄襲),和經過改頭換面後將他人受著作權保護的獨創成分竊為己有(高級抄襲)幷發表,都是抄襲侵權行為。改變作品的類型或表現形式都
  • 38改變不了抄襲的侵權本質。同時,《答覆》還擴大了抄襲侵權中行為人的過錯範圍:除了故意外還包括過失[6]。這意味著,不論意圖為何,稍有不慎發表一些有他人著作權的作品而沒有適當注明出處,就有可能被認定為抄襲侵權行為。著作權(Copyright)確實是一個舶來之物。按照西方普遍的觀念,人有自由意志做出選擇和創作,有能力創造各類的作品,而這種創意也反證人的獨特性,在世界和宇宙中人類以自我為中心。為了保護人的獨特創造性和相關的經濟利益,著作權起到承認幷促進人類自我創作(新)的作用,其中智慧財產權[7](Intellectual Property Rights)是現代著作權的核心內容。為了鼓勵文化創意的發展,2001 年聯合國教科化組織(UNESCO)大會第 31屆會議通過了《世界文化多樣性宣言》,其中有關於文化多樣性與創作中指出:每項創作都來源於有關的文化傳統,但也在同其他文化傳統的交流中得到充分的發展……面對目前為創作和革新開闢了廣闊前景的經濟和技術的發展變化,應當特別注意創作意願的多樣性,公正地考慮作者和藝術家的權利,以及文化物品和文化服務的特殊性,因為它們體現的是特性、價值觀和觀念,不應被視為一般的商品或消費品[8]。這裡除了肯定文化創意是人的普世權利以外,還提倡對這種權利的保護,原因是文化創意展現出人類思想的獨特性,不可被侵犯。由此,在商業環境之下保障版權的法律就應運而生。對於學術界的剽竊行為,最大的問題是公眾對學術界的嚴謹和求真精神寄予信任,但隨著學術不端的事件不斷被曝光,學術象牙塔的名譽和賴以生存的基礎都不斷遭受破壞。2 中國抄襲的文化背景中國的歷史中,抄襲的現象不勝枚舉。《漢書》的作者抄襲《史記》是公認的事實,全書超過一半的書卷都是抄襲而來,其中記事的文字甚至編者的贊論部分完全一樣[9]。張守節稱《漢書》“少加異者”[10],說明當時的文人對抄襲行為具有批判的意識。同樣,郭象盜用了向秀對《莊子》的注釋,卻被歸功於完成《莊子注》[11]。除了文學的抄襲現象,國策謀略也成為了抄襲的對象。趙武靈王仿效北方遊牧的胡服騎兵,大力抵禦齊國兵力,成為出色的“抄襲王”。據說趙匡胤的陳橋兵變也是模仿了郭威的澶州兵變而著名。至於詩詞雷同和抄襲的例子更多不勝數,曹操的《短歌行》和朱元璋的《菊花》都有重大嫌疑[12],在此不再贅述了。值得注意的是,中國古代不但缺乏現代的智慧財產權的觀念,也沒有被發現剽竊的後顧之憂,更沒有現代商業抄襲背後的金錢腥味,但為了沽名釣譽而抄襲的動機卻與現代相去不遠。模仿別人的心理能補充我們對抄襲的認識:我們在厭惡東施效顰、邯鄲學步的粗俗和忘本精神的同時,又躊躇於標新立異、自我作古的困難與代價中。因此,人總是活在一種既想模仿別人的成功之處但又想與眾不同的矛盾心理中。事實上,人能從模仿別人的過程中學會與別人不同。無論名成利就與否,所謂“英雄所見略同”就成了中國人給予自己一種英雄式的自我安慰。然而,中國人幷不是沒有分辨抄襲和模仿之別。古人譴責抄襲的行徑,抱怨拾人牙慧的可耻,批評人云亦云和鸚鵡學舌的膚淺,表現出對爲謀私利而借用別人東西行徑的不屑。有別於現代的價值觀和出發點,他們沒有提出一個可行的方案減少或杜絕抄襲。直到現代也不乏對抄襲的體諒和辯護者。有人為古人的抄襲辯稱:“在古代中國,能刻一本書印刷就很了不起,誰會在乎裏面的內容是誰的原創,所以古人到處傳抄,也不以爲怪。”[13] 這評論確實有一定的文化傳統為根據,同時也道出古代抄襲的原意——追求真知識的目的是爲了他人而不是私用,著書立言爲的是要廣為人知,書籍的出版與流行實爲公便——大衆的利益。正所謂“大道之行也,天下爲公”[14]。因時代的
  • 39嚴鴻基  抄襲的文化思辨不同古人未必介意原創與贋品之別,重點是廣傳與共享。古人這種推崇真理的法則,爲了蒼生而非保護自我“産權”的信念,與現代學術界所極力維護的知識保護與創新有著明顯不同的出發點。從這種古人思想來看,反向抄襲和自我抄襲等現代西方文明所唾弃的行爲就容易被理解和辯護。把個人的作品假冒於名人名下出版的行爲,目的是透過名人效應把某個話題補充說明幷解釋得更透徹“以饗讀者”。反复把自我的思想以不同的渠道和長短篇幅公開發表論證,使議題得到廣泛的共識,這種自我抄襲的現象以現代的標準判斷也不以爲過。至於低水平的抄襲,從個人的修養來看,這無異於學習階段的讀書筆記與心得的累積[15]。這種被現代視爲學術剽竊的行徑,古人認爲是人生必經之路,爲了日後更好的創作服務,試問有何不妥?再者,西方在手抄現象普遍和印刷剛開始盛行的時候,知識的傳播目的與中國古代極爲相似。基督教聖經的正典在收集形成階段也出現了冒使徒之名而寫的次經(或稱僞經),相信其創作目的也跟聖經正典中某些書卷在當時極爲受歡迎有關。這些書卷的出現有豐富的參考作用。3 現代中國人抄襲行為的剖釋與反思可是,對中國古代模仿行爲的瞭解幷不能爲現代國人的抄襲提供有力的辯護。與此相反,這種理解恰恰給我們有一個更全面的基礎來分析幷解决現代國人抄襲的問題。文明的進步促成新的視角,使現代中國人不得不面對“我”與“他”的思辨。在學術界內和資本主義創意商業化過程中,西方産權的觀念催生了狹隘的學術和相關的商業利益,有異於中西歷史中對學術成果天下爲公的思想。然而,現代中國人在觀察和學習西方對創作的重視和保護後開始反思。在中國文化中原創與盜版的概念是清晰絕不含糊的:人們以原創自以為豪,而對抄襲者則唾駡為無恥,甚至投以鄙視的眼光。原創與盜版之辯折射出国人对“我”与“他”的理解。中國文化本來就存在對他人以及其利益的重視。有現代文學創作者不禁反問:“在一篇作品刊出時,我們甚至會跟校刊編輯計較每一個空格、空行、標點的位置;因為我們相信,一篇作品的每一部分,都是‘我的’,都是貫徹‘我的’意志的創造物。在這種信念下,抄襲是不可想像的——就連不小心寫一篇和別人相像的作品都要覺得羞愧,更何況直接抄?”[16]深究中國的傳統文化,我們不難發現:對據為己有(用)行為的不屑說明了個人與他人權益的區別,克己奉公道出了人們對高尚人性的嚮往。但是對如今的知識產權的保護難以實行,原因除了我們對智慧財產權(而不是實在的財物)的不重視和誤解外,主要是私心和利欲作梗。“己所不欲勿施於人”的道理眾所周知,但以務實見稱的中國人一旦發生利益衝突時,這個原則就變得不那麼重要。抄襲的現象在社會各界不斷涌現。在影視圈我們看到被抄襲的不僅是歌詞音樂,連舞蹈台風和穿著也不能幸免[2]。從電視劇,MV 網頁甚至新聞中我們可以看到,只要在原創構想中稍加修改就能成爲受人歡迎的節目和內容,有些甚至只要是第一個從外語翻譯成中文的就能熱賣。文化産品的驚人相似性使人們無法辨認真假和原創産品。緃觀中西文明,大多的事物都是模仿和不斷改進的結果,創新精神也是在科技發展中被提出和被重視。可是,人類社會是逐漸進步和文明的,創新就是現代文明的必然結果,人類對於推陳出新的行爲有更高和更嚴格的要求。我們不能以過去陳舊的思想和陋習阻撓現代文明對知識產權的保護。正如中國加入 WTO 後根據協議遵守世界一系列的貿易和生産標準,包括對版權的保護。這就意味著相關國際準則的實施不會因當地的文化而轉移。況且中國的道德思想在注重集體利益和責任感之餘幷不否認人的獨特性和創造力,所謂“和而不同”的精神體現了對不同意見的容忍度。
  • 40究其原因,中國人的抄襲習慣表面算是文化上的陋習和人性上的軟弱,以致於跟世界脫軌。杜絕抄襲需要從人的思想和行爲兩方面作出改變。思想上的改變需要被說服和接受新的觀念,但這種觀念上的改變幷不能預見抄襲行為的減少。因爲人的行爲是錯綜複雜的。思想只是影響行爲的衆多因素的其中一種。抄襲行為意味著對人的價值的否定和對其智慧勞動成果的蔑視。其中最大的問題是不尊重人類的創意精神,上到法律的層面就是侵犯智慧財產權。對國人的抄襲行為這裡有三點解釋: ● 知識產品的無價值論。知識產品是一種智力創意型的勞動成果,如小說創作和手機應用,均需通過知識的運用加上一定的創新主意生產而成。可是在中國文化中,實用精神和務實的態度多少左右了國人對知識產品的認識。他們對看得到摸得著的勞動成果能給予尊重,但對藏在機盒裡面的他人智慧勞動成果就難以重視了。因此,他們不明白為何要珍惜他人的創意成果,在複製(印)和抄襲擁有智慧財產權的產品後並沒有自責與內疚感。此外,在傳統宗族思想和近代集體文化的影響之下,個體的獨創精神得不到應有的鼓勵和發揮,創意不受重視,甚至被扼殺。這種不注重也不追求創新精神的風氣直接造成知識產品無價值論。 ● 不問自取文化的後果。當智慧財產權“虛無不實際”時,貪小便宜和不問自取的行為結合起來就產生剽竊的行為,特別是對於那些被認為價值不高的產品和服務。再者,隨著因特網的普及,現代的科技允許人輕鬆不費勁地“獲取”物品,這樣免費的東西為何不用呢? ● 沽名釣譽的心理作用。抄襲帶來直接和實在的利益造成抄襲泛濫的現象。由於國人不太重視別人的創意勞動成果,若抄襲會帶給個人好名聲和高地位的話,他們爲了滿足這種虛榮心會去抄襲。人們希望透過複製好的東西來達到理想和謀取各樣的名利。抄襲其實反映出一種虛榮的心態,人們認為抄別人好的內容會成為提升自我的快捷方式。事實上,若被揭發有學術不正或竊取商業秘密的行為,後果往往是身敗名裂,得不償失。真正做學問的應該明白不勞無獲的道理。文化上我們雖然有以人為本的思想,管理工作以人為基礎,並強調對人性的理解,尊重人、關心人、愛護人、培養人、教育人等管理理念[18]。但這種以人為基礎的理念沒有順理成章地延伸到人的創意,使創意難以成為被關心的對象。創意在於敢於突破,採用新的思維以新穎獨創的方法解決問題,這能突破常規思維的界限以更廣闊的視角看待問題[19]。4 教育方面對防止抄襲可為之處在教育的各個階段中,模仿他人都是必須的,幷且應受到鼓勵。複述某種觀點不但是學習和考試的常見方式,更是學生要學會的一種基礎技能。我們都是從參考他人觀點的過程中發掘出新的知識點從而形成更好的理論。同時,教育階段也是學生最容易養成抄襲習慣的時期,所以有必要在這階段好好把關。杜絕抄襲的最大困難還是思想上的更新和改變。轟動的侵權案可以喚醒我們對智慧財產權的重視和反思,抄襲必須要從仿照別人的意圖、場合(作品的出產等)、仿照的程度等幾方面來定義幷批判。對於設計師來說,“一切都需要學習和調整。” [20] 在中國是如此,在別的國家也是如此。這代表產品設計是學習或模仿的結果。事實和理論都證明,人類的偉大貢獻是建基於前人的思想和技術上,牛頓之所以成就非凡也是在於能够站在巨人的肩膀上。有沒有無傷大雅的抄襲?就日常生活而言,有些抄襲現象確實不屬嚴重侵犯了原作者的版權,例如在網上下載某些資料用於教學討論之用。判
  • 41嚴鴻基  抄襲的文化思辨斷抄襲不能只根據是否産生利益關係而判斷,因爲在某些個案中沒有産生利益關係但還是屬嚴重的抄襲行爲,比如論文剽竊。通常抄襲都涉及到不軌的意圖,特別是使用別人發明的主意但沒有注明出處的,都應該屬抄襲的範圍。對於那些抄了別人的主意幷把它當作是自己作品的核心內容的都有抄襲的嫌疑。學生對於抄襲和模仿之別認識比較模糊,經常把別人的意見加入到自己的論文中,當作個人的意見卻沒有注明,這正是西方對抄襲的定義。對於學生在作業和文章中抄襲的現象,雖在程度上沒有畢業論文或科研專案報告作弊後果嚴重(談不上發表),也沒有像盜用商業秘密而謀取的非法利益那麼龐大,但如果學校和師長置之不理就會造成學生的僥倖心理,更重要的是他們沒有在寫作過程中獲取新知識。在 2008 年一項調查中國大學本科生對抄襲的態度發現,受訪的 120名非英語專業的學生全部稱沒有聽過老師解釋Plagiarism(抄襲)的定義。同時,他們認為抄襲有錯最重要的兩個原因分別是“自己學不到東西”和“對原作者不公平”。比較起來,美國學生在進大學前就已接受學術性的寫作訓練(包括引用他人觀點的方法和認識抄襲的嚴重後果),而大部分中國大學生在入學或在撰寫學士論文前,甚至連抄襲的概念以及其嚴重性都沒有聽過[21]。這應該是學校和老師要重視的問題:如何在學生學習中引導他們獨立探索並發現新的知識,而不是一味的模仿。比如有部分學生抄襲是為了蒙混過關,但若老師評核的是論文的品質和學生個人的見解,那麼學生抄襲最好的論文也過不了關。同時,學生的抄襲存在故意和無意之分別。對於無心的抄襲,提醒和教育常常是較好的解決方法。部分學生的懶惰和不求甚解、甚至錯誤的求學態度都是導致學風不正的原因,其他的原因有: ● 懶惰加上節省成本的心理作崇。學生中常出現這種現象,他們在交報告前一兩天甚至幾個小時前才準備。這其實折射出現代人道德的悲哀:若隨手都能得到的東西誰會再動腦筋去想呢?現在太多的東西可以讓別人代勞,連思考都不需要:代理設計、代寫論文服務和代辦事情等等。與其說現代人時間緊張,不如說娛樂太豐富使得他們不願意去思考問題。 ● 科技催生生產的快捷方式。有學生說,“如果同學無處可抄,那怎麼樣都只能自己寫了。”科技使抄襲的機會變得無限大,對抄襲者來說抄襲的成本也完全可以忽略。在急功近利和形式主義的教育體制之下,學生的求學和做學問的態度都變了,完成寫作任務和字數要求最重要,作品品質變得次要甚至不重要。資訊來得這麼容易,不像以往抄襲別人的東西還要拿到書籍和相關的硬體,現在想抄什麼就能抄什麼,又省力又省時,何樂而不為?大部分的學生抄襲的內容都是從網上而來,因此催生出了各種偵查抄襲的服務,例如有 turnitin.com 等網上查重服務。 ● 想不出更好的產品或主意。有學生會說他們再也沒有創意了,再也不想發掘新事物了。可是,我們有理由相信人類的創造潛能,堅信創意是可以擴展的。現代資訊如此發達,基本上人要什麼樣的資訊都可以得到,而不費吹灰之力。製造創意基本沒有市場,因為人們根本不需要。科技進步帶來了生活上的便利,但同時也形成了一種以享樂為主的不需要思考和運用創造力的文化沙漠。 ● 教育內部急功近利的後果。現代教育的其中一個弊病是只注重成績和結果,這促使學生為求好的成績不擇手段。對學習過程的忽略造就了不求甚解和敷衍了事地完成學習任務的現象,嚴重地扭曲教育的終極目的和意義。
  • 425 總結和建議儘管我們難以區分抄襲在商業和法律上之分別,但商業上的模仿在某種程度是默許甚至必須的。例如高鐵的技術和電子產品的設計都不可能從零開始,必定要從前人的技術和方法之下改良和創新。我們自小就一直活在模仿別人的生活中。不要說孩童時代學習模仿別人,就算嬰孩的每一個舉止包括微笑都是向父母學的。可見,如何辨別“抄襲”還是“借鑒”幷沒有特別客觀的標準。在實務中,一方起訴另一方抄襲自己的設計(侵犯著作權或是專利權中的外觀設計),須證明對方在圖案、色彩、文字、位置關係等方面和自己的設計相似,而被告則需要證明其明顯區別,以及自己設計的獨創性[22]。現代科技模糊了真和假、原創與仿造品的界線,但可幸的是抄襲的形式和程度無論如何變化人們大都心知肚明。當然,模仿別人在某些情況是值得提倡的。模仿是創新的基石。模仿的能力本來就存在於人類的基因中,也是人類文明和進步的推動力。就像在模仿過程中日本人研發出比美國更美觀先進的電子產品,人類的進步就是建基於前人的基礎上,關鍵在於是否有改良和創新。對於商業上的抄襲,有人曾說,“我或許沒有你的前瞻性,能看到某款產品的前景,但是我可以通過抄襲然後將你收費的功能免費來吸引用戶從而擊敗你。”[23]可見企業抄襲不單單為了利益,更是一種卑鄙的競爭策略。從深層的意義來說,我們陷入了一個矛盾:我們既想模仿別人,但人性又要求在外表和其他方面與眾不同。在人類歷史中,現代科學給了我們一個有趣的觀察和結論:世界上沒有兩個人是完全一樣的,每個人都有獨特的外貌和性格。自然界也一樣,沒有兩種同類的植物或動物完全一樣,可以互相替代。一種文明不能單靠抄襲別人而長久生存下去,而是需要在模仿別人的過程中產生新的概念和產品服務。現代的手機設計看起來越來越一樣,趨同的現象越來越普遍和明顯。這種趨同的現象變相地把人類的創造力抹殺了。因此,與抄襲的文化抗爭,我們必須注意以下原則: ● 對人性有正確的認識。人除了生命和言論及人身自由等不可侵犯的權利外,因其擁有創造能力和在世界的特殊身份和地位,其任何形式的創意表達都應該得到法律保護。也就是說,在中國文化中難以理解和區分的概念:我的,他的和共享的有形和無形智慧財産,都要區分。我們相信隨著人類文明的進步,這個要求是合理合情的。若要落實“以人爲本”的政治口號,我們必須從尊重人的價值和保護其創意的表達開始做起。 ● 抄襲的對立面是創意,而獲取創意是需要付代價的。因為創意帶來新的思維和做事程序,它具有增值的性質。我們需要欣賞創意,給予較高的評價並保護好其外在表現方式——智慧財產權。為何創意的價值高而且成本也高?創意帶來知識和技術上的更新和更大的效用,所以創意是有價值的。以教育為例:教育者其實明白學生的創意應該受到鼓勵。但囿於成本,並為了方便和節省時間,老師評核學生都採用千遍一律的方式,標準答案只有一個。老師本身教學和科研任務繁重,哪有時間欣賞學生在試卷上獨具創意的答案呢?因此,要刺激創意就要付出代價,要優先處理創意。 ● 責任制能防止和减少抄襲事件發生。中國人強烈的責任感不但能鞭策國人盡責守紀,也能幫助他們抵禦强大的利益誘惑。若能在把關的人(Gatekeeper)身上,例如通訊作者和主編等關鍵人物落實責任制,便能够做到互相監督。對於畢業論文和學生的文章,指導老師也應該首先奉勸學生不要作弊幷告知其嚴重後果。 ● 傳統價值觀和新的形勢變化:尊重人和其
  • 43嚴鴻基  抄襲的文化思辨創意,支持智慧勞動成果,以及弘揚中國傳統的觀念,如一絲不苟的求學態度和辛勤勞動的美德,都是家庭,學校以及政府和整個社會應採取的措施。這可以通過思想教育和制度建設開始做起。 ● 克服文化中心論。有網友評論日本文化中受中國的影響程度時稱,“雖然處處能見到中國以及歐美文化的影子,卻已經完全是日本文化自己的樣子。這是在文化傳播中的借鑒與融合,而不是抄襲。[24]”在評論一件作品或意念是否抄襲時,我們有時在文化上固步自封,總以爲是別人或他國抄襲了自己的東西,卻不知那是一種進步的表現。 ● 評價和評審制度的改善:任何的評分制度都有優缺點,也不可能完全公平,但對作品(產出)的品質和過程進行的評核能做到公允,公眾的支持(包括學生師長)能使這些評審制度長期運作,那麼注重形式和結果以及剽竊的風氣就有可能改善。在發掘我國歷史文化中的抄襲的動機與方式後,我們發現中國現代抄襲行爲不能一刀切地被西方定義為可恥。古代的分享和切磋的精神不能被現代多含金錢血腥味的商業和學術剽竊所抹黑。現代的中國人反而應該考慮是否有必要弘揚古代大道之行的無私己,積極探討共享的文化價值觀在現代社會的適應性。版權的概念實則是為商業利益服務 , 而個人或企業動輒進行侵權訴訟,國與國之間時不時要發動制裁,其實根本就是變形的保護主義。當保護主義過了頭時,反而扼殺了改良創新的機會。以上的分析和建議僅供教育同道及社會人仕參考。總的來說,現代中國人擁有各種豐富的娛樂,他們似乎沒有空間也沒有時間製造創意的成果。當科技使抄襲的行為變成一種文化和做事的捷徑時,我們必須作出這樣的價值判斷:一個速食型的社會不會深究抄襲的文化含義,人們只圖快快地享樂,過份追求速度而不重視質的變化。因此,認真對待抄襲的行為關乎我們對人性的定位和對文明價值觀應有的取態。這不只是爲了除掉現代的國人陋習,更是在科技時代對中國文化的一次尋根和更新。參 考 文 獻[1] Samuels, A. (Dec 1, 2015). Oklahoma Wesleyan Univ. president: 'This is not a day care'. USA Today. Accessed Dec 11, 2015 from http://college.usatoday.com/2015/12/01/oklahoma-wesleyan-univ-president-this-is-not-a-day-care/[2] 臺灣學術倫理教育推廣資源中心. 不當的研究寫作:抄襲與剽竊[EB/OL].(2015-09-11)[2015-12-28].http://eplus.asia.edu.tw/assets/presentations/351/original/d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e.pdf.[3] 國家版權局版權管理司. 關於認定抄襲行為給青島市版權局的答覆[R]. 權司[1999]第6號.[4] 柳紅. 一個社會對待抄襲的態度決定著很多事項[EB/OL].(2013-4-26)[2015-12-28]. http://www.21ccom.net/articles/zgyj/gmht/article_2013042682202.html.[5] 楊佩玉.媒體抄襲,倫理崩壞[EB/OL].(2012-10-29)[2015-12-30]. http://www.orientaldaily.com.my/columns/mj11564.[6] 參見《關於認定抄襲行為給青島市版權局的答覆》。[7] 百度百科:指人類智力勞動產生的智力勞動成果所有權。它是依照各國法律賦予符合條件的著作者、發明者或成果擁有者在一定期限內享有的獨佔權利,一般認為它包括版權(著作權)和工業產權。版權(著作權)是指創作文學、藝術和科學作品的作者及其他著作權人依法對其作品所享有的人身權利和財產權利的總稱;工業產權則是指包括發明專利、實用新型專利、外觀設計專利、商標、服務標記、廠商名稱、貨源名稱或原產地名稱等在內的權利人享有的獨佔性權利。[8] 夏學理主編.文化創意產業概論. 臺北:五南文化,2008:99.[9] 雅虎知識. 我想問中國歷史上最著名的抄襲王是誰?[EB/OL].(2007-11-06)[2015-12-28]. https://hk.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20071106000051KK04444.[10] 《史記正義》[11] 《世說新語 • 文學》[12] 張鳴.無所畏與無所謂.重慶:重慶出版社,2010.[13] 摩訶.原創和抄襲[EB/OL].(2011-04-23)[2016-02-24]. http://jysnow.pixnet.net/blog/post/29004503-原創和抄襲[14] 《禮記·禮運》。[15] 胡志剛.倫理類型的轉換與賽珍珠問題的性質——論“抄襲”問題的凸顯及其倫理類型前提[J].常州大學學報.2011.1(12.1).[16] 朱宥勳.文學抄襲的三種類型[EB/OL].(2013-10-08)[2016-02-24]. https://zh-tw.facebook.com/notes/文學抄襲的三種類型/629787297062130/[17] 楊睿愷 .台日文化——模仿抄襲致敬? [ E B / O L ] .( 2 0 0 9 -05-30) [2016-02-24] . h t tp: / /cas tnet .nctu .edu. tw/castnet /article/1693?issueID=71[18] 百度知道. 如何理解“以人為本”的管理理念[EB/OL].(2013-12-06)[2016-01-02].http://zhidao.baidu.com/.[19] 百度百科. 創新思維[EB/OL].[2016-01-01]. http://baike.baidu.com.[20] IDEO總裁兼首席執行官蒂姆 • 布朗(Tim Brown)在夏季達沃斯峰會上接受騰訊財經專訪(2015年9月10日)。採訪片段來自http://finance.qq.com/a/20140911/005368.htm[21] 張惠琴,李俊儒,段惠.中國大學生“抄襲剽竊”概念實證研究
  • 44[J].外語研究.2008,2(108).[22] 百度知道. 小說如何判定抄襲與借鑒?[EB/OL].(2015-06-18)[2015-12-30]. http://zhidao.baidu.com/.[23] 互動百科. 抄襲文化[EB/OL]. [2015-12-30].www.baike.com.[24] 白兔卿.文化有無抄襲之說?日本的種種文化是抄襲中國還是一種文化的傳播?[EB/OL].(2015-07-28)/[2016-03-17].https://www.zhihu.com/question/33532171國際交流葡萄牙米尼奧大學校長訪澳科大雙方冀加強合作共培育人才葡萄牙米尼奧大學校長António Augusto Magalhães da Cunha一行於2016年3月2日到訪澳門科技大學,受到澳科大校長劉良講座教授、副校長姜志宏講座教授、副校長龐川教授、協理副校長孫建榮教授、資訊科技學院院長張渡教授及國際學院助理行政主任李寶貞的熱情歡迎。劉良校長向António Augusto Magalhães da Cunha校長簡單介紹了澳科大的發展概況,劉校長表示,大學年輕有活力並發展迅速,建校16年已成為兩岸四地最年輕的百強大學,一直重視教研並重及堅持國際化,會談中,雙方就學校特色及辦學理念等方面作交流,並表示冀加強彼此合作,如舉辦學生交流計劃,共同推動教育發展,培育更多優秀人才。會談後,嘉賓一行參觀了澳科大中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室,對實驗室齊全先進的設備表示讚賞。會談的嘉賓還包括:助理校長Carla Cristina Esteves Martins、校長辦公室主任Heliana Maria Pereira da Silva、高等教育輔助辦公室職務主管姚玉鳳女士等。NaresuanUniversity,Phitsanulok,Thailand副校長 訪科大冀加強雙方更緊密合作交流Naresuan University,Phitsanulok,Thailand一行在副校長ManupatLohithavy博士率領下於2016年2月18日到訪澳門科技大學,受到澳科大協理副校長姜志宏講座教授、科研管理處處長梁勇教授、科大醫院行政總監曾致慧及中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室白麗萍副教授的熱情接待。姜志宏協理副校長首先向ManupatLohithavy副校長簡單介紹了澳科大的發展概況,會談中,雙方更就學生情況及學院特色等方面作交流,並表示冀將來有更緊密合作,共同培育更多醫學界的優秀人才。會談後,嘉賓一行還參觀了澳科大中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室及科大醫院,對各項齊全的設備表示讚賞。參與會談的嘉賓還包括:藥學院SupawanPongpattannawut博士及製藥技術部SupawadeeParhira博士。California Institute of Integral Studies校長 訪澳科大讚揚澳科大發展迅速California Institute of Integral Studies校長Joseph Subbiondo一行於2016年4月8日下午到訪澳科大,獲得劉良校長、孫建榮協理副校長、中醫藥學院周華副院長及國際學院助理行政主任李寶貞女士熱情接待。會談中,劉校長先後介紹了澳科大近年來的整體發展、各學院特色和科研成果等,並指大學充分把握“品質、創新及效益”三個關鍵,開辦適合社會需求的課程,促進教科研等方面可持續發展。Joseph Subbiondo校長指澳科大雖然建校只有16年,已發展成為具代表性的大學,讚揚澳科大的發展成果。會後,周華副院長陪同Joseph Subbiondo校長一行參觀中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室(澳門科技大學伙伴實驗室)。是次到訪嘉賓還包括California Institute of Integral Studies副校長黃立新教授。
  • 45第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 Received 22 Feb. 2016; Revised 15 Apr. 2016*Corresponding author: Jimin CHEN Annie, Lecturer of Department of General Education, Macau University of Science and Technology; MA in Translation Studies, University of Macau. Research area: Translation and Literary Studies.E-mail: jmichen@must.edu.mo; Tel: 00853-88972075/66947914Maintaining SuAtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) Ay Eileen Chang into EnglishJimin CHEN(Department of General Education, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China)AAstract: This paper focuses on the author’s reflective commentary on her translation of a Chinese short story Xin Jing ( Heart Sutra ) by Eileen Chang. The source text (hereinafter referred to as ST) depicts an ambiguous relationship between a father and his daughter. The translation is generally targeted at the English-speaking audience. The self-reflection section analyses the lexical choice (diction) of translating the expressions relevant to the subtle father-daughter relationship. The overall translation approach is basically literal translation, which is to achieve the ultimate faithfulness to the original text. The results of the author’s translation decision making, in other words the lexical choice solutions, contain the translator’s considerations of different aspects in relation to the context. The translation decision making process and the translation product will hopefully provide valuable data and have wider implications of future translation studies.eywords: Xin Jing ( Heart Sutra ); Eileen Chang; Self-reflection; Lexical choice; Diction; Translation decision making禁忌之邊——談英譯張愛玲《心經》中的不倫戀的選詞陳季敏(澳門科技大學通識教育部,澳門)摘要: 論文針對作者自譯張愛玲短篇小說《心經》過程中所碰到的選詞問題進行多角度探究與分析。小說中描繪隱諱又大膽的父女之愛吸睛的同時,也為英譯這段不倫戀帶來意外的挑戰——特別是翻譯用詞如何準確而微妙地傳達原文及原作者之精神與意圖。論文選取原小說中八處描述父女曖昧情感之橋段,從選詞法角度通過對可選英語詞彙的釋義、對比、分析原文意圖、原語對象及目標語對象等等來闡述選詞的過程與結果,並完整體現了翻譯策略與技巧在選詞過程中的應用。關鍵詞: 《心經》;張愛玲;自評;措辭;選詞法;翻譯決策
  • 460 IntroductionEileen Chang (1920-1995) was considered one of the most prominent fiction writers and essayists in modern Chinese literature. She was born into an upper-class family in Shanghai. Her life in the declining and unhappy family as well as the instability she suffered in the Japanese-occupied Shanghai and Hong Kong had a significant impact on her writing career. Chang rose to fame, reached the peak of her career and gained her position in Chinese literature through her best works written in 1940s Shanghai. Her best-written and well-known novella The Golden Cangue (Jin Suo Ji) was also written during this period. Most of her representative works including “Aloeswood Ashes: The First Incense Brazier,” “Jasmine Tea,” “Love in a Fallen City”, etc., were published in a collection of short stories and novellas entitled Romances (Chuanqi, 1944). Heart Sutra (Xin Jing) was one of them [1].In addition to writings in Chinese, Chang also produced translation works as well as original works in English. She translated her own works between the English and the Chinese languages. In other words, Chang was not only a bilingual writer, but was more precisely a “translingual” (Chiang, Rollins, and Wang 2010) writer [2]. However, Chang never translated her Xin Jing.Xin Jing, a short story of approximate twenty thousand words, was completed in Shanghai in July 1943 when Chang was twenty-three. It was originally published in a Chinese-language monthly journal named Wan Xiang. The story is set in the 1940s Japanese-occupied Shanghai. The heroine Xu Xiaohan, a twenty-year-old young woman, has been in love with her biological father Xu Fengyi since childhood and cannot get rid of this feeling as she grows older. She treats her mother as a rival, takes advantage of her admirer Gong Haili and hopes to forever keep her father with her. Her father Fengyi, while subconsciously encourages such distorted love, is getting much guiltier as Xiaohan grows older. Finally, he escapes from such a relationship by eloping with Xiaohan’s classmate Duan Lingqing, a substitute for Xiaohan.The story can be considered a case of Freud’s “Electra complex”. There is no denying that it in some way reveals Chang’s own attitude toward love and men, which is greatly influenced by her family background and life experience. The depiction of this abnormal father-daughter relationship, which appears to be absurd and irrational, reveals the hidden darkness of human nature, including narcissism, selfishness, curiosity about erotic passion, etc.The source text was init ially targeted at Shanghainese as Eileen Chang mentions at the end of one of her essays “Shanghainese, After All” written in 1943:I have written a book of Hong Kong romances for Shanghainese readers, including the seven stories “Aloeswood Ashes: The First Incense Brazier,” “Aloeswood Ashes: The Second Incense Brazier,” “Jasmine Tea,” “Heart Sutra,” “Glazed Roof Tiles,” “Blockade,” and “Love in a Fallen City.”1 The entire time I was writing these stories, I was thinking of Shanghainese people, because I wanted to try to observe Hong Kong through Shanghainese eyes. Only people from Shanghai will be able truly to understand the parts where I wasn’t able to make my meaning clear. I like Shanghainese people, and I hope the Shanghainese will like my book.2 (Jones, Trans. 2005: 55) [3]The motif of Heart Sutra itself is bold. It has been considered the Chinese version of Lolita in terms of the depiction of Electra complex. The astonishing tragic story about the distorted love between father and daughter was a great shock to the Chinese society in the 1930s. It was even regarded as a shocking piece of 1. These are all short stories and novellas Chang published in her 1944 collection Chuanqi (Romances).2. Excerpt from one of Chang’s early essays 《到底是上海人》translated by Andrew F. Jones. The original text is: 我為上海人寫了一本香港傳奇,包括《泥香屑》、《一爐香》、《二爐香》、《茉莉香片》、《心經》、《玻璃瓦》、《封鎖》、《傾城之戀》七篇。寫它的時候,無時無刻不想到上海人,因為我是試著用上海人的觀點來察看香港的。只有上海人能夠懂得我的文不達意的地方。我喜歡上海人,我希望上海人喜歡我的書。
  • 47Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into Englishwork in Chinese literature. This work not only shows Chang’s talent and sensitivity in creative writing, but also makes the Chinese audience “reassess the relationship between you and your family members” (Zhao 2011: 2) [4]. Some literary critics argued that Chang was somehow influenced by Freud’s theory and reflected her unhappy childhood and life in this short story.Nevertheless, the translation of Heart Sutra is targeted at English-speaking readers. The translator hopes to make this short story, which is one of her favorite of Chang’s works, available to the English-speaking world.1 Significance and Objectives of the StudyThe entire paper on self-reflection on my own translation of Xin Jing is a case study of possible word choice that can be applied in the rendition of the original short story.As a female translingual writer, Chang and her works have attracted a lot of attention among readers and researchers, many of whom have done relevant translation studies on her works as well as her translations from various aspects. However, the study of Chang’s works has been mainly focusing on her most popular novels, her writings in English and translations. There is still no existing English translation of Xin Jing. Only a handful of scholarly reviews on Xin Jing either in Chinese or in English have been published.Although Xin Jing, as one of Chang’s early works, has never been considered one of her representative works because the writing technique and style in Xin Jing may not be as well-developed as Chang’s other works, many of which focus on ordinary people’s life and their view of love and marriage in a certain historical context, the story itself tempts me for its shocking theme. In fact, Chang seldom wrote about parent-child relationship in her writings. The other short story dealing with such family issue is Jasmine Tea, which was written and published almost at the same time as Xin Jing.Since the intriguing father-daughter relationship is the highlight of the entire story, this paper aims to find out what translation decision the translator can make to accurately convey the complexity of the original text to the target audience. It is hoped that the handling of expressions on the subtle relationship in this study will provide data and insight for further investigation.2 Literature Review2.1 Diction –– the main translation issue and theoretical modelTranslation is actually a decision-making process. “Choice is meaning” is a principle that can be widely applied, especially in the field of translation (黃國文 2001: 44) [5]. According to the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, diction means “the choice and use of words in literature” (2009: 551) [6]. One of the most well-known examples of the application of diction in English-Chinese translation might be the Chinese translator Yang Bi’s translation of the word “good” in Thackeray’s Vanity Fair. He translated “… who is a good Christian, a good parent, a good child, a good wife or a good husband; …” as “… 真的是虔誠 (devout) 的教徒,慈愛 (loving) 的父母,孝順 (dutiful) 的兒女,賢良 (virtuous) 的妻子,盡職 (responsible) 的丈夫 …” (see Zhang, 2006: 129) [7]. The translator renders the word “good” into various expressions according to the translator’s own criteria for social ideals. In fact, this case is an important source of inspiration for this study, though translation direction of the work is Chinese to English. The translator may be faced with many options when rendering one Chinese word into English. For instance, in the ST there are lots of descriptive words for women’s appearance such as “玲瓏”, “秀麗” and “俊秀”, all of which can be translated as “beautiful” or “pretty”. However, all these modifier adjectives in Chinese should have their closest English renditions even though English adjectives for describing women’s beauty may not be as numerous as those in Chinese’s. In the English translation, “玲瓏”, “秀麗” and “俊秀” are translated as “delicate”, “dainty” and “handsome” respectively. Beauty itself has kind of
  • 48hierarchy, in other words, there are plenty of English words that can indicate beauty, such as “beautiful”, “nice”, “pretty”, “good-looking”, “handsome”, “fine”, “cute”, “lovely”, “fair”, “graceful”, “smart”, “dainty”, “attractive”, “refined”, “delicate”, “superior”, “exquisite”, “gorgeous”, “elegant”, etc. However, how to select the right word among all these lexical choices to precisely render the original meaning as well as the author’s intention depends on the translator’s understanding of the meaning of the word in the original and the delicate difference from one word to another in the target language.Another example about the application of diction in translating Xin Jing is a conversation between Xiaohan and Lingqing. Talking about their classmate Gong Haili, Lingqing says to Xiaohan: “他喜歡你”. The word “喜歡” can be rendered into English words expressing different degrees of intensity, such as “like”, “be fond of”, “fancy”, “love” and “adore”. Which one is the most appropriate translation for “喜歡” depends on context.2.2 DataThe expressions touching such subtlety are the focus and highlight of this study because this is the most intriguing element of the short story. In fact, the story is not at all erotic in terms of its language. However, some expressions relevant to the relationship between the father and the daughter are very ambiguous. Eight such examples are selected for analysis. Each of the examples is followed by reflective comments on how and why such lexical choice has been made by the translator.3 Case Analysis of Translating Expressions Implying the Existence of a SuAtle RelationshipExample 1ST:峰儀道:“你今天吃了酒?”小寒點點頭。峰儀笑道:“女孩子們聚餐,居然喝得醉醺醺的,成何體統?”小寒道:“不然也不至於喝得太多——等你不來,悶的慌。”峰儀道:“我早告訴過你了,我今天有事。”小寒道:“我早告訴過你了,你非來不可,人家一輩子隻過一次二十歲生日!”峰儀握著她的手,微笑向她注視 (1) 著道:“二十歲了。”沉默了一會,他又道:“二十年了……你生下來的時候,算命的說是克母親,本來打算把你過繼給三舅母的,你母親捨不得。”Target Text (hereinafter referred to as TT):Fengyi asked: “Have you been drinking today?” Xiaohan nodded. Fengyi smiled: “How can you girls get drunk during the party? It is so improper!”Xiaohan said: “We were so bored waiting for you for so long, otherwise we wouldn’t have drunk too much.”Fengyi said: “I already told you that I was busy today.”Xiaohan said: “I had been telling you that you must come. I have my twentieth birthday only once in my life!”Fengyi held her hand, looked at her with a smile and said: “Twenty years old.” He paused a moment and went on saying, “twenty years ago…when you were born, the fortune-teller said that you would bring your mother misfortune. So we intended to have you adopted by your third uncle’s wife, however, your mother didn’t want to lose you.”Reflection on translation decision making:This scene takes place at the beginning of the short story, when Xiaohan returns home after see-ing her classmates from her birthday party out. The dialogue between Xiaohan and Fengyi shows that she still complains about her father’s being late for her birthday while he reflects on Xiaohan’s life in the last twenty years.According to different Chinese-English diction-aries, there are basically four verbs that can be used to literally render “注視” in this context:a) To look atb) To gaze atc) To stared) To watchThe definition of each word is listed in the table
  • 49Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into Englishbelow according to the Oxford English Dictionary (hereinafter referred to as “OED”) [8]:Look To direct one’s sightGaze To look fixedly, intently, or deliberately at somethingStare To gaze fixedly and with eyes wide openWatchTo look at sb/sth for a time, paying attention to what happens“注視” in the ST apparently is not a difficult word to translate. Nevertheless, the four lexical options, although can all be the translation of “注視”, are slightly different in terms of their connotations. Therefore whether to translate “注視”as “to look at”, “to gaze at”, “to stare” or “to watch” depends on the context. The question the translator faces here is how intimate and intense the father-daughter relationship is at this stage. As a translator, when I read the original text for the first time, I saw no clue at this stage suggesting their relationship is abnormal. I could only feel that they have a very close relationship. Since this dialogue appears at the beginning introducing these two main characters to the audience, it might not be necessary to make such relationship too explicit to the TL readers. The word “look” compared to the other three verbs is more neutral and does not imply any meanings to cause audience’s suspicion. The word “gaze” somehow suggests that father-daughter relationship has become very much like that of lovers. The aggression the word “stare” implies obviously is not in accord with the context. Nevertheless, “watch” indicates that somebody keeps his eyes on others, which is not the exact meaning the ST tends to convey. In the original text, for those who know the entire story might find “注視” a bit ambiguous. However, those who read it for the first time cannot detect anything wrong between the father and the daughter at this stage. For them, “注視”only shows a father’s concern for his daughter. Therefore, I decided to translate “注視” as “to look at” and leave space for the TL readers.Examples 2 and 3ST:小寒也笑了,湊在他頭髮上聞了一聞,皺著眉道:“一股子雪茄煙味!誰抽的?”峰儀道:“銀行裡的人。”小寒輕輕 (2) 用一隻食指沿著他鼻子滑上滑下,道:“你可千萬別抽上了,不然,就是個標準的摩登老太爺!”峰儀拉住 (3) 她的手臂,將她向這邊拖了一拖,笑道:“我說,你對我用不著時時刻刻裝出孩子氣的模樣,怪累的!”TT:Xiaohan laughed as well. She sniffed his hair and frowned: “It smells of cigar! Who was smoking?”Fengyi said: “People in the bank.”Xiaohan ran her forefinger up and down his nose bridge softly and said: “Don’t fall into the habit of smoking. Otherwise you will be a real modern day patriarch!”Fengyi held her by the arm and pulled her a bit closer, smiling: “I would say: you don’t need to act like a child in front of me all the time –– quite tiring actually!”Reflection on translation decision making:This example has the same setting as the previous one. The dialogue and acts between Xiaohan and Fengyi not only reveal their care for each other, but also could imply there is something illicit between the father and the daughter. The first word “輕輕” can be generally rendered as:a) Lightlyb) Gentlyc) SoftlyAccording to OED, the definitions of the selected words for translating “輕輕” are as follow:LightlyWith little weight, so as not to be heavy; with little pressure, force, or violence; not strongly or severely; gently, superficially; in both material and immaterial applications.GentlyIn a quiet, moderate, or subdued fashion; slowly, softly. Or mildly, tenderly, kindly.SoftlyGently, carefully, tenderly; in such a manner as to avoid causing pain or injury; without force or violence; with gentle action.
  • 50Basically, these three synonym adverbs can be used alternately due to their similar denotations. In the ST, Xiaohan’s advice for her father somehow gives the audience a feeling that she is not speaking to her father, but someone with whom she has a romantic relationship, because both her tone and movement are quite flirtatious. “Lightly” is the most neutral adverb of the three words in terms of its emotional quality. “Gently” and “softly” are very similar to each other and they both contain some kind of affection. “Softly”, compared to “gently”, is a more feminine and delicate touch. Xiaohan’s Electra complex can more or less be revealed through her tone and gestures. Therefore, I choose “softly” to make the heroine’s Electra complex slightly more explicit to the TT readers.The second word “拉住” according to the context can be rendered as follow:a) To grabb) To holdHere are the OED’s definitions of the two lexical choices:GrabTo grasp or seize suddenly and eagerly; hence, to appropriate to oneself in a rapacious or unscrupulous manner.Hold To carry sth; to have sb/sth in your hand, arm, etc.The word “grab”, similar to grasp or catch, implies more emotional intensity than “hold”. The word “hold”, just like “lightly” in the previous case, tends to be more neutral. This time, it is the father Fengyi that pulls Xiaohan to him. Fengyi’s feeling for his daughter is more repressive and veiled as he always knows such relationship cannot be further developed, and he wants to find a way out. That is why I have chosen to use more implicit and neutral expressions when Fengyi is involved. In this case, I have chosen to use “to hold”, which makes the father remain “innocent” to the TT readers at this stage.Example 4ST:隔著玻璃,峰儀的手按在小寒的胳膊上——象牙黃的圓圓的手臂,袍子是幻麗的花洋紗,朱漆似的紅底子,上面印著青頭白臉的孩子,無數的孩子在他的指頭縫裡蠕動。小寒——那可愛的大孩子,有著豐澤的,象牙黃的肉體 (4) 的大孩子……峰儀猛力掣回他的手,仿佛給火燙了一下,臉色都變了,掉過身去,不看她。TT:Fengyi laid his hand on Xiaohan’s arm behind the glass –– she had chubby ivory white arms. She wore a gorgeous floral muslin robe with kids of black hair and white faces printed on a vermillion background. Numerous kids were wriggling through his fingers. Xiaohan –– the lovely big kid with a plump ivory white body…Fengyi drew back his hand immediately as if it got burned. He turned pale and turned away from her.Reflection on translation decision making:This scene happens in the middle of the short sto-ry. The entire story somehow reaches a climax at this point. After a frank and serious conversation between Xiaohan and Fengyi, Fengyi realizes the seriousness of the problem and intends to find a way of getting everything back to normal. However, Xiaohan’s per-sistence softens Fengyi.The word “肉體” can be rendered as:a) Bodyb) FleshThe decision analysis begins with the definition of each word according to OED:Body The physical form of a person, animal, or plant.FleshThe human body when considering its physical and sexual needs, rather than the mind or soul.This example might be the most erotic scene in the story. As a reader and translator, I actually find this passage quite bold. The word “肉體” itself does not really convey an erotic image. However, the father’s intense reaction reveals his incestuous feelings. Even Fengyi himself is shocked. “肉體”, in the context can by all means be translated as either “body” or “flesh” because their denotations are almost the same. The only difference between “body” and “flesh” is that, “body” tends to be more objective and neutral while “flesh” has more sexual implications. The “flesh”
  • 51Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into Englishmight be an appropriate translation of “肉體” in this case. However, Fengyi’s emotions and feelings, compared to Xiaohan’s, are expressed in a relatively implicit way as he is always controlling himself and does not allow himself to indulge in such taboo relationship. Therefore, I use “body” instead of “flesh” to depict Fengyi’s mental activities.Example 5ST:峰儀跟了出來,靜靜地道:“小寒,我決定了。你不走開,我走開。我帶了你母親走。”小寒道:“要走我跟你們一同走。”他不答。她把手插到陰涼的綠葉子裡去,捧著一球細碎的花,用明快的,唱歌似的嗓子,笑道:“你早該明白了,爸爸——”她嘴裡的這一聲“爸爸”滿含著輕褻與侮辱,“我不放棄 (5) 你,你是不會放棄 (5) 我的!”TT:Fengyi followed her out and said quietly: “Xiao-han, I have made a decision. If you are not leaving, I am leaving. I am going to take your mom with me.”Xiaohan said: “I am going with you both.”He didn’t reply.She put her hand into the cool green leaves and held a cluster of small flowers. She laughed with a bright and singing voice: “You should have known, Dad –”This “Dad” she uttered was full of contempt and insult, “you won’t let go of me if I don’t let go of you!”Reflection on translation decision making:This is the end of the dialogue from the same scene as the previous example. Fengyi finally makes the decision that he will take Xiaohan’s mother to go away from Xiaohan. The conflict between the father and the daughter becomes rather violent. Xiaohan’s hysteric shout shows her great suffering from this relationship.Based on the context, the meaning of “放棄” can be rendered as follow:a) To leaveb) To give upc) To abandond) To quite) To let go ofAccording to OED, the definitions of these expressions are:LeaveTo depart from, quit, relinquish: To go away from, quit (a place, person, or thing); to deviate from (a line of road, etc.). Or to go away from permanently; to remove from, cease to reside at (a place), to cease to belong to (a society, etc.); to forsake the company, quit the service of (a person).Give upTo resign, surrender; to hand over, part with. Or to forsake, abandon, relinquish, desist from, relinquish the prospect of; to cease to have to do with (a person); to sacrifice, ‘lay down’ (one’s life).Abandon To give up or relinquish completely.Quit To set free, relinquish, or leave.Let go ofTo release or (euphem.) dismiss (a person) from employment.Fengyi’s decision to stay away from Xiaohan makes her panic. Besides contempt and insult, the “dad” she utters actually carries irony as well. “放棄” in the ST literally means “to give up” or “to abandon”. “To abandon” is the first option to be eliminated as it may mislead the TT readers. The TT reader will still consider it a parent-child relationship if Xiaohan says to her father “I won’t abandon you”. In fact, I initially intended to render “放棄” as “to give up”, which contains all the implications it tends to convey. “To leave”, although can be used for both parent-child relationship and lovers, seems a bit more general and broad. “To quit” is a relatively informal express, which conveys the same meaning as “to leave”. However, it is rarely used between father and daughter. The phrase “to let go of”, compared to the other four options, is more appropriate and matches the original meaning. Although it is not a literal translation of “放棄”, the equivalent effect remains. The TT audience can thus understand the implications of “to let go of”, which not only refers to letting go of the father-daughter relationship, but refers to letting go of such illicit feelings between the father and the daughter.
  • 52Examples 6, 7, 8ST:小寒急道:“你難道就讓他們去?”許太太道:“不讓他們去,又怎樣?你爸爸不愛 (6) 我,又不能夠愛 (7) 你——留得住他的人,留不住他的心。他愛 (8) 綾卿。他眼見得就要四十了。人活在世上,不過短短的幾年。愛,也不過短短的幾年。由他們去吧!”TT:Xiaohan asked anxiously: “Will you just let them go like this?”Mrs. Xu said: “What can I do if I don’t let them go? Your father doesn’t love me. He can’t love you either –– you can keep his body but not his heart. He is in love with Lingqing. He is nearly forty. We can only live in this world for several decades [translator’s correction] and love can only last for several years. So just leave them alone!”Reflection on translation decision making:This dialogue between Xiaohan and her mother is placed towards the end of the story. “愛” in the ST can be rendered as:a) To loveb) To be in love withAccording to OED, the definition of each word choice is listed below:LoveTo have or feel love towards (a person, a thing personified) (for a quality or attribute); to entertain a great affection, fondness, or regard for; to hold dear.Be in love withenamoured (of), filled with love (for); (in extended use) very fond (of), much addicted (to).“Love”, compared to “be in love with”, contains a broader and more general concept. The word “love” can be used in both a parent-child relationship and a romantic relationship. However, “be in love with” almost exclusively refers to romantic relationships. How to translate “愛” in the original text can somehow give away the translator’s attitude towards this taboo issue. Whether to make it implicit or explicit to the TL readers and can the TT be accepted by the TL readers are all needed to be considered. The first question I would probably ask myself is why Mrs. Xu says “又不能夠愛你”? Can’t a father love his daughter? Or does she mean “a father can’t fall in love with his daughter”? It seems Mrs. Xu means the latter. However, can I translate it that way? Will it make the TL readers feel uncomfortable or astonished? The other question is even though the readers all know what Mrs. Xu means, do I need to make the meaning more explicit, or should I just give the audience some space to make their own interpretations? In my opinion, both “love” and “be in love with” can be used in the translation. However, the latter just makes the meaning more explicit to the TL readers while the former is more ambiguous, leaving the audience some room for imagination. I prefer to use “love” in Examples 6 and 7.For “他愛 (8) 綾卿”, “be in love with” is more appropriate than “love” since Mrs. Xu does think that her husband goes away with Lingqing for love, otherwise she wouldn’t say that “人活在世上,不過短短的幾年。愛,也不過短短的幾年。由他們去吧!” Although the audience all know that actually Lingqing is just a substitute for Xiaohan since they two look similar and Fengyi may not really love her, yet it will not make too much difference for Mrs Xu. And perhaps she would rather her husband fell in love with someone else than indulge in the abnormal relationship with Xiaohan.4 DiscussionThe total eight examples touching the borderline of taboo love are selected for case analysis from the perspective of lexical choice of appropriate English word or phrase to faithfully render the original intention of the text in the short story.Nevertheless, there is still a lack of systematic theoretical framework of diction. Most diction choice and reflection is based upon the translator’s comprehension and subjective judgment about the source text. What the translator chooses are not merely words, but rather the choice of affective meanings. Since the principle of translating Xin Jing is to achieve the ultimate faithfulness to the original work, the translator basically adopts neutral meaning
  • 53Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into Englishto carefully tackle the sensitive issue. Meanwhile, the original intention of the author and the story are also taken into account. Another principle of dealing with this father-daughter relationship is that Xiaohan’s behavior, words and feelings tend to be more exposed while Fengyi’s are more veiled due to their different positions and roles in the family as well as in society. Therefore, the translator’s lexical choice of such father-daughter relationship in the translation process also follows that principle to maintain the message the ST tends to convey. In addition to the affective meaning, diction can also be applied in the choice of ambiguous meanings. For instance, in the last example, whether to render the “愛” in “(你爸爸)又不能夠愛你(女兒)” as “love” or “be in love with” is a choice of either making it implicit or explicit as “love” is a more general term compared to “be in love with”. Although the exact meaning of the original text is the latter one, the ST does not make such love too explicit and specific by saying “愛上”, therefore the translator’s final solution of lexical choice is “love” to remain the original subtlety in translation.Therefore, although diction is apparently concerned with words, it has a diverse range and classification. Different translators might have different lexical choices, considerations, and solutions based on their translation techniques as well as comprehension of the source text. Heart Sutra is merely the first English version produced so far. As Newmark states that “translation is for discussion” (1991: 132) [9], all lexical choices can definitely be discussed and negotiated according to different viewpoint and understanding of the original story.5 ConclusionThe major translation approach and strategy adopted in translating Heart Sutra is literal translation for the reason that “In communicative as in semantic translation, provided that equivalent effect is secured, the literal word-for-word translation is not only the best, it is the only valid method of translation” (Newmark 2001a: 39) [10]. The commentary on my own translation mainly focuses on the lexical choice of expressions touching the subtle father-daughter relationship and the reasons why the translator makes such choices.Lexical choice, or put simply, diction as a translation issue and technique can be actually applied everywhere in translation process. The translator tends to be neutral in lexical choices and to maintain subtlety when tackling the taboo subject of the short story.In general, diction cannot be decided without the context. In other words, lexical choice should rather be the choice of contextual meanings instead of the meaning of the word itself. Without the context, word is meaningless, as Newmark asserts that “No word is an island entire to itself” (1991: 99) [9]. All diction cases are actually analyzed according to the context rather than the definition of the word itself. The whole study will be meaningless if the translator only focuses on word selection without considering the entire story.All in all, lexical choice in handling this subtlety in translation is a relatively new viewpoint. Hopefully, such direction of study can gain more attention from scholars, and the translation of Heart Sutra can provide useful data and insight for translation studies and comparative studies.References [1] Chang, E. (張愛玲) (2003) 心經。《傳奇》(pp. 239-262) 。 北京:經濟日報出版社。[2] Chiang, B. C., J. B. Rollins & J. Wang (2010) “Cultural Self-Translation and Chinese Globalization: Eileen Chang’s Yuan nü and The Rouge of the North”, in Translation Quarterly (53&54), 73-92.[3] Chang, Eileen (2005) Written on Water (translated by Andrew F. Jones), New York: Columbia University Press.[4] Zhao, Q. (趙強) (2011) 從心經看張愛玲的戀父情結,論文,雲南師範大學。[5] Huang, G. W. (黃國文) (2001) 《語篇分析的理論與實踐》,上海:上海外語教育出版社。[6] Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (2009) London: Oxford University Press.[7] Zhang, M. F. (張美芳) (2006) 《翻譯研究的功能途徑》,上海:上海外語教育出版社。[8] Oxford English Dictionary Online, from http://0-www.oed.com.umaclib3.umac.mo/[9] Newmark, Peter (1991) About Translation , Clevedon and Philadelphia: Multilingual Matters.[10] Newmark, Peter (2001a) A Textbook of Translation, Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press.
  • 54AppendixParallel Texts (Excerpts) of Xin Jing Ay Eileen Chang and Heart Sutra Ay Annie ChenExcerpt 1峰儀道:“你今天吃了酒?”小寒點點頭。峰儀笑道:“女孩子們聚餐,居然喝得醉醺醺的,成何體統?”Fengyi asked: “Have you been drinking today?” Xiaohan nodded. Fengyi smiled: “How can you girls get drunk during the party? It is so improper!”小寒道:“不然也不至於喝得太多——等你不來,悶的慌。”Xiaohan said: “We were so bored waiting for you for so long, otherwise we wouldn’t have drunk too much.”峰儀道:“我早告訴過你了,我今天有事。”Fengyi said: “I already told you that I was busy today.”小寒道:“我早告訴過你了,你非來不可,人家一輩子隻過一次二十歲生日!”Xiaohan said: “I had been telling you that you must come. I have my twentieth birthday only once in my life!”峰儀握著她的手,微笑向她注視著道:“二十歲了。”沉默了一會,他又道:“二十年了……你生下來的時候,算命的說是克母親,本來打算把你過繼給三舅母的,你母親捨不得。”Fengyi held her hand, looked at her with a smile and said: “Twenty years old.” He paused a moment and went on saying, “twenty years ago…when you were born, the fortune-teller said that you would bring your mother misfortune. So we intended to have you adopted by your third uncle’s wife, however, your mother didn’t want to lose you.”小寒道:“三舅母一直住在北方……”Xiaohan said: “My third uncle’s wife has been living in the north…”峰儀點頭笑道:“真把你過繼了出去,我們不會有機會見面的。”Fengyi nodded and smiled: “Had we have you adopted, we wouldn’t have had the chance to know each other.”小寒道:“我過二十歲生日,想必你總會來看我一次。”峰儀又點點頭,兩人都默然。半晌,小寒細聲道:“見了面,像外姓人似的……”如果那時候,她真是把她母親克壞了……不,過繼了出去,照說就不克了。然而……“然而”怎樣?他究竟還是她的父親,她究竟還是他的女兒,即使他沒有妻,即使她姓了另外一個姓。他們兩人同時下意識地向沙發的兩頭移了一移,坐遠了一點。兩人都有點羞慚。Xiaohan said: “I think you would come to see me once on my twentieth birthday.” Fengyi nodded again and they were both silent for a long while. Xiaohan murmured: “So when we finally met, we would be like strangers…” Had she really doomed her mother…No, not if she had been adopted. But…“But” what? He would still be her father and she would still be his daughter, even if he had no wife or she had taken another family name. They both subconsciously moved further away from each other, ashamed somehow.峰儀把報紙折疊起來,放在膝蓋上,人向背後一靠,緩緩地伸了個懶腰,無緣無故說道:“我老了。”Fengyi folded the paper and put it on his lap. He leant back and had a good stretch on the sofa, then said out of the blue: “I am old.”小寒又坐近了一點道:“不,你累了。”Xiaohan sat closer and said: “No, you are just tired.”峰儀笑道:“我真的老了。你看,白頭發。”Fengyi smiled: “I am really old. Look, my grey hair.”小寒道:“在哪兒?”峰儀低下頭來,小寒尋了半日,尋到了一根,笑道:“我替你拔掉它。”Xiaohan asked: “Where?” Fengyi bowed his head. Xiaohan searched for a while and found one. She said smiling: “Let me pull it out for you.”峰儀道:“別替我把一頭頭髮全拔光了!”Fengyi said: “Don’t pull out all my hair!”小寒道:“哪兒就至於這麼多?況且你頭髮這麼厚,就拔個十根八根,也是九牛一毛!”Xiaohan said: “You don’t have so much grey hair, do you? Besides, you have a lot of hair, even if I pulled out eight or ten of them, it would only be like pulling one hair off nine bulls!”3峰儀笑道:“好哇!你罵我!”Fengyi laughed: “Wow! Are you cursing me?”3. This is a word-for-word translation of a Chinese idiom “九牛一毛” meaning an iota from a vast quantity, or more idiomatically, a drop in the bucket in English.
  • 55Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into English小寒也笑了,湊在他頭髮上聞了一聞,皺著眉道:“一股子雪茄煙味!誰抽的?”Xiaohan laughed as well. She sniffed his hair and frowned: “It smells of cigar! Who was smoking?”峰儀道:“銀行裡的人。”Fengyi said: “People in the bank.”小寒輕輕用一隻食指沿著他鼻子滑上滑下,道:“你可千萬別抽上了,不然,就是個標準的摩登老太爺!”Xiaohan ran her forefinger up and down his nose bridge softly and said: “Don’t fall into the habit of smoking, otherwise you will be a real modern day patriarch!”峰儀拉住她的手臂,將她向這邊拖了一拖,笑道:“我說,你對我用不著時時刻刻裝出孩子氣的模樣,怪累的!”Fengyi held her by the arm and pulled her a bit closer, smiling: “I would say: you don’t need to act like a child in front of me all the time –– quite tiring actually!”小寒道:“你嫌我做作?”Xiaohan said: “You think I am being artificial?”峰儀道:“我知道你為什麼願意永遠不長大。”Fengyi said: “I know why you don’t want to grow up.”小寒突然撲簌簌落下兩行眼淚,將臉埋在他肩膀上。Tears ran down Xiaohan’s cheeks suddenly and she buried her face in his shoulder.峰儀低聲道:“你怕你長大了,我們就要生疏了,是不是?”Fengyi murmured: “You are afraid that we will not be as close as we are once you are grown up, right?”小寒不答,只伸過一條手臂去兜住他的頸子。峰儀道:“別哭。別哭。”Xiaohan made no reply. She just wrapped her arm about his neck. Fengyi said: “Don’t cry. Don’t cry.”這時夜深人靜,公寓只有許家一家,廚房裡還有嘩啦啦放水洗碗的聲音,是小寒做壽的餘波。穿堂裡一陣腳步響,峰儀道:“你母親來了。”In the stillness of night, the Xus was the only one household in the building that still had the sound of washing dishes under running water coming from the kitchen — ripples of Xiaohan’s birthday party. There were footsteps in the corridor. Fengyi said: “Your mother’s coming.”他們兩人仍舊維持著方才的姿勢,一動也不動。許太太開門進來,微笑望了他們一望,自去整理椅墊子,擦去鋼琴上茶碗的水漬,又把所有的煙灰都折在一個盤子裡,許太太穿了一件桃灰細格子綢衫,很俊秀的一張臉,只是因為胖,有點走了樣。眉心更有極深的兩條皺紋。她問道:“誰吃煙來著?”The two of them did not move, remaining in the same position. Mrs. Xu opened the door and looked at them with a smile. Then she went in to tidy the chair cushion, wipe off the water stain left by the teacup on the piano and put all the cigarette ash into a plate. Mrs. Xu wore a pink gray pin check silk gown. Her face was quite handsome but a bit out of shape because of her weight. She had two deep wrinkles between her eyebrows. “Who was smoking?” she asked.小寒並不回過臉來,只咳嗽了一聲,把嗓子恢復原狀,方才答道:“鄺彩珠和那個頂大的余小姐。”Xiaohan just cleared her throat and replied without turning her face: “Kuang Caizhu and Miss Yu, the eldest.峰儀道:“這點大的女孩子就抽煙,我頂不贊成。你不吃罷?”Fengyi said: “Are you saying girls that young smoke? I totally disapprove of it. You don’t smoke, do you?”小寒道:“不。”“Of course not.” said Xiaohan.許太太笑道:“小寒說小也不小了,做父母的哪裡管得了那麼許多?二十歲的人了——”Mrs. Xu laughed: “We parents cannot be in charge of everything. Anyway, Xiaohan is not that young anymore. She is twenty——”小寒道:“媽又來了!照嚴格的外國計算法,我要到明年的今天才二十歲呢!”“There you go again, mom!” said Xiaohan, “Seriously, according to the Gregorian calendar, I am not twenty until this day next year!”峰儀笑道:“又犯了她的忌了!”Fengyi laughed: “A taboo for her!”許太太笑道:“好好好,算你十九歲!算你九歲也行!九歲的孩子,早該睡覺了。還不趕緊上床去!”Mrs. Xu laughed: “Alright, alright! You are just nineteen, or nine, or whatever! You would have been in bed
  • 56if you were nine. Go to bed, now!”小寒道:“就來了。”Xiaohan said: “I am going.”許太太又向峰儀道:“你的洗澡水給你預備好了。”Mrs. Xu said to Fengyi: “Your bath is ready.”峰儀道:“就來了。”Fengyi said: “I am coming.”許太太把花瓶送出去換水,順手把煙灰碟子也帶了出去。Mrs. Xu took the vase to change water and took away the ashtray as well.小寒抬起頭來,仰面看了峰儀一看,又把臉伏在他身上。Xiaohan looked up at Fengyi and pressed her face against him again.峰儀推她道:“去睡罷!”Fengyi jogged her and said: “Go to bed!”小寒只是不願。良久,峰儀笑道:“已經睡著了?”硬把她的頭扶了起來,見她淚痕未幹,眼皮兒抬不起來,淚珠還是不斷地滾下來。峰儀用手替她拭了一下,又道:“去睡罷!”Xiaohan just didn’t want to. After a while, Fengyi smiled and asked: “Are you asleep?” He lifted her head up and saw her tears still coming down. She couldn’t even keep her eyes open. Fengyi wiped her tears and said once more: “Go to bed!”小寒捧著臉站起身來,繞到沙發背後去,待要走,又彎下腰來,兩隻手叩住峰儀的喉嚨,下頦擱在他頭上。峰儀伸出兩隻手來,交疊按住她的手。又過了半晌,小寒方才去了。Xiaohan stood up with her face cupped in her hands and went round to the back of the sofa. When she was about to leave, she bent down again to fold her arms around Fengyi’s neck with her chin resting on his head. Fengyi covered her hands with his. Xiaohan stayed for quite a while and then left.Excerpt 2第二天,她父親辦公回來了,又是坐在沙發上看報,她坐在一旁,有意無意地說道:“你知道那龔海立?”The next day, her father was again sitting on the sofa reading a newspaper after coming back from work. Xiaohan sat aside and said casually: “Do you know Gong Haili?”她父親彈著額角道:“我知道,他父親是個龔某人——名字一時記不起來了。”Her father tapped his finger against his forehead: “Well, I know his father is Gong so-and-so—I can’t recall his given name at the moment.”小寒微笑道:“大家都以為他要跟余公使的大女兒訂婚了。昨天我不該跟他開玩笑,賀了他一聲,誰知他就急瘋了,找我理論,我恰巧走開了。當著許多人,他抓住了波蘭的妹妹,問這謠言是誰造的。虧得波蘭脾氣好,不然早同他翻了臉了!米蘭孩子氣,在旁邊說:‘我姊姊沒著急,倒要你跳得三丈高!’他就說:‘別的不要緊,這話不能吹到小寒耳朵裡去!’大家覺得他這話稀奇,逼著問他。他瞞不住了,老實吐了出來。這會子嚷嚷得誰都知道了。我再也想不到,他原來背地裡愛著我!”Xiaohan smiled: “Everybody thought he was getting engaged with Minister Yu’s eldest daughter. I shouldn’t have joked with him yesterday. I congratulated him, and he just got frantic and wanted to argue with me, yet I had already walked away. In front of many people he caught Poland’s sister and asked who had made such rumor. Thank goodness Poland is good-natured, otherwise she would have lost her temper with him! Milan said childishly: ‘My sister is not making a fuss. Why are you so upset?’ He then said: ‘Just have to make sure that these words will not be blown into Xiaohan’s ears!’ Everybody felt curious about this. Under close questioning, he confessed to all, to my amazement, that he had secretly been in love with me.峰儀笑道:“那他就倒楣了!”Fengyi laughed: “Then he is so unfortunate!”小寒斜瞟了他一眼道:“你怎見得他一定是沒有希望?”Xiaohan glanced at him: “How do you know that he has no hope?”峰儀笑道:“你若是喜歡他,你也不會把這些事源源本本告訴我了。”Fengyi laughed: “Well, you wouldn’t have told me the whole story if you liked him.”小寒低頭一笑,捏住一綹子垂在面前的鬈髮,編起
  • 57Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into English小辮子來,編了又拆,拆了又編。Xiaohan looked down and grinned. She took a ringlet hanging in front of her shoulder, braiding and unbraiding, and braiding again.峰儀道:“來一個,丟一個,那似乎是你的一貫政策。”Fengyi said: “It seems to be your long-standing policy that whoever has a crush on you will be dumped.”小寒道:“你就說得我那麼狠。這一次,我很覺得那個人可憐。”Xiaohan said: “I am that cruel in your eyes. I just feel sorry for him this time.”峰儀笑道:“那就有點危險性質。可憐是近於可愛呀!”Fengyi laughed: “That’s a bit dangerous. Pity is very close to love!”小寒道:“男人對於女人的憐憫,也許是近於愛。一個女人決不會愛上一個她認為楚楚可憐的男人。女人對於男人的愛,總得帶點崇拜性。”Xiaohan said: “The pity a man feels for a woman might be close to love. However, a woman will never fall in love with a man she pities. A woman’s love for a man always involves a little hero worship.”峰儀這時候,卻不能繼續看他的報了,放下了報紙向她半皺著眉毛一笑,一半是喜悅,一半是窘。Fengyi stopped reading. He put down the paper, frowned and smiled at her, delighted but embarrassed.隔了一會,他又問她道:“你可憐那姓龔的,你打算怎樣?”After a while, he again asked her: “You feel sorry for Gong. What are you going to do?”小寒道:“我替他做媒,把綾卿介紹給他。”Xiaohan said: “I will be the matchmaker and introduce Lingqing to him.” 峰儀道:“哦!為什麼單揀中綾卿呢?”Fengyi said: “Oh, why Lingqing?”小寒道:“你說過的,她像我。”Xiaohan said: “You said she looks like me.”峰儀笑道:“你記性真好!……可你不覺得委屈了綾卿麼?你把人家的心弄碎了,你要她去拾破爛,一小片一小片耐心地拾拼起來,像孩子們玩拼圖遊戲似的——也許拼個十年八年也拼不全。”Fengyi laughed: “You have a good memory! …but won’t you feel sorry for Lingqing? You break other’s heart into pieces, and expect her to pick them up and put them together piece by piece patiently like kids playing jigsaw puzzles –– eight or ten years may not be long enough to finish it.”小寒道:“綾卿不是傻子。龔海立有家產,又有作為,剛畢業就找到了很好的事。人雖不說漂亮,也很拿得出去。只怕將來羡慕綾卿的人多著呢!”Xiaohan said: “Lingqing is not a fool. Gong Haili is a man of fortune and talent. He got a good job upon graduation. Although he is not very good-looking, he is quite presentable. I’m just afraid that Lingqing would be the envy of many people in the future.”峰儀不語。過了半日,方笑道:“我還是說:可憐的綾卿!”Fengyi said nothing and after a while, he laughed: “Still, I want to say, poor Lingqing!”小寒咦著他道:“可是你自己說的:可憐是近於可愛!”Xiaohan said: “You’ve just said that pity is very close to love!”峰儀笑了一笑,又拿起他的報紙來,一面看,一面閑閑地道:“那龔海立,人一定是不錯,連你都把他誇得一枝花似的!”小寒瞪了他一眼,他只做沒看見,繼續說下去道:“你把這些話告訴我,我知道你有你的用意。”Fengyi smiled and again picked up the paper, reading while saying casually: “Gong Haili must be a very nice guy. Even you have such high opinion of him!” Xiaohan glared at him, yet he simply ignored that and went on, “I know you must have a purpose in telling me all these.”小寒低聲道:“我不過要你知道我的心。”Xiaohan murmured: “I just want you to know my heart.”峰儀道:“我早已知道了。”Fengyi said: “I’ve known it all along.”小寒道:“可是你會忘記的,如果我不常常提醒你。男人就是這樣!”Xiaohan said: “But you will forget if I don’t often
  • 58remind you. Men are all like that!”峰儀道:“我的記性不至於壞到這個田地罷?”Fengyi said: “My memory is not that poor.”小寒道:“不是這麼說。”她牽著他的袖子,試著把手伸進袖口裡去,幽幽地道:“我是一生一世不打算離開你的。有一天我老了,人家都要說:她為什麼不結婚?她根本沒有過結婚的機會!沒有人愛過她!誰都這樣想——也許連你也會這樣想。我不能不防到這一天,所以我要你記得這一切。”Xiaohan said: “That’s not what I meant.” She took his sleeve and tried to put her hand into it, said pensively, “I am determined to stay with you for the rest of my life. One day, when I am old, others will say: why doesn’t she get married? She has never had a chance to get married! Nobody ever loved her! Everybody will think so –– perhaps even you will think that way. I cannot help doing something to prevent this from happening someday. So I want to make sure that you remember all these.”峰儀鄭重地掉過身來,面對面注視著她,道:“小寒,我常常使你操心麼?我使你痛苦麼?”Fengyi turned round solemnly and looked into her eyes, saying: “Xiaohan, do I make you worry often? Do I give you pain?”小寒道:“不,我非常快樂。”Xiaohan said: “No, I am very happy.”峰儀噓了一口氣道:“那麼,至少我們三個人之中,有一個是快樂的!”Fengyi sighed: “Well, at least one of the three of us is happy!” 小寒嗔道:“你不快樂?”Xiaohan was displeased and asked: “Aren’t you happy?”峰儀道:“我但凡有點人心,我怎麼能快樂呢?我眼看著你白耽擱了你自己。你犧牲了自己,於我又有什麼好處?”Fengyi said: “How can I be happy as long as I have a bit of conscience? I see you delay your days and sacrifice yourself, how can it do me any good?小寒只是瞪大了眼睛望著他。他似乎是轉念一想,又道:“當然哪,你給了我精神上的安慰!”他嘿嘿地笑了幾聲。Xiaohan stared at him merely. He then added as an afterthought: “Of course, you have given me spiritual comfort!” He chuckled.小寒銳聲道:“你別這麼笑!我聽了,渾身的肉都緊了一緊!”她站起身來,走到陽臺上去,將背靠在玻璃門上。Xiaohan squeaked out: “Don’t you laugh like that! It makes me shiver all over!” She stood up, walked to the balcony, and leaned her back against the glass door.峰儀忽然軟化了,他跟到門口去,可是兩個人一個在屋子裡面,一個在屋子外面。他把一隻手按在玻璃門上,垂著頭站著,簡直不像一個在社會上混了多年的有權力有把握的人。他囁嚅說道:“小寒,我們不能這樣下去了。我……我們得想個辦法。我打算把你送到你三舅母那兒去住些時……”Fengyi all of a sudden relented and followed her to the door. However, one was inside while the other one was outside. He put one hand on the glass door and stood with his head drooping, not at all like a powerful man of the world who had power. “Xiaohan,” he said haltingly, “we cannot go on like this. I…we must find a way out. I plan to send you to live with your third uncle’s wife for some time…”小寒背向著他,咬著牙微笑道:“你當初沒把我過繼給三舅母,現在可太晚了……你呢?你有什麼新生活的計劃?”Xiaohan turned away from him and said between her teeth, smiling: “You didn’t have me adopted by my third uncle’s wife in the first place. Now it is too late…how about you? What’s your plan for your new life?”峰儀道:“我們也許到莫干山去過夏天。”Fengyi said: “We may spend the summer at Mogan Mountain.”小寒道:“‘我們’?你跟媽?”Xiaohan asked: “‘We’? You and mom?”峰儀不語。Fengyi said nothing.小寒道:“你要是愛她,我在這兒你也一樣的愛她。你要是不愛她,把我充軍到西伯利亞去你也還是不愛她。”Xiaohan said: “If you love her, no matter where I am, you will still love her. If you don’t love her, even though I
  • 59Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into Englisham banished to Siberia, you still won’t love her.”隔著玻璃,峰儀的手按在小寒的胳膊上——象牙黃的圓圓的手臂,袍子是幻麗的花洋紗,朱漆似的紅底子,上面印著青頭白臉的孩子,無數的孩子在他的指頭縫裡蠕動。小寒——那可愛的大孩子,有著豐澤的,象牙黃的肉體的大孩子……峰儀猛力掣回他的手,仿佛給火燙了一下,臉色都變了,掉過身去,不看她。Fengyi laid his hand on Xiaohan’s arm behind the glass –– she had chubby ivory white arms. She wore a gorgeous floral muslin robe with kids of black hair and white faces printed on a vermillion background. Numerous kids were wriggling through his fingers. Xiaohan –– the lovely big kid with a plump ivory white body…Fengyi drew back his hand immediately as if it got burned. He turned pale and turned away from her.天漸漸暗了下來,陽臺上還有點光,屋子裡可完全黑了。他們背對著背說話。小寒道:“她老了,你還年青——這也能夠怪在我身上?”As darkness fell, the room was completely dark while there was a speck of light on the balcony. They talked with their backs to each other. Xiaohan said: “She is old and you are still young. Is it my fault?”峰儀低聲道:“沒有你在這兒比著她,處處顯得她不如你,她不會老得這樣快。”Fengyi whispered: “She would not be getting old that fast had there not been you here. You are superior to her in every way.”小寒扭過身來,望著他笑道:“嚇!你這話太不近情理了。她憔悴了,我使她顯得憔悴,她就更憔悴了。這未免有點不合邏輯。我也懶得跟你辯了。反正你今天是生了我的氣,怪我就怪我罷!”Xiaohan turned around and looked at him chuckling: “It is so absurd! She has become haggard. I have made her appear to be haggard, and she thus looks even more haggard. It is kind of illogical. I am tired of arguing with you. You are mad at me today anyway, I am to blame for it!”峰儀斜倚坐在沙發背上,兩手插在褲袋裡,改用了平靜的,疲倦的聲音答道:“我不怪你。我誰也不怪,只怪我自己太糊塗了。”Fengyi reclined on the sofa with his hands in his pockets and said in a calm and weary voice: “I don’t blame you. I don’t blame anybody. I have only myself to blame for being such a fool.”小寒道:“聽你這口氣,仿佛你只怨自己上了我的當似的!仿佛我有意和我母親過不去,離間了你們的愛!”Xiaohan said: “You speak as if you only regretted being taken in by me as if I deliberately made things difficult for my mother and alienated you from her!”峰儀道:“我並沒有說過這句話。事情是怎樣開頭的,我並不知道。七八年了——你才那麼一點高的時候……不知不覺的……”Fengyi said: “I didn’t say that. I have no idea how it started. Seven or eight years ago when you were only that height…unconsciously…”啊,七八年前……那是最可留戀的時候,父女之愛的黃金時期,沒有猜忌,沒有試探,沒有嫌疑……小寒叉著兩手擱在胸口,緩緩走到陽臺邊上。沿著鐵欄杆,編著一帶短短的竹籬笆,木槽裡種了青藤,爬在籬笆上,開著淡白的小花。夏季的黃昏,充滿了回憶。Ah, seven or eight years ago…that was the most memorable time, the golden age of father-daughter love with no jealousy, no sounding, no suspicion…Xiaohan went to the balcony slowly with her hands crossed on her chest. There were some bamboo fences along the iron railing. The ivy planted in the wood slot straggled over the fences with pale white flowers on it. Summer evenings are full of memories.峰儀跟了出來,靜靜地道:“小寒,我決定了。你不走開,我走開。我帶了你母親走。”Fengyi followed her out and said quietly: “Xiaohan, I have made a decision. If you are not leaving, I am leaving. I am going to take your mom with me.”小寒道:“要走我跟你們一同走。”Xiaohan said: “I am going with you both.”他不答。He didn’t reply.她把手插到陰涼的綠葉子裡去,捧著一球細碎的花,用明快的,唱歌似的嗓子,笑道:“你早該明白了,爸爸——”她嘴裡的這一聲“爸爸”滿含著輕褻與侮辱,“我不放棄你,你是不會放棄我的!”She put her hand into the cool green leaves and held a cluster of small flowers. She laughed with a bright and singing voice: “You should have known, Dad ––”This “Dad”
  • 60she uttered was full of contempt and insult, “you won’t let go of me if I don’t let go of you!”Excerpt 3小寒回過一口氣來,咬牙道:“你好!你縱容得他們好!爸爸跟段綾卿同居了,你知道不知道?”Xiaohan recovered her breath, gnashed her teeth and said: “You! Look at what you have done! You turned a blind eye to them! Do you know Dad and Lingqing are living together?”許太太道:“我知道不知道,關你什麼事?我不管,輪得著你來管?”Mrs. Xu said: “Whether I know it or not is none of your business. Did I ask you to interfere?”小寒把兩臂反剪在背後,顫聲道:“你別得意!別以為你幫著他們來欺負我,你就報了仇——”Xiaohan said in a trembling voice with her hands clasped behind her: “Don’t be so smug! Don’t you think by helping them bully me you are avenged!”許太太聽了這話,臉也變了,刷地打了她一個嘴巴子,罵道:“你胡說些什麼?你犯了失心瘋了?你這是對你母親說話麼?”Mrs. Xu lost her countenance and gave her a smack on her face and scolded: “What nonsense are you talking about? Are you out of your mind? Is this the way you talk to your mother?”小寒挨了打,心地卻清楚了一些,只是嘴唇還是雪白的,上牙忒楞楞打著下牙。她是有生以來第一次看見她母親這樣發脾氣,因此一時也想不到抗拒。兩手捧住腮頰,閉了一會眼睛,再一看,母親不在陽臺上,也不在客室裡。她走進屋裡去,想到書房裡去見她父親,又沒有勇氣。她知道他還在裡面,因為有人在隔壁翻抽斗,清理檔。Smacked, Xiaohan seemed almost herself again. However, her lips were still white and her teeth were chattering. It was the first time she had ever seen her mother lose her temper, thus she didn’t know how to react at that moment. She held her face in her hands with her eyes closed for a while. When she opened her eyes again, her mother was neither on the balcony nor in the lounge. She went into the house. She wanted to meet his father in his study, yet she lacked the courage. She knew he was still in there as she heard someone rummaging around in the drawers, cleaning out some papers in the next room.她正在猶疑,她父親提了一隻皮包從書房裡走了出來。小寒很快地搶先跑到門前,把背抵在門上。峰儀便站住了腳。Her father came out from the study with a bag while she was wondering whether she would enter. Xiaohan ran to the door as quickly as possible and had her back against the door. Fengyi stopped.小寒望著他。都是為了他,她受了這許多委屈!她不由得滾下淚來。在他們之間,隔著地板,隔著檸檬黃與珠灰方格子的地席,隔著睡熟的狸花貓,痰盂,小撮的煙灰,零亂的早上的報紙……她的粉碎了的家!……短短的距離,然而滿地似乎都是玻璃屑,尖利的玻璃片,她不能夠奔過去。她不能夠近他的身。Xiaohan looked at him. She had been so wronged! And it’s all because of him. Tears rolled down her face. There were a lot of things between them: the floor; the lemon yellow mat with pearl gray checks; the sleeping civet cat; the spittoon; a bit of soot; the messy morning newspapers…her broken home!…The distance between them was so short. However, the floor seemed to be covered with glass chippings, sharp pieces of broken glass so that she couldn’t run to him. She couldn’t get near him.她說:“你以為綾卿真的愛上了你?她告訴過我的,她是‘人盡可夫’!”She said: “You thought Lingqing was really in love with you? She told me that anyone can be her husband!”峰儀笑了,像是感到了興趣,把皮包放在沙發上道:“哦?是嗎?她有過這話?”Fengyi smiled and seemed to be interested in what she had said. He put the bag on the couch and asked: “Oh, really? She told you that?”小寒道:“她說她急於結婚,因為她不能夠忍受家庭裡的痛苦。她嫁人的目的不過是換個環境,碰到誰就是誰!”Xiaohan said: “She told me that she was eager to get married because she couldn’t bear the pain she has suffered from her family. Marriage for her is just a change of environment. She would marry whomever she bumped into!”峰儀笑道:“但是她現在碰到了我!”Fengyi laughed: “But now she has bumped into me!”
  • 61Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into English小寒道:“她先遇見了龔海立,後遇見了你。你比他有錢,有地位——”Xiaohan said: “She met Gong Haili first and then you. You have more money and power ––”峰儀道:“但是我有妻子!她不愛我到很深的程度,她肯不顧一切地跟我麼?她敢冒這個險麼?”Fengyi said: “But I have a wife! Had she not loved me so deeply, would she have given up everything and followed me? Would she have taken the risk?”小寒道:“啊,原來你自己也知道你多麼對不起綾卿!你不打算娶她。你愛她,你不能害了她!”Xiaohan said: “Ah, you also know what wrong you are to Lingqing! You are not going to marry her. You must not hurt her like that if you love her!”峰儀笑道:“你放心。現在的社會上的一般人不像從前那麼嚴格了。綾卿不會怎樣吃苦的。你剛剛說過:我有錢,我有地位。你如果為綾卿擔憂的話,大可以不必了!”Fengyi laughed: “Don’t worry. People nowadays are not as rigid as they used to be. Lingqing won’t suffer too much. As you just said: I have money and power. There is certainly no need for you to worry about Lingqing!”小寒道:“我才不為她擔憂呢!她是多麼有手段的人!我認識她多年了,我知道她,你別以為她是個天真的女孩子!”Xiaohao said: “I am not worried about her at all! She knows how to play her cards! I have known her for many years. I know her. Don’t you think she is an unsophisticated girl!”峰儀微笑道:“也許她不是一個天真的女孩子。天下的天真的女孩子,大約都跟你差不多罷!”Fengyi smiled: “Perhaps she’s not. The unsophisticated girls in the world might all be like you!”小寒跳腳道:“我有什麼不好?我犯了什麼法?我不該愛我父親,可是我是純潔的!”Xiaohan stamped and yelled: “What’s wrong with me? Did I commit any crime? Shouldn’t I love my father? But I am pure!”峰儀道:“我沒說你不純潔呀!”Fengyi said: “I didn’t say that you are not pure!”小寒哭道:“你看不起我,因為我愛你!你哪裡還有點人心哪——你是個禽獸!你——你看不起我!”Xiaohan cried: “You despise me because I love you! Don’t you have heart? You are such a beast! You –– you despise me!”她撲到他身上去,打他,用指甲抓他。峰儀捉住她的手,把她摔到地上去。她在掙扎中,尖尖的長指甲劃過了她自己的腮,血往下直滴。穿堂裡一陣細碎的腳步聲。峰儀沙聲道:“你母親來了。”She flung herself upon him, beat him and scratched him with her nails. Fengyi caught her hands and threw her to the ground. Her cheek was scratched by her sharp long fingernails and blood dropped down constantly when she was struggling. There was a little pattering of feet in the corridor. Fengyi said raucously: “Your mother’s coming.”Excerpt 4小寒鬧了一天,到了這個時候,業已精疲力盡,竟扭不過她母親。雨下得越發火熾了,啪啦啦濺在油布上。油布外面是一片滔滔的白,油布裡面是黑沉沉的。視覺的世界早已消滅了,餘下的僅僅是嗅覺的世界——雨的氣味,打潮了的灰土的氣味,油布的氣味,油布上的泥垢的氣味,水滴滴的頭髮的氣味,她的腿緊緊壓在她母親的腿上——自己的骨肉!她突然感到一陣強烈的厭惡與恐怖。怕誰?恨誰?她母親?她自己?她們只是愛著同一個男子的兩個女人。她憎嫌她自己的肌肉與那緊緊擠著她的,溫暖的,他人的肌肉。呵,她自己的母親!Xiaohan was so far completely exhausted after such a long day. She was overpowered by her mother. It was raining harder than ever and the rain was splattering on the awning. It was all white outside; while inside the awning it was all dark. The visual world had already disappeared and what remained was merely the world of smell –– the smell of rain, wet dust, awning, the dirt on the awning, and the dripping hair. Her leg pressed tightly on her mother’s –– her own flesh and blood! She all of a sudden felt a sharp sense of disgust and terror. Who was she afraid of? Who was she to hate? Her mother? Herself? They were just two women in love with the same man. She detested her own flesh as well as the warm flesh of the other that clung to hers. Ah, her own mother!她痛苦地叫喚道:“媽,你早也不管管我!你早在那兒幹什麼?”She exclaimed painfully: “Mom, why didn’t you mind
  • 62me earlier! What have you been doing out there?”許太太低聲道:“我一直不知道……我有點知道,可是我不敢相信——一直到今天,你逼著我相信……”Mrs. Xu whispered: “I didn’t know…I knew a bit, but I couldn’t believe it –– until today, you forced me to believe…”小寒道:“你早不管!你……你裝著不知道!”Xiaohan said: “You didn’t care earlier! You…you pretended that you didn’t know!”許太太道:“你叫我怎麼能夠相信呢?——總拿你當個小孩子!有時候我也疑心。過後我總怪我自己小心眼兒,‘門縫裡瞧人,把人都瞧扁了’。我不許我自己那麼想,可是我還是一樣的難受。有些事,多半你早已忘了:我三十歲以後,偶然穿件美麗點的衣裳,或是對他稍微露一點感情,你就笑我。……他也跟著笑……我怎麼能恨你呢?你不過是一個天真的孩子!”Mrs. Xu said: “How could I believe this? –– I always treated you as a kid! Although sometimes I suspected, I would blame myself for being narrow-minded afterwards. A saying goes: ‘If you peer at a person through a crack, he looks flat.’4 I didn’t allow myself to think like that, however, I still felt sad. You might have already forgotten this: After I turned thirty, you would laugh at me when I occasionally wore some beautiful clothes or showed the slightest feeling for him…and he would laugh as well…how could I hate you? You were just an innocent child!”小寒劇烈地顫抖了一下,連她母親也感到那震動。她母親也打了個寒戰,沉默了一會,細聲道:“現在我才知道你是有意的。”小寒哭了起來。她犯了罪。她將她父母之間的愛慢吞吞地殺死了,一塊一塊割碎了——愛的淩遲!雨從簾幕下面橫掃進來,大點大點寒颼颼落在腿上。Xiaohan shuddered. Even her mother felt it, and shuddered too. After a moment’s silence, she said quietly: “Now I know that you did it on purpose.” Xiaohan started to cry. She was guilty of a crime. She killed the love between her parents slowly, cutting it into pieces bit by bit! Large drops of the rain swept in and spattered on the legs, hard and cold.許太太的聲音空而遠。她說:“過去的事早已過去了。好在現在只剩了我們兩個人了。”4. This is a Chinese allegorical saying which idiomatically means “look down upon someone”.Mrs. Xu’s voice was far away. She said: “The past is past. Luckily now the two of us have each other.”小寒急道:“你難道就讓他們去?”Xiaohan asked anxiously: “Will you just let them go like this?”許太太道:“不讓他們去,又怎樣?你爸爸不愛我,又不能夠愛你——留得住他的人,留不住他的心。他愛綾卿。他眼見得就要四十了。人活在世上,不過短短的幾年。愛,也不過短短的幾年。由他們去罷!”Mrs. Xu said: “What can I do if I don’t let them go? Your father doesn’t love me. He can’t love you either –– you can keep his body but not his heart. He is in love with Lingqing. He is nearly forty. We can only live in this world for several decades5 and love can only last for several years. So just leave them alone!”小寒道:“可是你——你預備怎樣?”Xiaohan said: “But you –– what’s your plan?”許太太歎了口氣道:“我麼?我一向就是不要緊的人,現在也還是不要緊。要緊的倒是你——你年紀輕著呢。”Mrs. Xu said with a sigh: “Me? I have always been an unimportant person and now I am still unimportant. You are the only person that matters –– you are still young.”小寒哭道:“我只想死!我死了倒乾淨!”Xiaohan cried: “I just want to die! Then all troubles will end!”許太太道:“你怪我沒早管你,現在我雖然遲了一步,有一分力,總得出一分力。你明天就動身,到你三舅母那兒去。”Mrs. Xu said: “You blame me for not caring about you earlier. Although it’s a bit late now, I’ll do whatever I can for you. Tomorrow you will be sent to your third uncle’s wife’s place.”小寒聽見“三舅母”那三個字,就覺得肩膀向上一聳一聳的,熬不住要狂笑。把她過繼出去 ?Hearing the “third uncle’s wife”, Xiaohan felt that she shrugged her shoulders and could not help laughing. She intended to have her adopted?5. The Chinese original text is 人活在世上,不過短短的幾年。(We can only live in this world for several years). The translator considers it was only a slip of the pen on the author’s.
  • 63Jimin CHEN Maintaining Subtlety: Translating Xin Jing (Heart Sutra) by Eileen Chang into English許太太又道:“那不過是暫時的事。你在北方住幾個月,定下心來,仔細想想。你要到哪兒去繼續念書,或是找事,或是結婚,你計劃好了,寫信告訴我。我再替你佈置一切。”Mrs. Xu went on: “It is temporary. You just live in the north for a few months, get down and think it over. Write to me when you have plans: continue to study, or find a job, or get married. I will arrange everything for you.”小寒道:“我跟龔海立訂了婚了。”Xiaohan said: “I am engaged to Gong Haili.”許太太道:“什麼?你就少胡鬧罷!你又不愛他,你惹他做什麼?”Mrs. Xu said: “What? Stop that nonsense! You don’t love him. Why do you mess about with him?”小寒道:“有了愛的婚姻往往是痛苦的。你自己知道。”Xiaohan said: “Marriage with love is often painful. You know it.”許太太道:“那也不能一概而論。你的脾氣這麼壞,你要是嫁了個你所不愛的人,你會給他好日子過?你害苦了他,也就害苦了你自己。”Mrs. Xu said: “You cannot generalize. You have such a bad temper. If you marry someone you don’t love, how you be kind to him? You will make both him and you suffer.小寒垂頭不語。許太太道:“明天,你去你的。這件事你丟給我好了。我會對他解釋的。”Xiaohan bowed her head and said nothing. Mrs. Xu said: “You will leave anyway tomorrow. I’ll take care of it. I will explain it to him.”小寒不答。隔著衣服,許太太覺得她身上一陣一陣細微地顫慄,便問道:“怎麼了?”Xiaohan didn’t reply. Mrs. Xu felt a quiver through her body and asked: “Are you alright?”小寒道:“你——你別對我這麼好呀!我受不了!我受不了!”許太太不言語了。車裡靜悄悄的,每隔幾分鐘可以聽到小寒一聲較高的嗚咽。Xiaohan said: “You –– why are you so good to me? I can’t bear it! I can’t bear it anymore!” Mrs. Xu did not utter a word. It was very quiet in the rickshaw. Xiaohan’s high-pitched sob could be heard every few minutes.車到了家。許太太吩咐女傭道:“讓小姐洗了澡,喝杯熱牛奶,趕緊上床睡罷!明天她還要出遠門呢。”They arrived home. Mrs. Xu told the maid: “Let Miss Xu take a bath, drink a cup of hot milk and go to bed as quickly as possible! She has a long journey tomorrow.”小寒在床上哭一會,又迷糊一會。半夜裡醒了過來,只見屋裡點著燈,許太太蹲在地上替她整理衣箱。雨還澌澌地下著。Xiaohan lay in bed, cried for a while and sometimes snoozed a little. When she woke up at midnight, the lamp was burning. Mrs. Xu was squatting on the ground packing the suitcase for Xiaohan. The rain was still falling.小寒在枕上撐起胳膊,望著她。許太太並不理會,自顧自拿出幾雙襪子,每一雙打開來看過了,沒有洞,沒有撕裂的地方,重新卷了起來,安插在一疊一疊的衣裳裡。頭髮油、冷霜,雪花膏,漱盂,都用毛巾包了起來。小寒爬下床頭,跪在箱子的一旁,看著她做事,看了半日,突然彎下腰來,把額角抵在箱子的邊沿上,一動也不動。Xiaohan raised herself on one elbow on the pillow and looked at her mother. Mrs. Xu paid no heed. She took out some socks, checked each one to make sure that there was no hole and tear in it. Then she rolled up the socks again and inserted them into the folded clothes. The hair oil, cold cream, face cream and tooth glass were all wrapped up in the towel. Xiaohan got out of bed, knelt at the suitcase, looking at her mother for a while. Then she suddenly leaned down and put her forehead on the edge of the case without moving.許太太把手擱在她頭髮上,遲鈍地說著:“你放心。等你回來的時候,我一定還在這兒……”Mrs. Xu rested her hand on her hair and said stolidly: “Don’t worry. By the time you come back, I must still be here…”小寒伸出手臂來,攀住她母親的脖子,哭了。Xiaohan reached out and flung her arms round her mother’s neck, cried.許太太斷斷續續地道:“你放心……我……我自己會保重的……等你回來的時候……”Mrs. Xu said incoherently: “Don’t worry… I … I will take care of myself…when you come back…” (一九四三年七月) July 1943
  • 64第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 Received 21 Jan. 2016; Revised 21 Jan. 2016*Corresponding author: Keith Morrison, PhD, Professor. Research Area: Education, Sociology, Assessment, Pedagogy, Social Science Research Methods, Management and Leadership. E-mail:kmorrison@must.edu.mo Tel:00853-88972006Randomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model”Keith MORRISON(Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China)AAstract: The increased use of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) in educational research has close affinity to the “medical model” of RCTs. However, currently there are both similarities and differences between the two. This paper argues that, taking the lead from RCTs in medicine, there should be much greater rigour and sensitivity in RCTs in educational research. The analogy is drawn between key considerations in RCTs in medical research and those in education. The argument is advanced that, though medical treatments operate more on a one-to-one basis than education, nevertheless, in matters of research, the similarities between the two are sufficient for education to abide by the rigours of RCTs in medicine.eywords: Randomized controlled trials; Experiments; Medical model; Clinical trials 教育研究中的隨機對照試驗:以“醫學模式”為學習藍本祈務晨(澳門科技大學,澳門)摘要: 在教育研究中使用日增的隨機對照試驗(Randomized controlled trials, RCTs)與“醫學模式"的RCTs有很密切的關聯,但現階段兩者還是有相似和相異的部份。本文將探討關於在醫學的RCTs的引領下,教育研究中的RCTs應具更高精確性及靈活性。在本文中,醫學研究中的RCTs的主要考量將與教育研究中的作類比。本文更將論述即使RCTs醫學上的應用與教育上的應用相比,更傾向於一對一的模式,但兩者在研究中的相似性已經足以使教育上的應用遵從醫學中RCTs的精確性。關鍵詞: 隨機對照試驗,實驗,醫學模式,臨床試驗0 IntroductionThe evidence based movement in education is fuelled by the increase in randomized controlled trials (RCTs), and the frequently used phrase “what works” in education relies very heavily on RCTs. The advance of RCTs in educational research seems unstoppable, rapidly achieving hegemonic status[1]. Their allure seems irresistible to governments and researchers alike, and the Campbell Collaboration, the social
  • 65Keith MORRISON Randomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model”science equivalent of the Cochrane Collaboration, provides powerful evidence of this. The USA has the What Works Clearinghouse, the Institute of Education Sciences (IES) and the non-profit Coalition for Evidence-based Policy (which lists over 90 RCTs). The What Works Clearinghouse, for example, enables educationists to interrogate the data of RCTs in education by topic, student characteristics and units of randomization (individual and cluster). International organizations focusing on RCTs report twelve national RCTs in Europe[2], as do educational researchers in the evidence-based movement[3]. In the UK, the Educational Endowment Foundation was established in 2011[4], initiating 59 RCTs involving 2,300 schools; the Behavioural Insights Team opened in 2012; and in 2013 the UK’s Department for Education announced two major RCTs on (a) schools’ attainment in mathematics and science and (b) child protection. Indeed the Cabinet Office of the UK government, declared that “[r] andomised controlled tr ials (RCTs) are the best way of determining whether a policy is working”[5].RCTs commenced in agriculture[6], then were taken up by education and the social sciences, and, later still, were taken up in medicine. Educationists term RCTs the “medical model”, and advocacy of its use in educational research is increasing. It is, perhaps, an irony, that education, the field which preceded medicine in its use of RCTs, should be turning increasingly strongly to this “medical model”. In order to increase the explanatory power of RCTs in education – why certain effects are found – they are typically accompanied by ethnographic and other qualitative data (“process evaluations”). As the Vice-President of the British Educational Research Association observed: RCTs “must be complemented by other approaches including evaluation research, qualitative research, ethnographic research, action research and theoretical research” (p. 39)[7]. The Centre for Education and Inclusion Research echoes this: “RCTs on their own provide limited detail on why an intervention has a positive (or negative) impact, or whether specific aspects of a complex intervention are more (or less) effective than others. Because of this, our RCT evaluation designs incorporate a process evaluation that mixes qualitative and quantitative research approaches. . . .” (p. 1)[8]. Indeed Campbell himself, after whom the Campbell Collaboration is named, had reservations about the exclusion of qualitative research in relying too heavily on the experimental approach[9].The challenges facing RCTs in education have been well aired in much literature[10]. Rather than rehearsing these, this paper argues, more positively, that if this “medical model” is to be followed in educational research, then much greater attention must be given to the details of RCTs. Currently the research literature on RCTs in educational research, whilst advancing apace, provides little or no evidence of the level of rigour and detailed attention to differences that one finds in RCTs in the “medical model’. The present paper not only draws attention to this but indicates what is required to inject such rigour and detail into RCTs in educational research, which is currently absent in the field. On the one hand, stricter, more rigorous, sensitive, sophisticated, targeted and differentiated RCTs are required, with greater attention to sub-sampling. On the other hand, educational research must also be aware of the limits of RCTs and ensure that attention is paid to: the whole person; contexts and other interventions and practices that are taking place in the educational experiences of students at the time of the RCTs; duration, intensity and differential inputs into, operations of, and responses to the intervention; and to the often non-linear and dynamical systems nature of the “careers” of participants. The paper argues that current RCTs in educational research are often too simplistic, and it indicates how to address this.This paper raises issues through a literature review in the field. It argues that, in improving the quality of RCTs in educational research, they could learn from RCTs in the medical field: the “medical model”. Further, the paper contends that, whilst RCTs have their place, they require much greater attention to: the “real world”; the whole person;
  • 66differentiated sub-groups; differentiation by personal characteristics of participants; dose-response (e.g., attention to amount, quality, strength, frequency, intensity, duration); recognition that a person is a complex system which combines and connects very many elements whose interactions and outcomes change over time (with commensurate changes to interventions over time). In education, this argues that a too-simplistic interpretation of RCTs is occurring and that, if the “medical model” of RCTs is to be used in educational research, then, like medicine, it should recognize the complexities and safeguards involved. The paper sets out such safeguards and rigour in RCTs in the “medical model” which currently are difficult to discern in educational RCTs, and it argues that such rigour could usefully be applied to RCTs in educational research. Further, whilst RCTs have their place in educational research, just as with medical research, this does not obviate the importance of, or preclude the use of, other research approaches, for example observational studies, case-cohort studies, analysis of multiple data sources, longitudinal studies, retrospective studies and research that addresses the whole person and the person-as-individual[11]. These provide additional data on important contextual and process factors. Whether the complexity of education lends itself to RCTs is addressed, and the paper rehearses the familiar point that pragmatic, “real world” RCTs in education, as in some medicine, should hold prominence over laboratory-like trials. By drawing attention to an alternative “medical model” – personalized medicine – to complement an RCT, the paper argues that RCTs in educational research too, could benefit from being accompanied by alternative models and methodologies of educational research. The push for RCTs in educational research, if it marginalizes other kinds of research, might be counterproductive.1 RCTs in Medical and Educational ResearchRCTs in education have their protagonists and antagonists. On the one hand, RCTs claim to provide evidence of “what works”, which is preferable to introducing or using untested interventions in education. RCTs can meet a rigorous standard of evidence and can upset long-held, false myths about education, and can suggest probabilistic causation. Small scale RCTs acting as pilots can also reduce risk[12]. On the other hand, RCTs have been criticized on many counts. For example, the irreducible complexity and multiplicity of purposes, intended outcomes and contents of education stand in contrast to the “medical model” which seeks to cure a single or limited number of illnesses at a time. Further, there is incongruence between the “medical model” which is pathological, seeking to cure a disease, and the educational model which has more positive aims (this caricature is for heuristic clarity). Concerns have also been raised about the questionable ethics of randomization (e.g., denying control groups access to potentially positive interventions). Randomization in educational RCTs might be difficult, and the solution may not necessarily be provided by cluster randomization. Some RCTs may have limited external validity (generalizability), and findings in one context may not work in another context. Further, blind- and double-blind experiments may not be feasible in education. An experiment may fail to catch, or may ignore, the complexity and significance of teacher-student interactions, and education comprises an ongoing, dynamic interplay of systems, contexts and people that may not be captured in a single RCT, i.e., RCTs, almost necessarily, over-simplify the “real world”[13]. What happens in the hermetically sealed world of the laboratory is unlike what happens in the “real world” in which contamination and the Hawthorne effect may occur. Indeed in clinical trials, some patients may not take the correct dose, or may take it at the wrong time of day, or not at all etc., i.e. in the “real world’ the RCT may not operate as intended. An RCT might suggest whether something “works”, but not why, how or how well, and these are the very thing that educationists need to know. The measures used in RCTs focus on the average,
  • 67Keith MORRISON Randomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model”overall results rather than outliers or important sub-sample differences (discussed below), and, unlike clinical trials, there are very few replication RCTs in education. Non-cognitive outcomes may be ignored, and focus is placed on whether a particular intervention brings its designed outcome, regardless of the cost (widely defined).Whilst some of the responses to potential criticisms of RCTs suggest having yet more, and more rigorous, RCTs; other criticisms are at the level of principle, i.e., unlike the explicit relatively narrow focus of clinical trials, RCTs in education betray the complex world of education and, thereby, are simply not a “good thing”. Whilst not simply dismissing RCTs, this paper argues that, as educational research increasingly adopts the “medical model” of RCTs, it is important to understand how RCTs have fared in light of current developments in medicine, and how this can be applied to educational research. RCTs in medicine have a prominent place in drug testing, clinical and other therapies. Some medical RCTs are conducted in less controlled, “real world” settings, taking account of contextual matters, replacing experimental RCTs with pragmatic RCTs[14]. Indeed Campbell, a towering figure in experimental research in education, was an advocate of quasi-experiments and field-experiments[15]. Pragmatic trials fit clinical settings well, addressing, for example: patients who forget to, or refuse to, take medicine or take it irregularly; comorbidity; patients taking multiple medications; doctor-patient relations; and so on. Research using RCTs, as mentioned above, can be complemented by other research types and data, indeed other kinds of clinical practice. By way of example this paper introduces personalized medicine, an alternative “medical model”. This is done to suggest the importance of triangulation in models of research, giving greater reliability, validity and contextualization to the research.Taking the example of personalized medicine, then, with targeted therapies, this growing field at one level involves the whole person, the severity or stage of their disease, environmental and sociodemographic characteristics, socioeconomic, cultural, personal factors, health-related behaviours, the presence of other risk factors and comorbidities, in short the elements affecting the whole person, all of which requires careful screening and diagnosis: “Personalized medicine” refers to the tailoring of medical treatment to the individual characteristics of each patient. It does not literally mean the creation of drugs or medical devices that are unique to a patient but rather the ability to classify individuals into subpopulations that differ in their susceptibility to a particular disease or their response to a specific treatment. Preventive or therapeutic interventions can then be concentrated on those who will benefit, sparing expense and side effects for those who will not. . . . Moreover, the ability to stratify patients by disease susceptibility or likely response to treatment could also reduce the size, duration, and cost of clinical trials, thus facilitating the development of new treatments, diagnostics, and prevention strategies. (President’s Council of Advisers on Science and Technology, p. 1)[16]At another level, personalized medicine works with the science of genetics and biomarkers, where “a biomarker for target status is used to define a subgroup of patients who have a different benefit/risk ratio than an unselected population”[17]. The claim is made that personalized medicine, genetics and genomics are causing clinicians to rethink the landscape of RCTs,[18] though how far this is currently the case is equivocal; RCTs still hold sway in much clinical research. Frueh argues that RCTS “cannot be the answer to pharmacogenomics and personalized medicine” since “medical practice has not evolved around the concept of randomized trials, but around the idea of careful observations, (anecdotal) case studies and the evaluation of retrospective data” (p.
  • 681077)[19], and there is an enduring significance of drugs that were developed before RCTs and which relied on observational studies[20].Personalized medicine also addresses the difference between genotype (the genetic make-up of an organism) and phenotype (the set of observable characteristics of an individual which stem from the interaction between the genotype and its environment), and this has major implications for sampling and sub-sampling in RCTs (e.g., based on biomarkers)[21]. Liu, Leung & Tian[22] remark that RCTs “have struggled to keep pace with the emerging understanding of individual pharmacogenomics” (p. S100), and recent advances in genetics and molecular biology can identify which patients to target in respect of different diseases, and which patients might not benefit from certain treatments. A range of factors, e.g., environment, comedication, comorbidities play a critical role[23] in treatment, and personalized medicine takes into account this range of factors operating in an individual case (discussed below). Do RCTs in educational research currently do this?Genotype-based educational research has been conducted (and monozygotic and dizygotic twin studies have a long history here), e.g.,: (a) a study of the association between Apolipoprotein E genotype on IQ, educational attainment, memory and plasma lipids[24]; (b) a study of schooling and variation in the COMT gene[25]; (c) an investigation into the biased or moderator effect of genotype of parental education on offspring[26]. In terms of research on social networks, using ‘genotype” metaphorically, one study [27] correlated genotypes in friendship networks, and another[28] identified “the social media genome”. The educational significance of genotyping, both actually and metaphorically, is to suggest that sub-group sampling must include targeted sub-groups rather than risking excluding them and that context must feature in educational research, something which even a field RCT might struggle to address. In other words, the genotype-phenotype relationship can be taken at an analogical level to ensure that sub-groups are organized according to a range of inclusive criteria in educational research.Personalized medicine emphasizes the need to ensure that groups differentiated by genotype and biomarkers, not solely by phenotype, are included in the sample, otherwise important groups and sub-samples may be excluded or neglected (thereby risking Type II errors: false negatives). For example Liu, Leung & Tian (2011)[29]note that a false negative result was found for a cancer drug because “none of the patients in the trials had been selected based on EGFR [epidermal growth factor rejector] activity” (p. S100), and yet a specific sub-group actually benefited from the drug but was not included in the research, i.e., a sampling problem. Similarly, the drug Tamoxifin, for example, in breast cancer treatments, does not work in the treatment of some ten per cent of women who do not have a tumour which has a particular genetic flaw. The sub-sample should be planned in advance rather than conducting post hoc data analysis in the hope of finding some statistical significance, and the RCT must ensure statistical power to avoid a Type II error, particularly if small samples and sub-samples are involved[30]. In RCTs in educational research, attention must be given to the inclusion of relevant sub-samples.In RCTs for new drugs, attention is given to the dose-response factor: what level of dosage brings about what kind of response in the patient? Too little, and the medication is seen to be ineffective; too much, and it can be lethal. Some treatments may require initial intensive medication, tailing off to a maintenance level (e.g., many people start antibiotics with a double dose and then maintain a single dose for several days); some medication may require a gentle start, with an increasing, cumulative dosage as the body responds to treatment. Some drugs (e.g., lithium, insulin) may require ongoing, regular, close monitoring, whilst others require less a less watchful eye. The point here is that medication is not a single event but, as the career of a disease and a patient changes over time, so does the treatment. The equivalents of these points in clinical RCTs do not appear to operate in the simple input-output
  • 69Keith MORRISON Randomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model”model of many current RCTs in educational research. Some students need intensive treatment, others do not; some require an intensive early intervention, tailing off over time, whilst with others the opposite may be true; some students may require close monitoring whilst others may not. How are these addressed in RCTs in educational research, and how is this both monitored and factored into the assessment of “what works”? Indeed, whilst “treatments” in clinical trials may be easier to standardize (e.g., the amount of a drug), in education this is much less so the case, as it involves social interactions, personalities, motivations etc., and these may differ from person to person or group to group[31].Patients differ from each other in genotype (biological subgroups) and phenotype (e .g. , behaviours) and respond variably to the same drug,[32] and average effects, as measured in an RCT, may differ markedly from effects on a given individual. Randomization, harking back to Fisher, is designed to overcome a myriad of within-group and between-group differences that risk the threat of bias or confounds by evenly distributing them between the control and experimental group, thereby insulating – screening off – the variable from other causes in the RCT, and focusing on averages between control and experimental groups. This might be all well and good for the agricultural model in his The Design of Experiments[33], but humans – be they patients in medicine or students in school – are infinitely more complex and less passive than seeds which are affected by soil, heat, light, weather, location and water[34]. Medicines are not fertilizers; a fertilizer may have only one effect whereas a medicine may have many, and, whereas fertilizers look for average effects, medicine is acutely concerned with the benefit to an individual patient[35]. Similarly in education, one intervention may cause a multiplicity of outcomes and may vary according to the characteristics of the students. Indeed the same treatment with the same class may produce different results[36]. T h o u g h o n e c a n q u e s t i o n h o w f a r t h e individualization and specificity (the one-to-one nature: from doctor to patient) of medical treatment matches the world of education which, typically, is not one-to-one, i.e., is one teacher to many students, nevertheless the point that it makes about attention to individual differences is important for education as well, and the concept of “differentiation” is widely noted in the field of education: taking account of individual differences and responding to them in pedagogical practices. This is not at all to say that RCTs are unaware of this; indeed how effectively and efficaciously a medical or educational treatment works is highly variable across groups. Together, these two points argue for a rigorous, cautious approach in adopting RCTs in educational research and in the claims for generalizability that are made from them. Indeed the claim for generalizability may have substance if the causal system at work in the RCT matches that in the wider “real world”.2 The Limitations of AveragesIn clinical trials, it is not sufficient to have a single outcome measure, an average; rather it is important to differentiate by sub-sample and by dosage. So it should be with educational research, yet currently many RCTs in educational research are content with a single average measure, a single dose, a single measure of effect size or statistical significance, overlooking dose-response differences, within-group differences, between-groups differences and sub-sample differences (which factorial designs may or may not catch). This is an important feature for educational research here: if RCTs in education are to be conducted, then they need to be more sophisticated and rigorous, at the same time, sensitive to individual and group differences, to context, and to the need to move beyond singular measurements of outcomes such as averages. Average difference conceals within-patient variation, between-patient variation and patient-treatment interaction. Whilst stratification attenuates this, it increases the sample size, e.g., in each stratum, in order to retain statistical power, thereby raising logistical or practical problems of acquiring a suitably large sample.
  • 70Whether or not average effects are found, the point is that in medicine, particularly perhaps personalized medicine, given the variability of dosage and response, targeted therapies are required rather than the “one size fits all” approach. Whilst personalized approaches are also being used alongside RCTs on drugs, RCTs alone do not drive individualized therapies. Moving from RCT to treatment is an art as much as a science[37]. As Osler, a key early figure in medicine remarked, “if it were not for the great variability among individuals, medicine might have well been a science and not an art” (p. 40[38]. So it is in education – using data from an RCT in education to inform educational practice is moderated and mediated by a range of other factors.Fisher’s comment that randomization, linked to the importance of averages which are intended to overcome individual differences, “will suffice to guarantee the validity of the test of significance, by which the result of the experiment is to be judged” (p. 21) is self-condemning[39] as: (a) contextual factors can affect outcomes in ways that cannot be overcome by randomization; and (b) significance testing has limited value, telling the researcher only about the likelihood of the result occurring by chance rather than which patients might or might not benefit, and by how much[40]; one cannot read off from a general result, an average or a test of statistical significance, what will be the result for an individual (the ecological fallacy).For RCTs in educational research, the lessons from clinical trials argue that average results alone are simplistic and inadequate for catching the complexities and differences in participants and the contexts and environments in which their learning takes place. On the other hand Goldacre[41], a leading protagonist for RCTs in education, remarks that in the world of education “[e]very child is different, of course, and every patient is different too; but we are all similar enough that research can help find out which intervention will work best overall, and which strategies should be tried first, second or third, to help everyone achieve the best outcome” (p. 7). However, he provides no evidence to support his claim. Averages – the measure used in RCTs – may disguise which sub-group did or did not benefit from, or were endangered or harmed by, the treatment[42]. Standardizing treatments for, or across, a whole population may be risky or suboptimal for some individuals or sub-groups. As Healy, Bechthold & Tolias observe, “[c]linical practice wants to discover heterogeneity, not obliterate it” (p. 81)[43]. So it is in education.Variable responses (“heterogeneity of treatment effects”) are almost inevitable in heterogeneous patients and their sub-groups. RCTs often overlook such heterogeneities, leading to claims for results being more broadly applicable than in reality they are. Indeed there is plentiful evidence to show that clinical trials may overlook sub-groups, comorbidities, comedication and other patient characteristics[44]; this is a warning for educational research which too easily assumes that a single intervention will have a single effect; a blunt instrument with a blunt measure. For RCTs in educational research, benefits come from the sophisticated sub-sampling and subgroup targeted treatments with varied outcomes, researched in suitably differentiated trials in the “real world”. This is a far cry from the relatively crude, undifferentiated input-output RCTs that appear in educational literature which typically report statistical significance and a single, overall effect size. Averages conceal differences, and medicine looks to individuals and sub-groups as well as to averages[45]. RCTs have to be, and many are, sensitive to variability in patient groups. Currently in educational research this is largely not the case. In this respect large samples may overlook important smaller differences but small samples may lack statistical power or risk a Type II error. Big is not beautiful, but neither is small. If RCTs are applied without due attention to individuals then treatment is undermined, and the argument here is for case-control and non-random cohort studies, in tandem with careful observational studies, non-random and retrospective analyses of data, i.e., methods that have been used long before RCTs came into vogue. Research in education would
  • 71Keith MORRISON Randomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model”benefit from such differentiation and complementary data.Measures of central tendency in RCTs, typically by using averages, may be their strongest point or their Achilles heel, depending on the purpose of the research. Here the lesson from personalized medicine (PM) may be helpful; de Leon observes that whereas many clinical trials seek “to establish the best treatment for the average patient and ignores the outliers, PM focuses on the outliers” (p. 153)[46]. Patients, average or outliers, may or may not benefit equally from the treatment. One should not assume population or response homogeneity; a “drug response is a statistically heterogeneous phenomenon” (p. 153)[47]. It is all too easy to dismiss outliers, regardless of the levels at which they are defined: 1 per cent, 5 cent, 10 per cent, or whatever. The same could be said of educational research: the more difficult, extreme and small in number is the sub-group, the more it risks being overlooked. Given the problem of the use of averages in RCTs, it may be useful to supplement the findings from RCTs with evidence from other methodologies[48], e.g., epidemiological studies, case studies, historical studies and clinical experience[49]. Excluding and including variables, often focusing on a single variable of interest in an artificial setting, overlooks broader contexts and applicability. This can apply equally well to the field of research in education.3 What Researchers Want and Need to nowSignificance testing is silent on what many researchers and users of research want or need to know: how much of an effect an intervention has, and on whom (which groups and sub-groups), under what conditions and contingencies, with how much “treatment” (e.g., quantity, quality, intensity, strength, frequency, duration), and at what cost. However, RCTs tend to focus on null hypothesis significance testing,[50] but this only tells us whether an intervention makes a difference by chance or not by chance, not how much difference it makes. What most researchers wish to know is the magnitude of an effect, something that statistical significance alone cannot provide.[51]This is amplified by Pearce & Raman in their comment on the relation between RCTs and policy making, suggesting that advocates of RCTs could help institutions more by putting “the evidence from trials in its proper context, clarify the conditions under which interventions work or do not work and why”[52] (p. 398). Such concerns about RCT’s resonate with Pawson’s comment that an evaluation of an intervention would be well advised to provide data on whether to “implement it through A, B, C . . . to target it at D, E, F . . . and . . . beware of the pitfalls of G, H, I . . . .” (p. 190).[53] RCTs in educational research operate from a restricted view of causality and predictability, understate the value of other data sources and types, display unrealistic reductionism, simplification and atomization of a complex whole, understate the importance of multiple perspective in judging “what works”, fail to catch the dynamics of nonlinear phenomena, are silent on the processes that take place in experiments (the black box approach), and neglect the significance of context[54]. In other words, undifferentiated RCTS alone cannot tell the whole story of efficacy, generalizability and effectiveness. In addition to needing to know “how much” effect a treatment has, and on whom, RCTs generally do not indicate why some patients do or do not respond to treatment, others have an excessive response, and others experience side effects or adverse effects[55], i.e., why there is such variability in effects. It is difficult to find an RCT in educational research that states in advance the criteria for the level of success that it requires in order to be judged efficacious or effective and how it will address contingencies and responses to interventions. Many have no specified targets, though some may indicate an overall effect size sought in order to ensure statistical power. Indeed it is difficult to find RCTs in educational research, which, unlike clinical trials, state their prognoses, targeted improved benefit (for whom, how much and about what), predicted benefit or its lack (and for whom), predicted risk and its mitigation
  • 72(though ethics committees are supposed to act here), and estimated “dose” (intervention). Medicine, as exemplified in personalized medicine, seeks to identify the right treatment at the right time to the right patient[56]; this kind of information is notably absent in educational research which uses RCTs. Whilst RCTs might be useful in educational research, it is infinitely more difficult to operate them than in clinical trials because, unlike medicine, where outcomes are easier to predefine or narrower in focus, this is not the case in education, and, even if we could identify such outcomes in education, measuring them is much more challenging than in medicine, and surrogates and proxies in medicine may not have their equivalents in education[57]. In responding to the need for recognizing the importance of detail, contingencies and contexts, and taking the “medical model” further, RCTs in educational research could benefit from the rigour attached to RCTs in medicine, as pharmacopeias indicate: whether a medicine is freely available or a controlled drug; dosage strengths, frequency and quantities; patient screening and diagnosis; security, safety and misuse; indications; contraindications, side effects and adverse effects; delayed effects; register of providers and users; treatment regimens; cautions; patients at risk (e.g., by age, abnormality, special features), presence of other illnesses and other medicines; and methods of treatment. The equivalence of these in RCTs in educational research is currently difficult to find in their planning, design, conduct, analysis and reporting. In medicine, unlike in the laboratory, the doctor faces a person, not simply a disease[58]. Treatment must take account a host of other factors, contexts and systems in which they exist; rather than trying to control out such factors, contexts and systems, they occupy a central position. Similarly in the field of educational research, RCTs have an important place, but theirs is not the entire story of “what works” when considering the whole system of persons, contingencies, changes, contexts, education systems and policy making that obtain in a dynamic, non-linear, inter-connected system such as education. 4 The Need for “Real World” Evidence and RegulationAdvances in medicine are being made in “real world evidence”[59], i.e., data which do not come solely from RCTs but from electronic health records, patient registries, claims databases, patient reported outcomes, literature reviews and summaries (e.g., meta-analysis and the Cochrane Collaboration). It is also argued that that RCTs are part of “yesterday’s toolkit”, whereas the “New Health Toolkit” admittedly includes RCTs but also, inter alia, stakeholder research, observational studies, registries, budget impact models, cost-effectiveness models, social media and patient data collection/surveys[60]. Such data should include patients’ biomarkers, comorbidities, confounders, comparable effectiveness and should consider multiple, alternative and mixed approaches in generating evidence. So too in educational research; RCTs are only one source of evidence in educational research, and, indeed the argument has been advanced that they should be complemented by qualitative and quantitative data of many different types[61].Further, in drug research, the Food and Drug Administration in America has regulatory oversight of the drug and its trials; there is currently no educational equivalent of this. Would that educational practices had the same stages of trialling as apply to drug testing[62]: ● Stage One : the dose-response stage of laboratory testing to identify safe dosages and to derive the medicines (derivation); ● Stage Two: trials (randomized and non-randomized trials) with larger samples to determine levels of efficacy of the drug (validation); ● Stage Three : l a rge sample tes t ing to compare the drug with the standard regimen (comparative effectiveness studies); and ● Stage Four: the post-marketing stage to study longer term effects.
  • 73Keith MORRISON Randomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model”Regulation and staged interventions in RCTs appear to be neglected in educational research.5 ConclusionDespite differences, there is considerable similarity between RCTs in educational research and clinical trials. Whilst being able to identify whether an intervention “works” under carefully controlled conditions, RCTs also need to take account of “real world” settings, and improving RCTs involves sub-group identification and inclusion, in short, careful and detailed stratification and analysis of differential treatment effects. Further, pragmatic RCTs trump experimental RCTs, as the former respect the heterogeneity of the population rather than averaging out or overlooking such differences; they also catch a much richer situation than the sanitized world of the laboratory. Goodman calls for “adaptive clinical trials” (p. 15)[63] which include one or more, or ongoing, decision points and “mid-course corrections” that are built into the trial design. Evidence that this happens in the black boxes of RCTs in educational research is difficult to detect. There is a need for RCTs to be supplemented by observational studies with a variety of sources, both prospective and retrospective, and this is happening in educational research, where experimental data are being complemented by qualitative research.Medicine places great store on detailed diagnosis. This stands in contrast to many RCTs in education which seem to take a largely undifferentiated approach to diagnosis of who might and might not benefit from an intervention, and then proceed to a relatively crude RCT that is targeted at an undifferentiated group. One lesson here is that RCTs in educational research may benefit from being differentiated to targeted groups, based on careful diagnosis; the other lesson is that treatments will need to take account of the whole person, not just a few variables. For educational research, the paper has argued that RCTs should seek, wherever possible, to abide by the rigours of clinical RCTs and, taking note of the example of personalized medicine, to attend to careful and inclusive sub-group sampling and to the whole person in dynamical systems approaches rather than, or in addition to, the isolationist and reductionist approaches of RCTs in judging “what works”. This paper has argued that if educational researchers wish to use rigorous RCTs they must also recognize that, even with such rigour, RCTs in education may not give educationists all the important information that they need, and they may be unfit for educational purposes unless they relate closely to “real world” settings. As the President’s Council of Advisers on Science and Technology indicates: “data derived from narrowly defined, tightly controlled study populations in analytic validation studies and clinical trials is not always representative of the results that will be achieved with typical patients in real-world settings. . . . Treatments or diagnostic procedures that seem promising in clinical trials may prove to be less effective in routine practice” (p. 8 and p. 46)[64].This paper has recognized that differences lie between medical practice and education, e.g., between pathological modules in medicine and more positive models in education, between one-to-one treatment in medicine and group ‘treatment’ in classes in education, between the broad purposes of education and the more restricted purposes of medicine. Nevertheless one should avoid conflating treatment with research and models of research, and in the latter two there is an affinity between RCTs in educational research and medical research.This paper has argued that if RCTs are to be used in educational research then they could learn much from the rigour and controls applied to their operations in clinical trials, viz.: the detailed sampling and subsampling strategies that they employ; the educational equivalents of the dose-response relationship and outcomes; the isolation and control of moderator and mediator variables (e.g., the equivalent of comorbidities in clinical research); and the educational equivalents of comedications (other concurrent or simultaneous interventions and practices). Further, the paper has argued that RCTs in educational research, as in clinical trials, should
  • 74be supplemented by a range of data from other approaches and methodologies in order to understand and explain the complexity of the phenomenon being investigated, the causal processes at work and the operation of causality. This is happening in some educational research with RCTS[65]. In this respect the paper has also argued that the educational equivalents of personalized medicine could also complement RCTs. If educational researchers accept the role of RCTs as a legitimate methodology, then they need to do it properly, and this means becoming more demanding in constructing RCTs and using the data from them, recognizing the limits of this approach and considering the use of field RCTs rather than striving to adhere exclusively to the canons of laboratory conditions.References [1] Pearce, W. & Raman, S. The new randomized controlled trials (RCT) movement in public policy: challenges of epistemic governance, Policy Sciences, 2014, 47(4): 387–402.[2] Bouguen, A. & Gurgand, M. Randomized Controlled Experiments in Education. EENEE Analytical Report no. 11 for the European Commission. Paris: European Commission, 2012.[3] Goldacre, B. Building Evidence into Education. London: Department for Education, 2013; Gorard, S. & Torgerson, C. The ESRC Researcher Development Initiative: promise and pitfalls of pragmatic trials in education. Paper presented at the British Educational Research Association Annual Conference, University of Warwick, 6–9 September, 2006; Hassey, N. Randomised control trials and their limitations for use within educational research. researchED., 2015. Available at: http://www.workingoutwhatworks.com/en-GB/Magazine/2015/1/RCTs_and_their_limitations; Hutchison, D. & Styles, B. A Guide to Running Randomised Controlled Trials for Educational Researchers. Slough: National Foundation for Educational Research, 2010; Moore, L., Graham, A. & Diamond, I. On the feasibility of conducting randomised trials in education: case study of a sex education intervention, British Educational Research Journal, 2003, 29(5): 673–689; Torgerson, C. J. & Torgerson, D. J. The need for randomised controlled trials in educational research, British Journal of Educational Studies, 2001, 49(3); 316–328; Torgerson, C. J. & Torgerson, D. J. The design and conduct of randomised controlled trials in education: lessons from health care, Oxford Review of Education, 2003, 29(1): 67–80; Torgerson, C. J. & Torgerson, D. J. Randomised Trials in Education: an Introductory Handbook, 2013. London: Educational Endowment Foundation. Available from: http://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/uploads/pdf/Randomised_trials_in_education_revised.pdf .[4] Torgerson & Torgerson, op. cit., 2013.[5] Haynes, L., Service, O., Goldacre, B. & Torgerson, D. Test, Learn, Adapt: Randomised Controlled Trials. London: Cabinet Office Behavioural Insights Team, 2012.[6] Fisher, R. A. 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Paper given at ‘Was heißt hier eigentlich “Evidenz”?’, Frühjahrstagung 2015 des AK Methoden in der Evaluation Gesellschaft für Evaluation (DeGEval), Fakultät für Sozialwissenschaften, Hochschule für Technik und Wirtschaft des Saarlandes, Saarbrücken, May 2015. Available from: http://www.degeval.de/fileadmin/users/Arbeitskreise/AK_Methoden/Hammersley_Saarbrucken.pdf; Hutchison, D. & Styles, B. A Guide to Running Randomised Controlled Trials for Educational Researchers. Slough: National Foundation for Educational Research, 2010; Shadish, W. R., Cook, T. D. & Campbell, D. T. Experimental and Quasi-experimental Designs for Generalized Causal Inference. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2002; Sullivan, G. M. Getting off the “gold standard”: randomized controlled trials and education research, Journal of Graduate Medical Education, 2011, 3 (3): 285–298.[11] Marsden, E. Can educational experiments both test a theory and inform practice? British Educational Research Journal, 2007, 33(4): 565-88; Pring, op. cit., 2015.[12] Torgerson, C. J. & Torgerson, D. J. Designing Randomised Trials in Health, Education and the Social Sciences. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.[13] Hammersley, op. cit. 2015.[14] de Leon, J. Evidence-based medicine versus personalized medicine: are they enemies? Journal of Clinical Psychopharmacology, 2012, 32(2): 153–164; Liu, L., Leung, E. L-H., & Tian, X. Y. The clinical trial barriers, Nature, 2011, 480(7378): S100; Sullivan, op cit., 2011; Torgerson &Torgerson, op. cit., 2013.[15] Pearce & Raman, op. cit. 2014; Shadish, Cook & Campbell, op. cit., 2002.[16] President’s Council of Advisers on Science and Technology Priorities for Personalized Medicine, 2008. Washington: Executive Office of the President of the United States. Available from: https://www.whitehouse.gov/files/documents/ostp/PCAST/pcast_report_v2.pdf.
  • 75Keith MORRISON Randomized Controlled Trials in Educational Research: Learning from the “Medical Model”[17] Lesko, L. J. Personalized Medicine: the Value of Targeted Therapies, 2010. Available at: http://www.ispor.org/meetings/atlanta0510/presentations/Lawrence-Lesko-Presentation.pdf.[18] Vaidyanathan, G. Redefining clinical trials: the age of personalized medicine, Cell, 2012, 148(6): 1079–1080; Woodcock, J. The prospects for “personalized medicine” drug development and drug therapy, Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics, 2007, 81(2): 164–169.[19] Frueh, op. cit., 2009.[20] Healy, D., Bechthold, K. &Tolias, P. Antidepressant-induced suicidality: how translational epidemiology incorporating pharmacogenetics into controlled trials can improve clinical care, Personalized Medicine, 2014, 11(1): 79–88.[21] Lyman, G. H. & Hirsch, B. Comparative effectiveness research and genomic personalized medicine, Journal of Personalized Medicine, 2010, 7(3): 223–227.[22] Liu, Leung & Tian, op. cit., 2011.[23] Frueh, op. cit., 2009, p. 1080.[24] Taylor, A. E., Guthrie, P. A. I., Davey-Smith, G., Golding, J., Sattar, N., Hingorani, A. D., Deanfield, J. E. & Day, I. N. M. IQ, educational attainment, memory and plasma lipids: associations with Apolipoprotein E genotype in 5995 children, Biological Psychiatry, 2011, 70(2): 152–158.[25] Campbell, D., Bick, J., Yrigollen, C. M., Lee, M., Jospeh, A., Chang, J. T., Grigorenko, E. L. Schooling and variation in the COMT gene: the devil is in the details. Journal of Child Psychological Psychiatry, 2014, 545(10): 1056–1065.[26] Conley, D., Domingue, B. W., Cesarini, D., Dawes, C, Rietveld, C. A., & Boardman, J. D. Is the effect of parental education on offspring biased of moderated by genotype? Sociological Science, 2015, 2: 82–105.[27] Fowler, J. H., Settle, J. E. & Christakis, N. A. Correlated genotypes in friendship networks, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2011, 108(5): 1993–97.[28] Bogdanov, P. Busch, M., Moehlis, J., Singh, A. K. & Szymanski, B. The social media genome: modeling individual topic-specific behavior in social media. Paper presented at the IEEE/ACM International Conference on Advances in Social Networks Analysis and Mining, Niagara Falls, Ontario, 25–28 August, 2013.[29] Liu, Leung & Tian, op. cit., 2011.[30] Torgerson & Torgerson, op. cit., 2008.[31] Hammersley, op. cit., 2015, p. 5.[32] Lesko, op. cit., 2010.[33] Fisher, op. cit., 1966.[34] Healy, Bechthold & Tolias, op cit, 2014, p. 80.[35] de Leon, op. cit., 2012.[36] Tymms, P. B. Theories, models and simulations: school effectiveness at an impasse. In J. Gray, D. Reynolds, C. T. Fitz-Gibbon, & D. Jesson (Eds.) Merging Traditions: the Future of Research on School Effectiveness and School Improvement, (pp. 121-35). London: Cassell, 1996.[37] de Leon, op. cit., 2012.[38] Lesko, op. cit., 2010, p. 4.[39] Fisher, op. cit., 1966, p. 21.[40] Clay, R. A. More than one way to measure. American Psychological Association, 2010, 41(8): 52.[41] Goldacre, op. cit., 2013, p. 7.[42] Goodman, C. Comparative Effectiveness Research and Personalized Medicine: from Contradiction to Synergy. Falls Church, Virginia: The Lewin Group Center for Comparative Effectiveness Research, 2009.[43] Healy, Bechthold & Tolias, op. cit., 2014, p. 81.[44] Goodman, op cit., 2009.[45] Frueh, op. cit., 2009; Goodman, op. cit., 2009.[46] de Leon, op. cit., 2012, p. 153.[47] ibid., p. 153.[48] Clay, op. cit., 2010.[49] Sullivan, op. cit., 2011; see also Hammersley, op. cit., 2015.[50] Healy, Bechthold & Tolias, op. cit., 2014, p. 84.[51] Ziliak, S. T. & McCloskey, D. N. The Cult of Statistical Significance. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008; see also Healy, Bechthold & Tolias, op. cit., 2014.[52] Pearce & Raman, op. cit., 2014.[53] Pawson, R. The Science of Evaluation: A Realist Manifesto. London: Sage publications, 2013.[54] Morrison, K. R. B. Randomised controlled trials for evidence-based education: some problems in judging ‘What Works’. Evaluation and Research in Education, 2001, 15(2): 69-83.[55] Hogarth, S. Regulation, innovation and personalised medicine. Paper presented at the EMA workshop, London, October 2012. Available at: http://www.ema.europa.eu/docs/en_GB/document_library/Presentation/2012/11/WC500134985.pdf.[56] Goodman, op. cit., 2009, p. 3.[57] Smith, M. Evidence-based education: is it really that straightforward? The Guardian, 26 March 2013. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/teacher-network/2013/mar/26/teachers-research-evidence-based-education.[58] Faulkner, Real World Evidence and Implications for Emerging Technologies, 2013, p. 12. Available at: http://www.namcp.org/journals/spring13/Faulkner%20Emerging%20Technologies.pdf .[59] ibid., p. 43.[60] ibid., pp. 51 & 91.[61] Pring, op. cit., 2015.[62] Lyman & Hirsch, op. cit., 2010; Vaidyanathan, op. cit., 2012.[63] Goodman, op. cit., 2009.[64] President’s Council of Advisers on Science and Technology, op. cit., 2008, pp. 8 & 46.
  • 76第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 Received 2 Dec. 2015; Revised 18 Mar. 2016*Corresponding author:Xiaoyan DENG, PhD candidate, Lecturer of Department of General Education. Research Area: Educational Communication, EFLTeaching and Public Diplomacy.E-mail: xydeng@must.edu.mo, Tel:00853-88972805A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in MacauXiaoyan DENG( Department of General Education, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China )AAstract: The study was inspired by an interesting phenomenon observed in the Macau University of Science and Technology (MUST hereafter) that Chinese mainland students generally have higher achievement than local Macau students in the English classroom. In order to discover the possible explanation to the above phenomenon, this study compares learning styles of the students from Mainland China and Macau in their first year of university study in MUST and explores if there is a statistically significant relationship between learning styles and student learning achievement, at the same time attempts to catch a glimpse of the different sociocultural experience affecting the learning style differences. A translated version of MBTI and Vermunt’s Inventory of Learning Styles (1994) questionnaire is delivered to 112 students from six different majors in MUST, including 60 Macau students and 52 Chinese mainland students. The results are analyzed in detail and factors affecting the differences are discussed. Instead of stereotyping the students of either origin, this study will hopefully help our faculty members to gain insight and adjust teaching methods accordingly to enhance English teaching and learning outcome. eywords: Chinese mainland and Macau students; Learning style; Cultural background; EFL澳門大學生英語學習風格鄧霄妍(澳門科技大學通識教育部,澳門)摘要: 本文以澳門科技大學為例,通過比較該大學本地和內地非英語專業學生之間的英語學習風格,探索學習風格和社會文化背景之間的關係,並進一步研究社會文化差異、學習風格差異以及學習成績之間的相關性。本研究選取澳門科技大學大一共112名非英語專業學生(包括60名澳門學生和52名內地學生)作為研究對象,使用MBTI 和Vermunt學習風格量表展開問卷調查,通過SPSS 對數據進行多角度統計分析。並從統計數據出發,分析了不同社會文化背景下學生的學習風格和學習行為,從而提出基於學習風格差異的相關英语教学策略。關鍵詞: 內地學生;澳門學生;學習風格;文化背景;EFL
  • 77Xiaoyan DENG A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in Macau0 IntroductionMacau, a former colony of Portugal since mid-16th century, was handed over to China in 1999. This thriving tourist city, seemingly similar to all other major Chinese cities in the Canton area, still maintains its deep-rooted multi-cultural characteristics in many aspects. Local Macau people are residing in an international environment where traditional Chinese culture (mainly Cantonese culture), adapted Portuguese culture, and some other minor foreign cultures converge in a harmonious manner. Along with gaining increasing international reputation through its booming tourist and gaming industry, multiple areas of Macau studies are flourishing, including the growing research on English language education, which is highly relevant to Macau’s cultural diversity.It is observed in the English classroom in Macau University of Science and Technology that the observable classroom behaviors and learning achievement of Chinese mainland students and Macau students from the same class differ to a considerable extent. I t is thus a confusing yet interesting phenomenon that even sharing the same teachers and same homework assignments, Mainland students, in general, have been observed to always have higher achievement in their unified English tests than their native Macau counterparts. Teachers with the same observation hold different opinions. Some have assumed that the contrast in English achievement between students from different regions may largely be attributed to their different learning styles. And some hypothesize that there is likely to be a direct connection between the general personality traits of the two different subcultural groups with their learning styles, mainlanders being more quiet and insightful while Macanese being more extraverted and imaginative. In a study exploring learning style differences between two groups of students: the mainland Chinese group and Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Macau group, Chen[1] and her co-researchers found that the differences of learning styles between these two groups are significant in terms of information processing and comprehension, mainland student group more reflective and the other group more active. In that research, students from Hong Kong, Taiwan and Macau are regarded as one group. Questions thus arise: If we compare students from Mainland China and Macau, are their learning styles or strategies different? What are the differences? Are the differences significant enough to lead to different English achievement? Do different cultural and social backgrounds, though in the same country, play a part in breeding different learning styles? This study aims to explore the answers to the above questions by analyzing the results obtained via the MBTI personality traits inventory and Vermunt’s learning style inventory (1994) [2]applied on two groups of students with different origins both studying in MUST, hence to discover the possible explanation to the above phenomenon.1 Literature ReviewIn the long and challenging process of learning a language, it is undeniably important to involve both professional guidance and learners’ own conscious engagement. To be able to involve both effectively, teachers’ understanding of the learners—what they need, how they learn, what stimulates their learning—is to be acquired. Keefe defines learning style as “characteristic, cognitive, affective and physiological behaviors that serve as relatively stable indicators of how learners perceive, interact with and respond to the learning environment”[3]. According to Felder[4], the amount students learn in the class is partially determined by the students’ ability and prior preparation, and the capability of his or her learning style. Reid and Elison have both observed that “learning is determined by learning styles where students who are able to employ multiple learning styles acquire a greater learning outcome”[5]. Since the learning style plays a crucial role in the learning process, it is important for teachers to understand and make use of it in their teaching. Once the teachers become aware of the differences, they are able to
  • 78decide whether the current teaching methods interact well with students’ learning style; and in turn it is possible to help students to accommodate their style to their needs.1.1 Learning style and sociocultural experienceThe earliest research of learning styles could be traced back to 1950s when Herbert Thelen advanced the concept of learning style for the first time[6]. Thus far, many aspects of learning styles have been taken into consideration in the studies, including personality traits, learning attitudes, cognitive processing, instructing and educational experiences and so on, among which sociocultural background is also an important element.[7] Some argue that a learner’s “consistent way of learning in [different] contexts is created by the individual’s psychological make-up and cultural background”[8].Research done by Riding and Sadler-Smith, Sternberg Grigorenko, and Vermunt on this issue hypothesized that different learning approaches are a result of different sociocultural experiences. [9]As reflection of cultures, historical, geographical and social characteristics all interact with and inter-affect one another, it influenced ways of learning.[10] These studies indicate the importance and necessity for future research to identify the specific relationships between learning dimensions and various aspects of social life and cultural experiences.[11] 1.2 Chinese learning stylesThe majority of cross-culture learning style studies related to Chinese learners focus on comparing Chinese learners as a whole with learners from other countries. A research administrated by Reid[12] examined the learning styles of non-native speaking students studying in U.S., including Chinese EFL students. The findings related to Chinese students are that they demonstrate a preference of kinesthetic learning style among all the cultural groups and dislike group learning style most. A follow-up study carried out by Melton[13] obtained similar results as that of Reid. In a recent study comparing learning styles between Chinese and Irish students, Auley, Morahan and Tiernan[14] found the difference between the two groups lies in the Chinese students tend to be global learners whereas their Irish counterpart tend to be sequential learners. While Chinese learning styles are mostly discussed as a term unifying all people of Chinese Confucian heritage origins, it actually involves people from a broader sociocultural context. In a limited number of studies comparing Chinese students from different regions or sub-cultural groups, researchers concluded that Chinese background students —mainland Chinese and other ethnic Chinese expatriates—at times have been treated as a single group who has a tendency to take surface approaches to study, each has its own distinctive features due to their different economic, political, social and cultural systems. [15]In the study of comparing learning styles of the students from Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore, and mainland China, Guibemau & Goldblatt[16] stated that although a similar culture is shared by these Chinese background students, any common culture cannot be authentically understood detached from its sociocultural settings. Consequently, even of the same ethnic group, mainland Chinese students can “have different needs and their study choices need to be explored separately from other East Asian Chinese culture background countries or regions.” In another comparative research, Thao and Li [17] studied the differences in study approach of 192 Chinese cultural background students drawn from different countries of Chinese culture. The results found that, expectations and pressure from the students’ families play an essential role in their studies in terms of choice of subjects and learning approaches; The concept of ‘collaboration’ and ‘independent learning’ is perceived and valued differently; and linguistic factors dictate the orientation towards different learning approaches.The aforementioned studies, on the one hand, are consistent in that the learning style preferences of EFL students from different sociocultural background differ among cultures as well as sub-cultures; On the other hand, show a diversity of findings on the learning styles of Chinese students.
  • 79Xiaoyan DENG A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in Macau2 Research Methodology2.1 Research questionsIn the case of this study, both cohorts are Chinese students, one from Chinese mainland, typical subjects in studies of Eastern Asian style learning and the other from Macau, who embraces a more diverse traditions, cultural background and social experience, seemingly a rare subject in studies of learning style. To find out the possible reason(s) for the observed difference between both groups in their English learning performance, the following questions are addressed and examined: ● Do the two groups differ in learning styles? ● Based on the result of the first question, what are the differences? ● Based on the result of the second question, do the differences in their learning style have influence over student learning achievement?2.2 SamplingThe study took place at a private university located in Macau. The total of 545 students were enrolled in the general English courses focusing on the learning of English listening and speaking skills. In order to control the factor of teachers’ influence on students’ learning style over time and control the English level of subjects, a total of 112 students enrolled in the course with a same teacher were used as a convenience sample, including 60 Macau students and 52 Chinese mainland students. All of them were year-one students from six different majors and registered in the same College English course of lower intermediate level. The two groups were given two learning styles inventory surveys and were administered with the same English tests both in the middle and the end of the semester to measure student achievement. The survey was self-administrated in the classroom in order to collect data. A Chinese version of MBTI[18] and Vermunt’s Inventory of Learning Styles (1994) questionnaires were administered to students, which were translated from its original English version by a certified NATTI translator with a Band Eight English proficiency (the highest certified level for Chinese students of English major). Valid questionnaire answers and English test scores were collected from a total number of 112 students, four Macau students submitting incomplete questionnaires.2.3 InstrumentsAccording to Wang and Tan[19], up to 2004 there are more than 70 types of models for measuring learning styles. Choosing a suitable model is a vital issue in finding answers to the research questions. Cultural experience is related to the development of learning styles in the way that it involves many factors—life style, education, family, etc.-- that influence people’s cognitive capacities: interpretation, values, perception and problem-solving. In order to explore the relationship of culture (the variable specified as two subcultural groups) and these capacities (represented by learning style) more efficiently, a popular cognitive style model MBTI (Myers-Briggs Type Indicator) is used. The model classifies students according to their preferences on scales derived from psychologist Carl Jung’s theory of psychological type. This widely acknowledged and well-proven instrument has been used in the early stage of studies of cross-cultural learning styles since 1990s[20]. It was employed in the first stage of the study to investigate whether there are significant learning style differences between Chinese mainland and Macau students. Four categories of learning style are inspected with the MBTI-M questionnaire (a translated version with 93 questions) and data are processed with SPSS 20.The four scales of learning style are to measure learners’ dominant perceptual and cognitive processes related to personal traits and interpersonal orientation. The Extraversion - Introversion (EI) scale is intended to measure whether a person focuses on the outer world of people or the internal world of ideas. The Sensory-Intuition (SN) scale is to reflect whether a person is practical and focuses on facts and procedures or imaginative and focuses on meanings. The Thinking-Feeling (TF) measures a person’s preference of basing judgments on logic analysis or on personal
  • 80values. And the Judgment - Perception (JP) is to reflect whether a person prefers setting agendas and following rules or adapt to the world in a spontaneous approach[21]. In the first stage of analysis, a comparison of two binomial parameters is drawn to determine whether Macau students and Mainland students tend to differ in preferred learning style within each scale. Considering the MBTI used in the first stage of study was a relative simplified version to illustrate a general picture of learning style differences, based on the results of the first-stage study, a more detailed model, ILS (Inventory of Learning Styles Questionnaire, Vermunt, 1994), was used for further exploration and crosschecking. This model is based on Vermunt’s experiential learning theory, which proposes that learning is a process of grasping and transforming experience. [22] ILS covered a much wider range of learning style than MBTI. ILS has been widely tested and influential globally. Coffield, Moseley, Hall and Ecclestone evaluated thirteen influential learning styles models and rated them with four factors, internal consistency, reliability, construct validity and prediction validity. Vermunt’s ILS was the best rated.[23] Due to the availability, a 120-item version was used. The questionnaire includes 4 general categories, under which there are 5 sub-scales, altogether 20 dimensions (Table 1). There are 60 questions in the first two scales, using a 1 to 5 to rate the frequency of the Study Activity. “1” means “I seldom or never do it.” to 5 meaning “I always do it”. The remaining two scales contain 60 questions measuring the degree of agreement to a given statement. “1” means “I Disagree entirely” to “5” meaning “I Agree Entirely.” In the second stage, T-test is used to examine if there are statistically significant differences between the two groups in the four categories of cognitive learning styles. To discover, in the third stage, whether the differences in learning style can affect learning achievement, the hierarchical linear regression analysis is used. This procedure addressed the predictive relationship of learning styles on student achievement while controlling for other factors. Specifically, the study attempts to answer the following three sub-questions: ● Do the different learning styles (strategies) have a predictive relationship with students’ achievement in general? ● Do the different learning styles (strategies) have a predictive relationship with Macau students’ achievement? ● Do the different learning styles (strategies) have a predictive relationship with Mainland Chinese students’ achievement?3 Results and DiscussionAll questionnaires were returned with complete answers with the exception of 4 Macau students absent from their proficiency test. 3.1 Stage OneAccording to Tables 1, we can see a tendency that there are more extrovert, intuitive, tactful and spontaneous leaners from Macau while Mainland students generally tend to be more introvert, practical, truthful and organized. However, the differences are not statistically significant. The T-test result shows that the differences in each category of learning styles between Macau and mainland students are relatively small (Table 1)TaAle 1 MBTI SuAscale Preferences of Mainland Chinese and Macau StudentsCultural group Stud No. Extr vs. Intr Sens vs. Intu Think vs. Feel Judg vs. PercvMacau n=56 32 24 22 34 20 36 25 31Mainland n=52 24 28 24 28 30 22 29 23Sig. (between cultural group) 0.258 0.475 0.252 0.126Stud=student, Extr=Extraversion, Intr=Introvertion, Sens=Sensing, Intu=Intuitive, Think=Thinking, Feel=Feeling, Judg=Judging, Percv=Perceiving
  • 81Xiaoyan DENG A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in Macau3.2 Stage TwoAccording to the results from stage one, two groups differ very little in terms of the four categories of preference in perceptual-cognitive processes related to personal traits and interpersonal orientation. There are, however, other aspects of cognitive processes intimately connected with learning styles. To further explore the relationship between learning style of the two groups, more data are collected using ILS (Table 2 & 3).In terms of processing strategies, mainland Chinese students score higher in using the strategies of relating and structuring, critical processing, memorizing and rehearsing, and analyzing in their English learning while Macau students score higher in concrete processing, which means paying more attention to the practical use of knowledge. However, there is no statistically significance between Macau and Mainland students. In regulation strategies, the differences between Mainland and Macau students are mostly statistically significant, especially with regard to self-regulation (of learning processes and results: d=0.58; of learning content: d=0.38). This result suggests that Mainland students tend to exert control over their learning by directing and regulating their own actions toward their learning goals. In contrast, the Macau students appear relatively lack of both external and self regulation (d=0.60) in their learning process, content and result. They score particularly high in the questions of “I realize that it is not clear to me what I have to remember and what I do not have to remember.” and “I have trouble processing a large amount of subject matter.” and particularly low in “I do more than I am expected to do in a course” and “If I don’t understand a study text, I try to find other literature about the subject concerned”. This result suggests Macau students participating in this study tend to be dependent learners, and they generally learn in an undirected pattern. According to Vermunt’s experiential learning theory, co-operation is of great value to students with this learning style. [24]The results addressing learning orientation reveal some interesting differences between the two groups. Macau students tend to be more vocation-directed. In other words, their learning goals and approaches are more closely related to profession and professional skills. They are more likely to be motivated if the learning content is to prepare for present or future jobs. A majority of Macau students have part-time jobs during their university years whereas very few of Mainland students do. It is due to the fact that mainland students are forbidden by law to have part-time jobs in Macau; and it is not uncommon for mainland students to receive generous financial support from their parents, and job related issues are not on the priority list for most year-one students from mainland China. The findings on the scales of self-tested and ambivalence suggest a contradictory attitude towards learning on the part of mainland students. According to their answers to the questionnaires, on one hand, mainlanders tend to be more willing to challenge and prove themselves, to “test myself to see whether I am capable of doing studies in higher education” and to “show others I’m capable of successfully doing studies in a higher education context”, which is suggested by a higher self-test directed score. On the other hand, they score higher in ambivalent than local students, with a moderate effect size (d=0.06). The result indicates that compared to local students, many mainland participants in this study “wonder whether these studies are worth all the effort” and “doubt whether this is the right subject area for me”. In other words, they show little confidence in their choice of school, subject and have doubts on their learning capacities. In the part of mental models, mainland students score higher in stimulating education (d=0.60) and Macau students have statistically higher tendency to work with other people (d=0.70).Teachers’ guidance and encouragement has always been an influential factor in language learning. And it appears more so to mainland students in this study. The perception that mainland students prefer to work together is not statistically supported in this study. To sum up the results from stage two, in the
  • 82TaAle 2 Summary of differences Aetween two cultural groups in learning styles Aased on ILS Learning Style Scales p Cohen’s d Higher ScoreProcessing StrategiesRelating and Structuring 0.379 0.18 MainlandCritical Processing 0.590 0.10 MainlandMemorizing and rehearsing 0.549 0.12 MainlandAnalyzing 0.350 0.18 MainlandConcrete Processing 0.628 0.09 MacauRegulation strategiesSelf Regulation of Learning Processes and Results 0.003** 0.58 MainlandSelf Regulation of Learning Content 0.050* 0.38 MainlandExternal Regulation of Learning Processes 0.484 0.13 MainlandExternal Regulation of Learning Results 0.231 0.23 MainlandLack of Regulation 0.002** 0.60 Macau Learning orientationPersonal Interest 0.861 0.20 MainlandCertificate Directed 0.669 0.08 MacauSelf-test Directed 0.000** 1.10 MainlandVocation Directed 0.000** 1.11 MacauAmbivalence 0.000** 1.09 MainlandLearning Mental ModelsConstruction of Knowledge 0.289 0.19 MainlandIntake of Knowledge 0.479 0.14 MainlandUse of Knowledge 0.910 0.30 MacauStimulating Education 0.002** 0.60 MainlandCo-operation 0.000** 0.70 Macau * p< =0.05, **p< 0.01 TaAle 3 Summary of the different learning styles Aetween two groups Aased on ILS scale /sub-scaleMacau ( n = 56 ) Mainland ( n = 52 )p Cohen’s dM SD M SDProcessing Strategies1. 23.23 5.70 24.15 6.15 0.379 0.182. 12.98 1.94 13.19 2.10 0.590 0.103. 19.68 2.86 19.34 2.88 0.549 0.124. 20.04 4.06 20.79 4.26 0.350 0.185 19.16 3.25 18.85 3.46 0.628 0.09Regulation Strategies6. 24.54 3.75 26.85 4.13 0.003** 0.587. 12.55 2.31 13.48 2.56 0.050 0.388. 23.28 4.95 23.92 4.45 0.484 0.139. 19.67 3.49 20.48 3.43 0.231 0.2310. 23.95 3.26 21.92 3.44 0.002** 0.60Learning Orientation11. 20.14 3.47 18.61 3.49 0.861 0.2012. 20.13 3.45 20.38 2.77 0.669 0.0813. 19.55 2.78 21.02 3.13 0.000** 1.1014. 22.34 2.88 19.21 2.76 0.000** 1.1115. 18.28 3.34 21.56 2.57 0.000** 1.09Learning Mental Models16. 35.28 4.18 36.19 4.65 0.289 0.1917. 35.33 4.55 34.75 4.02 0.479 0.1418. 25.71 2.52 25.76 2.49 0.910 0.3019. 31.9 4.64 28.86 5.32 0.002** 0.6020. 31.52 3.82 28.52 4.74 0.000** 0.70 *p < 0.05. **p <0.01
  • 83Xiaoyan DENG A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in Macaufour categories (20 scales) of learning styles based on Vermunt’s experiential learning theory, the statistically significant differences between students from mainland China and Macau fall in eight dimensions. Compared to their counterparts, mainland Chinese students prefer ● the strategies of self-regulation in learning processes and results; ● the strategies of self-regulation in learning content; ● they are more self-test directed; ● more ambivalent about their learning, and ● prefer stimulating education. ● Macau students, meanwhile, are comparatively lack of regulation, ● vocation directed and ● opt for cooperation in their learning process.3.3 Stage ThreeIn stage two, the t-test has discovered the Chinese mainland and Macau students differ in certain learning strategy preferences. In order to address the third research question including three sub-questions, data of the previously tested eight learning strategies which are different between the two groups are collected, together with students’ English mid-term and final exam scores from each group as the variables for further processing. Three hierarchical linear regressions are run to examine possible relationship, more specifically predictive relationship, between the eight specific learning strategy preferences of Macau and mainland Chinese students and their English achievement in general and respectively. 3.3.1 Sub-question 1Do the different learning styles (strategies) have a predictive relationship with students’ achievement in general? (Table 4).In order to examine the presence of general predictive power of each to-be-tested learning strategy over student final achievement while controlling their prior English knowledge, both Macau and mainland Chinese students’ mid-term exam scores are collected as initial scores to serve as a base line of student prior English knowledge. It is entered as the independent variable in Block 1. The result of this block indicates that the mid-term assessment is an influential factor in predicting the final achievement (p=0.000,β=0.431). In Block 2, independent variables for different learning strategies are entered to decide if they each have predictive relationship with learning achievement . Previous English achievement controlled, part of these variables yield significant predictive power: self-regulation in learning content (p=0.000<0.01, β=0.376), lack of regulation (p=0.009<0.01, β= -0.268) and stimulating education (p=0.041<0.05, β=0.225). The result indicates that these three dimensions in learning styles are important predictors to student English achievement in this study. Judging from the value of β, self-regulation in learning content is the strongest indicator among the three and lack of regulation has a reversing effect on learning achievement. Therefore, as the higher scorer of self-regulation and stimulating education, mainland Chinese student achievement can be predicted to be higher. As the higher scorer of lack TaAle 4 The correlation Aetween learning style and English achievement (N=108)Blocks and predictor variable B SE B β R2 ΔR2Block 1: Mid-term exam score 0.469 0.100 0.413 0.171 0.163**Block 2: self-regulation of learning process and results 0.678 0.314 0.203 0.379 0.322Self-regulation of learning content 2.079 0.487 0.376**Lack of regulation -0.657 0.343 -0.168**Self-test directed 0.784 0.381 0.180Vocation directed -0.027 0.371 -0.006Ambivalence 0.408 0.437 0.102Stimulating education 0.727 0.277 0.225*Cooperation 0.154 0.264 0.051 *sig. <0.05. **sig. < 0.01.
  • 84of regulation, Macau student achievement can be predicted lower. Thus the result partially supports the original assumption that learning style is a significant reason why mainland students generally get better achievement. However, not all learning styles are predictive indicators. In this study, the three above mentioned prove to be generally effective.3.3.2 Sub-questions 2 and 3Do the different learning styles (strategies) have a predictive relationship with Macau/Mainland Chinese students’ achievement? In response to the other two sub-questions, hierarchical linear regressions are used separately to identify whether learning style is a significant predictor of English achievement for either of the Macau and mainland Chinese students. Similar analyses are employed as that in response to sub-question 1. Instead of using all the students’ exam scores, scores from Macau and mainland Chinese students are entered separately in responding to the second and third sub-questions in the third stage of the study.In block 1, the result to sub-question 2 suggests that Macau student mid-term assessment is not an influential factor in predicting their final achievement (p=0.174, β=0.184). In Block 2, previous English achievement controlled, one of the learning strategies is a predictor of English achievement: self-regulation in learning content (p=0.005<0.01, β=0.380). (Table 5) For the mainland Chinese group, the result to sub-question 3 suggests that mainland students’ mid-term assessment is an important predictor of the final achievement (p=0.000, β=0.692). In Block 2, previous English achievement controlled, “ambivalent”, one of the learning styles, is an inverse predictor of English achievement. (p=0.017<0.01, β= -0.243) (Table 6)TaAle 5 The correlation Aetween Macau student learning style and English achievement ( N = 56 )Blocks and predictor variable B SE B β R2 ΔR2Block 1: Mid-term exam score 0.226 0.193 0.184 0.034 0.016Block 2: self-regulation of learning process and results 0.534 0.441 0.134 0.692 0.480Self-regulation of learning content 2.461 0.826 0.380** .Lack of regulation 0.347 0.541 076Self-test directed 0.753 1.167 0.140Vocation directed 0.004 0.575 0.001Ambivalence 1.228 0.977 0.274Stimulating education 0.546 0.365 0.166Cooperation 0.191 0.457 0.049 N=56 *sig. < 0.05. **sig. < 0.01. TaAle 6 The correlation Aetween mainland Chinese student learning style and English achievement ( N = 52 )Blocks and predictor variable B SE B β R2 ΔR2Block 1:Mid-term exam score 0.780 0.115 0.692 0.479 0.468**Block2: self-regulation of learning process and results 0.416 0.273 0.145 0.646 0.570Self-regulation of learning content 0.649 0.443 0.140Lack of regulation 0.873 0.327 0.253Self-test directed -0.456 0.412 -0.104Vocation directed -0.264 0.414 -0.061Ambivalence -1.124 0.454 -0.243*Stimulating education -0.345 0.319 -0.116Cooperation 0.027 0.236 0.011 N=52 *sig. <0.05. **sig. <0 .01.
  • 85Xiaoyan DENG A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in Macau4 ConclusionsIn this study, two cognitive-style learning models are used to answer the first two research questions, finding out the differences of learning style between two sub-cultural groups. The results indicate a certain degree of differences in learning style between the Macau and mainland Chinese freshmen in the same learning context. Statistically, the differences lie in that mainland students tend to be more self-regulated in learning processes, results and content, and more self-aware of their learning skills. What’s contradictory about them is that they are more self-test directed— confident and willing to challenge themselves; but at times they suffer from self-doubt, more ambivalent about their learning and prefer stimulating education. In contrast, though embracing the same Chinese traditions, Macau students are more or less influenced by a diverse multi-cultural life style and educational experience. They are comparatively less regulated, more vocation-directed and opt for cooperation in their learning process. The data of these differences in learning style are then used to address the third research question: do these different learning styles (strategies) affect student English achievement? Hierarchy linear recessions are used to explore whether the former has predictive relationship on the latter.According to the results, while controlling students’ prior English knowledge, certain learning styles (strategies) statistically prove to be significant indicators of learning achievement. Self-regulation of learning content, lack of regulation and stimulating education prove to indicate learning achievement in a general way. This result partially supports the original assumption that the difference in achievement is attributed to different learning styles of the two sub-cultural group and points out in this study, some of the learning strategies mainland students adopt helps them to generally score higher than their Macau peers. When analyzed separately, self-regulation of learning content prove to be an important factor to influence Macau student achievement; whereas ambivalent holds its rank in affecting the learning outcome of Mainland Chinese students. Different in some ways as they are, however, students from Macau and mainland China still share similar learning styles, especially their information processing and decision-making strategies. Being aware of this and make full use of the aforementioned factors is very likely to encourage more learning to happen in the English classroom. 4.1 Implication“Learner-centered” is not just a notion that sits beyond everyone’s reach. The importance of studying learning style is that teachers can consider the differences of our students and hence adjust our teaching methods accordingly in an informed way. To understand students’ learning styles and behaviors, we’ll have to include sociocultural factors that exert impact on students’ learning. Where they are from; where their motivation lies; what the teachers can do to relate to them; what kind of learning environment stimulates them; what discourages them, and what offends them: these should be among the most important questions teachers ask themselves before they teach. Knowing the difference of our students is the first step of improving our teaching. The effective way to help them improve their English ability is to find what would be most suitable to students’ learning styles. In the case of this study, the results indicate that when teaching Macau students, taking self-regulation into account might effectively help students improve their English. This involves encouraging students to use materials other than textbooks in their learning. In terms of tasks, regular assignments or projects that stimulate research interest and have practical value would be of great help. Larger amount of group work, major-related language tasks and blended learning activities are appropriate in such case. Authentic and practical teaching materials are essential to provide external motivation. Apart from encouraging self-regulation, moderate amount of external regulation is needed as well. Whatever types of tasks we assign to our students, make sure the instructions are clear and
  • 86always ask students to repeat the instruction when a complex task is to be performed. And hold short briefing and wrap-up meetings when necessary.Since “ambivalent” is an important factor influencing the achievement of mainland students, building up their confidence is a major issue to deal with. It is well advised to help them gradually increase confidence in a teacher-guided, student-regulated language classroom. More autonomous tasks can be experimented in such classrooms including “flipped classroom”. Sincere and timely feedback is necessary for leaners who constantly self doubt. Short one-on-one or small group meeting or communication in a relaxing environment such as online platform can be helpful. For students from both Macau and mainland, great value is attached to acknowledging the importance of “stimulating education”, which generally refers to the belief that teachers should motivate and inspire them in every step of their learning and meta-learning. Too much “stimulation”, may lead to nothing but teachers’ exhaustion and inefficiency. Consequently, aside from requiring teachers’ inspiration and motivation, learners need to learn to be independent and self-motivated. And the digital age allows us to combine them altogether. The use of online learning community for educational and social purposes, have created an opportunity for more effective communication among teachers and students, allowing for both teacher monitoring and student autonomy. For English learning, a simple language blog can be an interesting place to start. More ambitious demands can be met by setting up an online learning network or a teaching/learning website.Learner-centered instruction implies a need to provide a more personalized approach of teaching, which is a challenge for both teachers and students. From this first step on, we can work on how to integrate important style-specific elements into one classroom where we can satisfy the learning needs of students from different cultural backgrounds. We may be able to develop students’ potential on the basis of understanding their needs and styles. And based on our knowledge of our students, it is possible to provide them with effective counseling and assessment. This study is hoped to serve as authentic statistics for further studies on teaching strategies and provide more insights into effective teaching. 4.2 LimitationThe sample of this study is selected in one university, which may be a stand-alone case in Macau. It involves three stages, using two different learning style models to measure students’ learning style, but the consistency of the two instruments is not tested. The English course in this study is one focused on listening and speaking skills. The relationship between learning styles and reading/writing achievement is not included in this study, which is suggested for further study.References [1] 陳麗新等. 港澳台僑與大陸大學生學習風格差異研究. 高教探索,2009, 6:104-107.[2] Vermunt, J. Inventory of learning styles (ILS) in higher education: Scoring key. Tilburg: Tilburg University, 1994.[3] Keefe, J.W. Learning Style Theory and Practice. Virginia: NASSP,1987.[4] Felder, R.M. Matters of Styles. [EB/OL]. (1996)[2012]. http://www4.ncsu.edu/unity/lockers/users/f/felder/public/Papers/LS-Prism.htm[5] Reid, J.M. The learning style preferences of ESL students. TESOL Quarterly, 1987, 21: 87-109.[6] 譚頂良. 學習風格論. 江蘇:江蘇教育出版社, 1995.[7] Keefe, J. W. Development of the NASSP learning style profile//Keefe, J. W. Profiling and utilizing learning style. Virginia: NASSP,1988: 1-5.[8] Hyland K. Culture and learning: A study of the learning style preferences of Japanese students. RELC Journal, 1993, 24(2): 69-87[9] Yang, J.M. Many Chinese cultures, many learning styles. [EB/OL]. (2009)[2016]. http://www.proceedings.com.au/isana/docs/2009/paper_yang2.pdf[10] 鄧炎昌, 劉潤清. 語言與文化一英漢語言文化對比. 北京: 外語教學與語言研究出版社, 1989.[11] Yamazaki, Y., & Kayes, D. C. An experiential approach to cross-cultural learning: A review and integration of competencies for successful expatriate adaptation. Academy of Management Learning & Education, 2004, 3(4): 362-379.[12] Reid, J.M. The learning style preferences of ESL students. TESOL Quarterly, 1987, 21: 87-109.[13] Melton, C.D. Bridging the cultural gap: A study of Chinese students’ learning style preferences. RELC Journal, 1990, 21(1): 29-58.[14] Mc Auley, L., Tiernan, S., & Morahan, N. Teaching and Learning Styles: a contrast between Ireland and China. [EB/OL]. (2011)[2012]. http://www.sefi.be/wp-content/papers2011/T10/225.pdf[15] Yang, J.M. Many Chinese cultures, many learning styles. [EB/OL]. (2009)[2016]. http://www.proceedings.com.au/isana/docs/2009/
  • 87Xiaoyan DENG A Study on Learning Styles of University EFL Learners in Macaupaper_yang2.pdf[16] Guibemau, M., & Goldblatt, D. Introduction: Understanding Social Change // Woodward, K. Questioning identity: Gender, class, Ethnicity. London: Routledge, 2000:115-153[17] Li, S., & Thao, L. (2006). Discourses of Chinese Cultures: A Tale of Many Cities. Paper presented at the AARE. [EB/OL]. (2009)[2016] http://www.aare.edu.au/06pap/li06365.pdf [18] Myers, I. Myers-Briggs Type Indicator. Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press, 1978.[19] 王華容, 譚頂良. 近十年西方學習風格研究述評. 外國中小學教育, 2008,4:15-20.[20] Felder, R.M. Matters of Styles. [EB/OL]. (1996)[2014].http://www4.ncsu.edu/unity/lockers/users/f/felder/public/Papers/LS-Prism.htm [21] Martin, J. A Comparison of Personality Type and Learning Style of Elementary Education Majors, Math Majors, and Math Professors: Cultures in Conflict. [EB/OL].(1992)[2012]. http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=education_honproj[22] Vermunt, J., Minnaert, A. Dissonance in student learning patterns: when to revise theory? Studies in Higher Education, 2003, 28(1): 49-61[23] Coffield, F., Moseley, D., Hall, E., & Ecclestone, K. Learning styles and pedagogy in post-16 learning. London: Learning and Skills Research Centre, 2004.[24] Kalaca, S., & Gulpinar, M. A Turkish study of medical student learning styles. Education for Health, 2011, 24(3):459 兩岸四地兩岸四地中醫藥專家齊聚珠海共襄中醫藥發展大計2016年2月27日,兩岸四地中醫藥科技合作中心(簡稱“中心”)於珠海銀都酒店舉行了2016年度理事會會議,來自兩岸四地的中醫藥專家五十多人齊聚一堂,共襄中醫藥事業在兩岸四地長足發展的大計。國家中醫藥管理局國際合作司王笑頻司長,澳門科學技術發展基金行政委員會鄭冠偉委員,中央人民政府駐澳門特別行政區聯絡辦公室文化教育部夏晶助理,廣東省中醫藥局徐慶鋒局長,珠海市衛生和計劃生育局李力局長,澳門科技大學校董會主席、“中心”會長周禮杲教授,澳門科技大學校長、“中心”理事會理事長劉良講座教授,台灣陽明大學陳介甫教授,香港浸會大學中醫藥學院副院長趙中振教授,中華人民共和國國家中醫藥管理局國際合作司魏春宇處長等出席了會議。“中心”理事長劉良講座教授致開幕辭,會長周禮杲教授做工作報告。劉良講座教授對與會專家學者和嘉賓出席會議表示熱烈歡迎,並對歷來支持“中心”工作的各地管理部門、專業團體及各位專家學者致以衷心的感謝。劉教授指中醫藥事業將迎來新的發展機遇,“中心”未來的工作也將更為重要,意義更加深遠,因為“中心”是兩岸四地中醫藥同仁共同創立的聯繫紐帶,也是兩岸四地開展中醫藥科技合作,共同為兩岸四地民眾謀福祉的良好平台。他希望“中心”的各位同仁一起精心地培植和支持“中心”發展,使“中心”能夠更好地團結大中華地區的中醫藥科技精英,為弘揚中華民族優秀的傳統文化瑰寶——中醫藥學貢獻智慧和力量。王笑頻司長代表國家中醫藥管理局對會議的順利召開表示了熱烈祝賀,她談到自2008年“中心”成立以來,為促進內地與港澳臺地區中醫藥交流與合作做出了顯著貢獻,國家對中醫藥事業高度重視,已把中醫藥列入國家戰略目標。希望“中心”繼續發揮優勢,攜手並進,為兩岸四地中醫藥的共同發展作出新貢獻。徐慶豐局長和李力局長介紹了珠海市和廣東省中醫藥的發展與進步,並表示將全力支持“中心”在廣東和珠海拓展更多的合作。陳介甫教授、趙中振教授和周禮杲教授分別代表台灣、香港、澳門在會議開幕禮致辭。“中心”會長周禮杲教授代表上一屆理事會做工作報告,全面地總結了“中心”在培訓與學術交流、科學研究、中醫藥標準化等方面的成績和進展,並表示“中心”將繼續舉辦高水平的學術交流與培訓,積極推動科研合作,繼續完善中醫藥標準化資訊平臺的建設,為“橫琴粵澳中醫藥科技產業園”提供技術支援,並與中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室深化合作。會議上,“中心”新一屆的理事會和監事會履新。會議由兩岸四地中醫藥科技合作中心主辦、澳門科技大學中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室協辦,獲得了澳門基金會和澳門科學技術發展基金的支持與贊助。
  • 88第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 制度性因素對權益類國外組合投資的影響湯曉雷(澳門科技大學商學院,澳門)摘要: 隨著國際金融市場一體化程度的不斷提高,各國之間權益類組合投資對全球經濟發展發揮著越來越重要的作用,因此研究權益類組合投資的影響因素具有重要的現實意義,已有文獻對制度性因素關注相對比較少,因此本文重點探討制度性因素對權益類資產國外組合投資的影響。本文基於15個經濟體2002至2012年的面板數據,採用引力模型進行實證分析,實證結果表明,除了語言作為信息成本的代理變量對權益類資產國外組合投資有一定正向影響,GDP和金融發展程度等變量對權益類資產國外組合投資也具有重要影響,更重要的是,本文發現金融開放度等制度性因素對這類國外組合投資也具有顯著的影響作用。關鍵詞: 引力模型;權益類國外組合投資;金融發展;金融開放度The Impact of Institutional Factors on Foreign Equity Portfolio InvestmentXiaolei TANG( School of Business, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau,China )AAstract: With the increasing integration of international financial markets, foreign equitiy portfolio investment across countries plays a more and more important role in the global economic development, so it is important to investigate the influencing factors of foreign equity portfolio investment. As an important form of capital flows, foreign portfolio investment is drawing more and more researchers' attention. Based on a panel dataset of 15 economies from 2002 to 2012, from the aspect of institutional factors, this paper investigates influencing factors of equity portfolio investment among different economies using a gravity model. The results show that, as a proxy for the cost of information, common language has a significantly positive effect on the equity portfolio investment between two countries; in addition, GDP and financial market development also exert positive effects on equity portfolio investment; More importantly, it is found that institutional factors such as financial openness also influence foreign equity portfolio investment significantly.eywords: Gravity model; Foreign equity portfolio investment; Financial development; Financial openness收稿日期:2016-01-07;修訂日期:2016-03-05。本文系澳門科技大學基金會項目部分研究成果,項目編號:0428。*通訊作者: 湯曉雷,男,博士,商學院助理教授,主要研究方向:匯率理論和匯率制度,貨幣政策,證券投資。E-mail:xltang@must.edu.mo,Tel:00853-88972904。0 引言隨著經濟一體化和全球化的日益深化,國際金融市場的迅速發展以及各國金融開放度的提高,國際資本流動結構也發生了一定的變化,不同經濟體之間的證券投資在資本流動中的佔比越來越高。事實上自 1990 年以來,在世界範圍內,國外組合投資(FPI)無論是在總量上還是增速上都明顯高於國外直接投資(FDI)和全球貿易的增長速度。截至 2012 年,FPI、FDI 與全球貿易的平均增長速度分別為 12%、10% 和 7%。
  • 89湯曉雷  制度性因素對權益類國外組合投資的影響為了更好的利用 FPI 來促進我國經濟的發展,同時也為了滿足國內外投資者的多樣化資產配置需求,近些年來我國資本市場的管制措施正逐步放寬。例如,2014 年 11 月 17 日中國正式啟動滬港通股票交易,使得香港與內地的資本市場相互聯通起來,標誌著我國資本市場向外開放邁出了重要一步。一方面,加速資本市場的對外開放並提高金融一體化程度,有利於國際權益類資本的流動,有利於分散風險和增加國內資本的收益,為投資者提供了資產多樣化配置的新途徑,最終服務於我國實體經濟的發展;另一方面,在資本管制日漸放寬的今天,大量的國際套利資本尤其是短期資本會頻繁進入和流出我國資本市場,對國內金融市場的穩定構成威脅,有可能對我國經濟發展產生不利影響。因此研究國際證券組合投資的影響因素對於穩步推進金融改革和開放,防止國際資本衝擊,保護我國資本市場和整體經濟的健康發展具有十分重要的意義。不論學術界還是實務界,對國際證券組合投資的影響因素都很關注,已有研究一般從經濟和金融市場的發展程度、信息不對稱、交易成本、資本管制、投資者對國內外資產的偏好以及兩國之間的文化差異等諸多方面對此進行探討,雖然也涉及到對制度性因素的分析,但已有文獻較少從整個制度層面對權益類國外組合投資進行比較系統的深入分析,因此為了彌補這一空缺,本文選取 15 個國家 11 年的面板數據對權益類國際組合投資的影響因素進行分析,重點考察制度性因素對權益類資產 FPI 的影響。1 文獻綜述國外有關國外組合投資交易的影響因素的研究文獻比較多,本文只選擇最近的相關重要文獻進 行 綜 述。Grinblatt 和 Keloharju(2001)[1] 通過研究發現,距離作為信息成本的代理變量之一是影響芬蘭投資者進行國外組合投資交易的一項重要決定因素。Hau(2001)[2] 研究了信息的另一代理變量語言對資產交易的影響,發現相比德國本國交易員,外國交易員在德國股票市場上賺取的利潤明顯較低;他還發現,以德語為母語的交易員比不懂德語的同事們在交易中表現更好。 Nieuwerburgh 和 Veldkamp(2009)[3] 則對信息不對稱的深層次原因進行了分析,研究發現在信息可得性相同的情況下投資者更傾向於加強已有的本土信息優勢而非瞭解國外其他資產的信息,正是這種傾向加劇了信息的不對稱。Portes & Rey(2005)[4] 運用引力模型對國際權益類 FPI 的影響因素進行了研究。作者通過分析 14 個經濟體 1989 至 1996 年之間的雙邊權益類資產流動情況,發現權益類資產交易受投資國和東道國的市場規模及貿易成本的約束較大。由於信息成本和交易技術是影響貿易成本的關鍵因素,作者選取距離、電話通訊、銀行分支機搆數量和內部人交易指數作為信息成本與信息流動性的代理變量,並加入一系列虛擬變量( 鄰界、共同語言、貨幣或貿易聯盟等),結果顯示上述變量在解釋權益類 FPI 交易方面均較為顯著。Lane & Milesi-Ferretti(2008) [5] 將 研 究 對象擴大至 50 個投資國和 157 個東道國,運用引力模型系統考察了投資國和東道國雙邊因素和國別因素對權益組合投資的影響。通過使用虛擬變量來控制國別因素,其實證結果表明雙邊貿易對雙邊權益資產的持有具有顯著的正向影響,兩國之間的信息流動代理變量如距離、共同語言、殖民地也是非常重要的雙邊因素。文章進一步指出越是發達國家或股票市場越成熟的國家,其權益資產和負債的總規模越大。Garcia-Herrero et al.(2009)[6] 在引力模型中加入資本的流入、流出管制以及東道國的夏普比率、資本收益與資產流動性等因素作為解釋變量,指出亞洲經濟體彼此之間投資較少的主要原因是亞洲市場的流動性弱。Fratzscher(2011)[7] 通過對 50 個經濟體在金融危機期間及隨後兩年內的資本流動進行研究後發現,系統因素是危機期間影響國際投資組合交易的主要因素,而隨後兩年全球尤其是新興市場經濟體的資本流動是由非系統性因素決定的。 Thapa
  • 90and Poshakwale(2010)[8] 基於 36 個國家的雙邊權益組合投資數據實證分析了交易成本對跨國權益組合投資的影響,結果表明交易成本低的金融市場比交易成本高的市場能吸引更多的權益組合投資,因此他們建議政策制定者應該降低交易成本來吸引更多權益類組合投資。Giofré(2014)[9] 考察了國內投資者保護對跨國權益資產投資的影響,結果表明,如果投資者在國內受到的保護程度越高,他們對外投資時對東道國的公司治理情況越不敏感,因為這些投資者的資產組合中主要是已經受到本國良好保護的國內資產,因此在對外投資時對國外公司治理程度就不那么挑剔。 Sarno et al.(2016)[10] 通過對美國在 55 個國家的組合投資的實證分析,比較了投資國(美國)的經濟因素的推動作用和東道國經濟因素的吸引作用的相對貢獻,結果發現美國对這些國家的組合投資 80%以上的變動都是由於美國經濟推動因素的影響。因此他們認為在解釋國際組合資本的流動方面,相比於東道國國內的經濟吸引力,全球經濟推動力似乎發揮了主導作用。值得注意的是該文研究的組合投資既包括債券也包括權益類資產投資。國內關於 FPI 的系統研究還相對較少。范小雲、王偉和肖立晟(2012)[11] 基於 27 個經濟體2001 至 2009 年的面板資料,運用引力模型分析了雙邊貿易、共同語言、金融發展及金融開放度等雙邊因素及國別因素對發達經濟體和新興市場經濟體權益類 FPI 的影響。研究表明,信息摩擦對權益 FPI 有顯著負面影響;一國金融發展程度的提高能顯著增加其 FPI 資產和負債;而金融開放度的提高能同時有效促進投資國以及東道國的權益資本流動。研究還發現,作為投資國的新興市場經濟體的權益類 FPI 更依賴於雙邊貿易,而發達經濟體權益類 FPI 受金融發展的影響更大。劉健和王有鑫(2013) [12] 則重點考察了金融發展因素對國際資本流動規模及結構的影響,同時還考察了不同類型的資本流動受金融發展因素的影響程度。實證結果表明,金融發展程度對資本流動的規模及其構成起著決定性的作用,一國股市總市值越高,其資本流動規模就越大,且權益類投資在總投資中所占的比重也越大;該研究進一步指出,儘管金融發展對各類資本流動都有顯著的促進作用,但其對不同類型的資本流動的作用大小是不同的。從以上綜述可以看出,已有文獻較少從制度層面進行系統地深入分析,因此為填補這一空缺,本文把制度性因素對權益類國外組合投資的影響作為研究重點。2 研究樣本與實證模型2.1 研究樣本本文選取了位於亞洲、歐洲、非洲、澳洲及美洲的 15 個經濟體作為研究對象,它們分別是澳大利亞、巴西、加拿大、智利、中國大陸、香港、法國、德國、印度、日本、墨西哥、俄羅斯、南非、英國、美國。根據聯合國開發計劃署設計的HDI 指數劃分,共包含 8 個發達經濟體和 7 個發展中經濟體。根據國際貨幣基金組織 CPIS 數據庫最新的數據測算,除中國和印度外,剩餘 13 個經濟體的對外權益投資總額占全球權益投資總額的64%。由於 CPIS 數據庫中缺乏中國的對外投資資料,所以樣本共包含 14 個投資國和 15 個東道國。此外,本研究採用的是 2001 年至 2012 年間的年度數據。由於 CPIS 資料庫缺少中國對國外的權益資產組合投資資料,在排除中國作為投資國的情形下,面板截面總數為 196 個,各變量的觀察值個數為 2156 個。2.2 變量選取和數據來源本文選取雙邊權益類 FPI 作為因變量,選取距離、語言、股市總市值、金融開放度和社會治理指數作為自變量。各變量的相關說明及數據來源如下:(1)權益類資產組合投資(FPI)權益類資產組合投資是指投資國每年新增持有的東道國權益資產組合投資頭寸。數據來源於IMF 的 CPIS 資料庫。(2)距離(DIST)
  • 91湯曉雷  制度性因素對權益類國外組合投資的影響距離指兩國首都之間的球面距離。距離主要通過影響雙邊的信息交流來影響資產交易。數據來源於 CEPII 資料庫。(3)語言(LANG)這是一個虛擬變量,如果投資國與東道國官方語言相同就取值為 1,否則為 0。兩個經濟體如果使有共同的語言,雙邊的信息交流就會更加通暢和方便,金融資產的交易也會更方便,因此對雙邊的權益類組合投資產生一定影響。數據來源於 CEPII 資料庫。(4)雙邊貿易(TRAD)雙邊貿易通過兩個渠道影響權益類國外組合投資,一是貿易摩擦能影響風險對沖機制,從而影響跨國的權益資產組合投資;二是雙邊貿易能改變信息不對稱程度,雙邊貿易的增加促進兩國間信息交流,有效改善兩國間的信息不對稱,從而促進權益類 FPI。前者對權益類組合投資的影響方向不確定,而后者具有明確的正向影響,因此雙邊貿易對權益類國外組合投資的影響不是確定的,需要實證檢驗來確定。(5)國內生產總值(GDP)國內生產總值是指一個國家或地區的經濟部門在一年中所生產出的全部最終產品和勞務的價值。本研究將其作為控制變量。數據來源於 WDI 數據庫。(6)股市總市值與 GDP 的比例(MCAP)一國股票市場總市值(Market Capitalization)與該國 GDP 的比例反映了該國資本市場的發展程度。該比例越高,說明該國金融市場越發達,相應的信息效率和配置資源的效率就越高,就越有利於吸引外國權益類投資;同時本國投資者的信息獲取能力和投資能力也隨之增強,對外權益投資也會增多。數據來自於 WDI 數據庫。(7)金融開放度(FOPEN)金融開放度是衡量一國資本流動的自由程度的指標。目前研究文獻中使用的金融開放度分為法律範式(de jure)和事實範式(de facto)兩種,前者從制度層面衡量一國資本流動的開放程度,而後者根據事實上已經發生的資本流出流入量來衡量資本的管制程度。由於本文研究重點是制度性因素對國際權益類組合投資的影響,因此選用法律範式的金融開放度作為制度性因素的代理變量。具體地說,本文選用 Chinn 和 Ito(2008)[13]編制的 KAOPEN 指數,該指數是屬於法律範式的指標,綜合反映了一個經濟體多重匯率存在性、經常帳戶約束存在性、資本帳戶交易約束存在性和出口過程中是否需要上繳外匯這四個方面的情況,從整體而非僅從資本帳戶的角度來衡量一國在制度層面上對資本流動的管制程度。該指數值越高,說明經資本流動的開放程度越高。(8)社會治理指數(WGI)這是制度性因素的第二個代理變量。本文用 Kaufmann 等人編制的六個 WGI(Worldwide Governance Indicators) 指標的算術平均值來衡量一個經濟體的社會治理的完善程度,這六項指標分別是話語權與問責、政治穩定性、政府效率、監管品質、法治和腐敗監控。該指數值越高說明社會治理越完善。資料來源於世界銀行綜合數據庫。2.3 實證模型本文所選取的金融開放度與社會治理指數這兩個變量都屬於制度性因素,只是兩者內涵和側重點有所不同,對變量的相關性分析表明 FOPEN 與 WGI 相關系數约为 0.77,說明這兩個制度性因素的代理變量相關性很高1。為了考察這兩個制度性因素對權益資產 FPI 的影響,本文建立了如下基於引力模型的動態面板模型:其中 t 表示年份,i 和 j 分別表示投資國和東道國,因變量 FPIij,t 表示在 t 年 i 國對 j 國新增的權益組合投資,模型右邊自變量中,兩國雙邊變量向量 ,投資國別變量向量 東道國別變量向1. 由於各個變量相關系數的表格太大,無法在文中全部顯示,故從略,如需要可以提供。
  • 92量 , 其 中 INST 指 制度性因素,具體在實證檢驗中,分別用 FOPEN 和 WGI 作為其代理變量。時間虛擬變量向量 用以控制時間效應,當年如果是 2002則 yr2002取值為 1,否則取值為零,其余類推。其它各個變量的含義如前節所述。值得注意的是,除了 LANG 和 WGI 外,其它變量值都取對數。β0 為常數項,βi(i =1,2,3,4,5)為各自變量的系數向量。ε為殘差項。3 實證結果及分析由於本文採用的面板數據時間維度小(11 年)而橫截面維度很大(196個),并且包含內生變量,我們採用 Blundell 和 Bond(1998)[14] 提出的動態面板估計方法來估計本文的實證模型。實證結果如表 1 所示。模型 1 以 FOPEN 作為制度性因素的代理變量,而模型 2 以 WGI 作為其代理變量。關於模型殘差序列自相關性的Arellano-Bond 檢驗結果列在表 2 中,該檢驗的零假設為序列不存在自相關。從表 2 可以看出,兩個模型殘差序列的一階差分都存在自相關,而二階差分都不存在自相關性,因此符合模型的假設条件,模型不存在誤設的問題。表1 模型估計結果模型 1 模型 2FPIij,t-1 0.215**(0.106) 0.220**(0.105)DISTij -1.034(1.796) -2.207(2.710)LANGij 9.812*(5.337) 3.006*(1.625)TRADij,t 0.182(0.532) 0.159(0.479)GDPit 0.615(0.563) 0.860*(0.515)GDPjt 1.356***(0.480) 1.266**(0.552)MCAPit 0.690**(0.316) 0.667(0.530)MCAPjt 0.632**(0.300) 0.867**(0.341)FOPENit 2.801**(1.116)FOPENjt 0.654(1.110)WGIit 1.879***(0.711)WGIjt 0.382(1.709)β0 -16.465(21.460) -9.583(26.105)注:1. 括號中數值為穩健的標準差;2. 表中 ***,** 和 * 分別表示在 1%,5%和 10%的顯著性水平上顯著;3. 時間虛擬變量系數都不顯著,為省空間從略。表2 Arellano-Bond檢驗結果Order z Prob.>z模型 11 -2.6685 0.00762 -0.10289 0.9180模型 21 -2.734 0.00632 -0.06514 0.9481注:H0 為序列不存在自相關性。從表 1 可以看出,兩個模型的估計結果大體上是一致的,大部分變量的系數都是顯著的。除了距離(DIST)與雙邊權益類組合投資具有負相關關係外,其它變量(LANG、GDP、MCAP、FOPEN 和 WGI)都跟雙邊權益類組合投資存在正相關關系。一般地,兩國之間的距離是影響雙邊貿易的顯著變量,但距離對權益類國外組合投資的影響并不顯著,其主要原因在於金融資產交易不受運輸成本的影響。雖然金融資產價格對市場信息敏感,金融資產交易會受到信息成本和信息不對稱程度的重要影響。但是信息技術的發展使得信息的傳遞更加方便和快捷,距離的遠近不再是影響信息成本和信息摩擦程度的重要因素,因此兩個經濟體之間的距離并不會顯著影響雙邊信息交流,不會對金融資產的交易產生顯著的影響。在兩國模型估計結果中語言都是顯著的。語言不僅在一定程度上反映了信息成本和交易成本的高低,還反映了投資者的文化背景,兩個經濟體如果使用共同的語言,雙邊的信息交流就會更加通暢和方便,投資者的文化背景更加接近,從而會降低信息成本和交易成本,兩國之間金融資產的交易也會更加方便,因此對雙邊的權益類組合投資產生積極促進作用。兩國模型中雙邊貿易對權益類國外組合投資 影 響 都 不 顯 著, 這 與 Lane & Milesi-Ferretti(2008)[5] 和范小雲等(2012)[11] 等的結論是不一致的,后兩個研究實證結果表明雙邊貿易對雙邊權益資產的持有具有顯著的正向影響,但他們沒有考慮變量內生性對估計結果的影響,因而其結論不一定可靠。實證結果表明東道國 GDP 對雙邊權益投資組合交易具有顯著的促進作用。GDP 是一國經濟發
  • 93湯曉雷  制度性因素對權益類國外組合投資的影響展程度的主要度量指標,金融的發展離不開實體經濟的有效支援,這也說明了經濟發展和金融發展之間相輔相成不可分割的密切聯繫。另外,兩個模型估計結果還表明東道國股市總市值與 GDP的比例(MCAP)對權益類 FPI 具有顯著促進作用。股市總市值相對於 GDP 的規模是衡量金融市場發展程度的重要指標,一國股市總市值與 GDP的比率越大,說明其金融市場越成熟和發達,金融資產種類也越齊全,市場效率越高,從而吸引更多的國外投資者進行投資。關於投資國的 GDP和 MCAP 對權益類國外組合投資影響的顯著性,兩個模型的估計結果不一致。投資國 GDP 在模型 1 中不顯著,而在模型 2 中是顯著的。投資國MCAP 在模型 1 中顯著,但在模型 2 中不顯著。這兩個模型唯一不同的地方在於使用不同的變量作為制度性因素的代理變量,前者使用 FOPEN,后者使用 WGI, 因此這種不一致應該是由於制度性因素的兩個代理變量 FOPEN 和 WGI 的內涵不一致造成的。如前文所述,金融開放度指標衡量資本管制制度層面的開放程度,而社會治理指數從政府效率、监管质量、法治等六個方面衡量社會治理的完善程度,雖然兩者都屬於制度性因素,相關度很高,但側重點不同,與模型中其它變量的相關關系也就不盡相同,事實上,自變量的相關性分析表明,模型 1 中投資國 FOPEN 與投資國GDP 相關系數為 0.34,但與其它自變量的相關性都很低;而模型 2 中投資國 WGI 與投資國 MCAP相關系數為 0.41,但與其它自變量相關性都很低,筆者認為正是這兩個代理變量與其它自變量的相關性不同造成兩個模型估計結果也不完全一致。模型 1中投資國金融開放度的系數顯著為正,說明一國金融開放度對該國的對外權益資產組合投資有顯著的促進作用。金融開放程度越高的經濟體對外進行的權益資產組合投資也會越多,這完全符合理論預期。一般地,金融開放程度越高,資本流動受到的限制越少,就越有利於雙邊權益資產組合投資。模型 2 中投資國社會治理指數(WGI)的系數顯著為正,說明社會治理指數對一國的對外權益類資產組合投資有顯著的正面作用,這也完全符合理論預期,一個經濟體的社會治理指數越高,信息的透明度和傳遞效率、交易的公平度和權利的保障程度也越高,這不僅能有效改善信息不對稱的問題,也使風險得以有效分散,從而促進權益類資本的國際流動。因此本文為制度性因素對國際權益資產組合投資具有重要影響提供了有力的實證支援。值得注意的是,模型 1 中東道國的金融開放度不顯著,而模型 2 中東道國的社會治理指數不顯著。說明相比於投資國的制度因素而言,東道國制度性因素對權益類資產組合投資的影響比較弱。Sarno et al.(2016)[10] 通過實證分析認為投資國(美國)經濟因素對權益資本跨國流動的推動作用顯著大於東道國經濟因素的吸引作用,可見本文的實證結果與 Sarno et al.(2016)[10] 是基本一致的。一種可能的解釋就是,一般地,和國外直接投資一樣,權益類資產組合投資也受到投資國經濟因素的推動力和東道國投資環境吸引力兩股動力的合力影響。出於最大限度追逐利潤和分散風險的目的,投資國往往制定優惠政策鼓勵剩餘資本投資到其它經濟體的金融市場上,從而表現出對資本的顯著的推動作用,而這些資本具體被投資到哪個東道國則受到多方面因素的影響,東道國制度性因素只是要考慮的眾多因素之一,相比之下其對資本的吸引作用顯得比較弱。當然這一點是否具有普遍性還有待未來研究中進一步的實證檢驗。4 結論與建議本文基於 15 個經濟體 2002 ~ 2012 年的相關面板數據,採用引力模型對權益類 FPI 的影響因素進行了考察,實證結果表明,首先,距離對雙邊權益類組合投資不產生顯著作用,而共同語言對雙邊權益類組合投資具有一定正向作用, 說明信息成本與信息摩擦對權益類 FPI 交易可能產生一定阻礙作用。其次,GDP 和金融市場發展程度
  • 94對國際權益類資產交易也有重要促進作用。更重要的是,本文發現金融開放度和社會治理指數等制度性因素對國際權益資產組合投資的影響也非常顯著。這為制度性因素對國際權益資產組合投資具有重要影響提供了有力的實證支持。另外,實證結果還表明投資國制度性因素對資本流動的推動作用大於東道國相應因素的吸引作用,當然,這一點是否適用於全球所有的經濟體,還有待在後續研究中針對更大的樣本進一步深入分析。雖然由於數據可得性原因樣本中中國只是作為東道國被納入實證分析,但通過估計面板模型所得的實證結論對中國的對外組合投資也應該基本適應的。本文的實證結論隱含的政策含義就是,我國應該大力加強金融市場建設,不斷努力完善金融體制和加強社會治理。我們應當完善金融法規,促進金融市場的公平競爭,加強金融市場的監管,同時深化各項社會制度的改革,改善投融資環境。目前我國在對外逐步開放資本市場的同時也鼓勵國內投資者走出國門到海外資本市場進行投資,實行 QFII 和 QDII 制度,也就是允許合格的境外機構投資者(QFII)到我國資本市場投資的同時,也鼓勵合格的境內機構投資者到國外的資本市場進行投資。2014 年 11 月中國正式啟動滬港通,使得香港與內地的資本市場相互聯通起來,我國資本市場與國際資本市場一體化程度更進一步。但目前這些制度對境內外機構投資者和個人投資者仍然有比較強的投資約束。今後資本市場發展的趨勢,是要進一步完善 QFII、QDII 和滬港通等相關制度的基礎上,在風險可控的前提下逐步提高包括境内外居民在內的所有投資者在境內外金融市场上的投资便利程度,進一步拓寬境內外投資者的投資渠道。這樣才能進一步提高金融市場效率,使金融資源得到合理配置,從而充分有效地利用國際資本的流動以促進經濟的發展。致 謝作者在此感謝澳門科技大學研究基金對本項目的資助,同時對兩位匿名評審專家提出的寶貴意見表示感謝。參 考 文 獻[1] Grinblatt M., Keloharju M.. How distance, language and culture influence stockholdings and trades.Journal of Finance, 2001, 5(6):1053 – 1073.[2] Hau H.. Location matters: an examination of trading profits. Journal of Finance,2001, 5(6):1959 – 1983.[3] Nieuwerburgh V. S. and L. Veldkamp. Information Immobility and the Home Bias Puzzle. Journal of Finance, 2009, LXIV( 3):1187-1215.[4] Portes R. and H. Rey. The Determinants of Cross-border Equity Flows. Journal of International Economics, 2005, 6(5):269-296.[5] Lane, R., Philip and Milesi-Ferretti.. International Investment Patterns. The Review of Economics and Statistics, 2008, 90(3):538-549.[6] Garcia-Herrero, Alicia and Wooldridge, Philip..Why Don't Asians Invest in Asia? The Determinants of Cross-Border Portfolio Holdings. Asian Economic Papers, 2009, 8(3):228-248.[7] Fratzscher M.. Capital Flows, Push versus Pull Factors and the Global Financial Crisis.2011, NBER Working Paper No. 17357 [8] Thapa C. and S. S. Poshakwale. International Equity Portfolio Allocations and Transaction Costs. Journal of Banking & Finance, 2010, 34:2627-2638.[9] Giofré M.. Domestic Investor Protection and Foreign Portfolio Investment[J]. Journal of Banking & Finance, 2014, 46(3):355-371.[10] Sarno L., Tsiakas I. and B. Ulloa. What Drives International Portfolio Flows? Journal of International Money and Finance, 2016,60:53-72.[11] 范小雲,王偉,肖立晟. 權益類國際資產組合投資的引力模型分析[J]. 世界經濟,2012,(7):42-66[12] 劉健,王有鑫.2013.金融發展與國際資本流動結構的實證分析[J]. 經濟經緯,2013,5(10):155-160.[13] Chinn, M. D. and Ito, H.. A New Measure of Financial Openness. Comparative Statistics, 2008, 10( 3):309-322.[14] Blundell R. and S. Bond.. Initial conditions and moment restrictions in dynamic panel data models. Journal of Econometrics,1998, 87: 115–143.
  • 95第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 個人與工作適配對員工創新行為的影響: 家庭親善文化的干擾效果?連智華1,黃 華2*,馮娜娜3(1. 廈門大學嘉庚學院,廈門;2. 澳門科技大學商學院,澳門;3. 吉林大學珠海學院,珠海)摘要: 本文以社會交換和社會認知的理論觀點,探索員工個人-工作適配同創新行為之間的關係,以及職業壓力的傳遞效應和家庭親善文化的干擾作用。研究以全國10個省、市、自治區的社會企業員工及其主管的302份配對調查資料進行統計分析,通過結構方程模式檢驗了樣本資料不存在共同方法偏差,最後,模型實證結果表明,社會企業個人-工作適配是預測員工創新行為的有效因子,職業壓力在個人-工作適配與創新行為之間發揮中介作用;而家庭親善文化則調節了職業壓力與創新行為之間的影響。 關鍵詞: 個人-工作適配;職業壓力;家庭親善文化;創新行為 Person-job Fit and Innovative Behavior:The Moderating Effect of Family-friendly?Zhihua LIAN1, Hua HUANG2*, Nana FENG3( 1. Xiamen University Tan Kah Kee College, Xiamen, China; 2. School of Business, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China; 3. Zhuhai College of Jilin University, Zhuhai, China )AAstract: This paper took the social exchange and social cognitive perspectives to examine the effects of person-job fit on innovative behavior for social enterprise employees , and how to play a mediation in job stress and moderating effect in family-friendly. In the research, we collected 302 pairing investigation data of social enterprise employees on the 10 provinces for statistical analysis, and verified the data does not exist problems of common methods biases by the proposed SEM. Finally, the results indicated that person-job fit has a significant positive impact on innovative behavior and job stress plays a mediating role between person-job fit and innovative behavior. In addition, family-friendly makes a moderated effect between job stress and innovative behavior.eywords: Person-job Fit; Job Stress; Family-friendly; Innovative Behavior收稿日期:2016-04-28;修訂日期:2016-05-16。資金資助項目:教育部人文社科研究青年基金項目,項目號 15YJC630069;福建省高校傑出青年科研人才培育項目,項目號 201623;福建省中青年教師教育科研項目,項目號 JAS150780。*通訊作者:黃華,女,澳門科技大學商學院博士研究生,主要研究方向:組織行為與人力資源。E-mail:hhuang123123@gmail.com,Tel:0086-186756227090 引言 當前,以創新和服務為導向的社會時期,越來越多的組織不再滿足於單純的經濟回報和管理績效,而是希望通過商業手段解決社會問題,從而提升自我社會價值和持續發展優勢,社會企業就在如此的背景下生根發芽,社會企業家開始湧現,社會創投躍躍欲試,而知識型社會企業員工所面臨的工作要求也越來越高,學術界對此表現
  • 96出極大關注,地方政府則開始嘗試社會企業的孵化並鼓勵員工創新行為,媒體亦開始呼喚社會企業家的精神。在這樣的變革情境下,社會企業員工被要求扮演的角色越來越廣,除了必須是社會利益發展的基石外,更是商業利益的守護者;既要同時關心社會利益的效率化,更要順應全球網路化商業時代的挑戰。如何有效運用商業手段和市場的效率來解決日益增加的社會問題和矛盾促使著公眾對於社會企業員工的職業嵌入要求愈來愈高,其個人角色與工作內容的高度契合也越發重要,個人的知覺能力和承受度不同,個人與工作內容契合狀況也有所不同,表現在個人內心與外顯行為就會有所差異,進而所承受的職業壓力就相對增加。應如何建立符合社會企業家庭親善政策之有效機制,尋求政府、企業和員工等多方共同適配調節點,理順組織目標影響社會企業雇傭雙方職業環境匹配的內在機理變化,成為社會企業戰略人力資源管理亟需解決的現實困境。本文試圖引入家庭親善文化變量,通過個人 - 工作適配、職業壓力對創新行為的影響為考量視角,並基於社會交換和社會認知理論來整合探討社會企業員工職業壓力的中介效應在個人 - 工作適配同創新行為之間的影響,以及員工職業壓力在受到家庭親善文化的調節效應下如何發揮作用,以期為組織戰略性人力資源管理實踐提供相應的啟發性思路和依據。1 理論與假設1.1 個人-工作適配與創新行為的內涵和關係長久以來,研究管理心理學和組織行為的學者對於個人 -工作的“適配”有著高度的興趣(Lauver等,2001)[1]。 個 人 - 工 作 適 配(person-job fit, P-J)是指個人和環境互相得到供需平衡,它可以影響員工在組織中的工作行為、態度和工作成果(Burch 等 ,2004)[2]。溯其根源,其最初由來是源自於情境學派與人格學派間的爭論,即人的行為究竟是由情境還是人格所影響?此爭議最後大致上被干擾學派所解決,也就是大部份的學者認為,人格與情境因素都有其一致性與變化性,在描述行為時,兩種因素應皆採用(Epstein,1983)[3]。根據組織形成的理論,學者們提煉出個人 - 環境適配的三種層次,包括了組織、團隊群體和工作內容(Kristof,1996)[4];即個人 - 環境適配可以分為個人 - 組織適配、個人 - 群體適配以及個人 - 工作適配。本文主要在嵌入社會企業情境的大背景下來探討個人 - 工作適配的影響關係,並從組織文化和個人內在層面評價個人 - 工作適配與創新行為的內在機理。廣義而言,個人 - 工作適配可界定為個人與其工作的契合度。例如:個人的特質與工作的特性比較之下能互相適合,就是一種個人 - 工作適配(Han 等,2015)[5]。創新行為(innovative behavior)通常作為表示個人在組織內的創新工作表現,對組織目標貢獻達成的品質或數量;是組織用來衡量員工如何快速產生思想並且創造了多少價值,同時組織也由此評估工作創新績效,來瞭解員工的創新行為狀態(Chen T ,et.al.,2016)[6]。過去研究創新行為的文獻系以個人特性觀點出發,認為創新行為即是“以不同方式處理事情的能力”(Kirton,1976)[7];此後,許多學者皆從各層面詮釋了創新行為即是創造力三元素理論,認為個人創造力的提升需考慮以下三個要素:領域相關技能、創意相關技能、以及工作動機(Borman & Motowidlo,1993;Motowidlo & Van Scotter,1994;Porath & Erez, 2007;Schat & Frone, M. R,2011)[8~11]。然而,這樣的定義只能說明了部分的創新行為,未能涵蓋其全貌;研究表明創新行為包含的不僅是新穎想法的產生,尚包含如何將創新想法予以生產、導入及應用於組織中任一層次的所有個人行動當中(West and Farr,1989;Woodman, Sawyer, & Griffin, 1993)[12~13]。俞明傳等(2014)指出員工 - 組織關係是組織創新行為最強的預測指標,雖然不同的人境適配因素對職業創新產出不盡相同,但工作和家庭的溢出影響無法截然割離[14]。在以往的人境適配探討中,個人 - 工作適配、個人 - 組織適配同工作創新的影響關係是最常被研
  • 97連智華,等  個人與工作適配對員工創新行為的影響: 家庭親善文化的干擾效果?究(聶婷等,2012)[15],個人工作適配高則表示個人的知識技能與工作所需相符,故較可能導致員工有能力表現出創新的行為(Gladstein,1984;王雪麗等,2014)[16~17]。此外,許多工作團隊的相關研究中也提及團隊成員價值一致對影響團隊創新績效有顯著關聯,而個人與其主管之間的契合度也曾被驗證與其績效有顯著相關(Graen 等,1991)[18],由於不同適配變量在概念上或實際研究上都曾被提及與創新績效相關,而個人與工作適配在作用機制上與創新行為最相關。因此,本文提出如下假设: ● H1 個人 - 工作適配对創新行為产生正向影响1.2 職業壓力及其中介效應職業壓力(job stress)作為 Stress 的中文專屬用詞,其最初源於拉丁文字“Stricu”, 主要意指綳緊。根據《漢語大詞典》的解釋,壓力的概念最早卻源於物理學和工程學領域,分別是物體所承受的與表面垂直的作用力和制伏人的力量。早些年,關於壓力研究更多偏向於心理和精神學層次,直至 1964 年,Kahn 將壓力管理的經營理論引入到組織研究中,他最早探討了工作中的壓力問題,大部分是指對工作無法適應,所引發一些生理及心理的反應[19]。而這些無法適應的原因有可能來自工作環境,也有因為工作本身與工作者能力無法配合。 Beehr 等學者(1978)綜合有關研究,將職業壓力定義為一種在與工作有關的因素和員工自身交互作用下,改變個體心理與生理狀態的結果[20]。本文總結了 French 等學者(1982)[21] 觀點的同時,認為職場生涯中員工對工作環境無法適應造成了直接衝擊與影響所引發的個人生理、心理及行為上的改變,即為職業壓力。透過以往的研究,不難發現,个人与工作无法很好的匹配會引起職業壓力,個體有各種需求與能力,包括主管支援、組織支援、積極正向的個人心理狀態等,而工作則同樣存在各種誘因與要求,如組織認同、工作負荷、工作品質和個人責任等;若個體與工作配合不當,亦即個人與組織環境不一致或者不相稱,無法取得供需平衡,則會將產生職業壓力。此時的環境包括內在環境與外在環境,可以說是一種約束或者是要求,影響範圍包括了心理與生理,是一種刺激與反應之間交互作用所產生的現象,每個個體因為本身抵抗壓力與排解壓力的能力不同,造成對壓力所感受的程度亦有不同。因而,職業壓力可以說是一個能介於員工知覺環境(如:組織氛圍、職業特性等)同工作態度間的關係影響效應(Quratulain等,2015)[22]。當員工知覺外在和內在環境因素越積極,越發有助於降低員工的職業壓力。例如:Cronpanzano et al.(1997)就認為一個高度契合的組織環境,會使得員工感受到關懷並減少恐懼,降低在組織中的不確定感,並使員工覺得隨時可以從他人處得到援助,因而降低員工的壓力[23]。然而,需要注意的是,個人 - 工作契合度并非永久不變,其適配結果不僅僅包括了我們直覺中的不愉快和消極感知,還體現在個人 - 工作適配度較佳時的正向感知。當員工感知到工作環境與其偏好相一致的時候,他的個人需求與企業的供給實現了匹配,從而感知到工作責任壓力,此種積極的適配就會對員工心理產生正向的職業壓力,也叫挑戰型壓力(林彥梅等,2015)[24]。相似地,員工的個人工作適配度高,愈能感受其工作的意義性,故也愈能在工作中累積成就與期望,從而產生正向的職業壓力,包括學習壓力、延伸工作角色層面的要求等(黃品全等,2014)[25]。另一方面,縱觀壓力的歷史發展沿革,不難發現,職業壓力對其後果的影響在國內外許多的研究中已被證實,並且大部份成果集中在兩個層面,分別是個人層面和組織層面。其中個人層面主要體現在工作滿意、離職傾向、組織公民行為、身心健康等,而組織層面則最主要表現在工作创新行為(Huber,1991)[26]。我國學者張伶等(2014)研究結果發現組織的支援程度越高,從而降低職業壓力的感知,導致其工作效率提升,進而影響工作創新[27]。但是,研究發現積極型職業壓力感知所產生的效應同樣是影響創新行為的主要原因,如果能正向影響員工職業壓力,就可賦予員工積極
  • 98的心理感知,包括自我效能、心理契約、工作投入、角色感知、工作意義和工作責任等,進而對員工的工作創新產生正向影響關係(Webster et al., 2010;Wood & Michaelides,2016)[28~29]。與此同時,張敏(2014)对壓力下個體無法忍受不確定性與創新行為的關係進行了實驗研究,發現积极的工作壓力对个体创新具有推动作用[30]。相似地,若是能一定程度上給予員工在情感上、工具上、評價上以及工作家庭方面的契合力度,適時提高其自我效能和角色外感知等心理感知,而此時壓力所產生的積極影響將大大提高工作行為表現,甚至有鼓勵和促進效應,進而正向影響創新行為,這也是本研究所持的觀點。綜合以上討論,我們提出如下假設: ● H2 職業壓力在個人 - 工作適配同創新行為之間的關係起到中介作用1.3 家庭親善文化的調節影響家庭親善文化(family-friendly)是指組織對員工作為家庭成員角色要求的反應 , 包括組織及其成員在尊重和支持員工家庭生活方面共用的理念、價值觀、政策和文化等綜合實踐。通常而言,組織對員工的投資可進一步帶來員工對於工作的投入及高績效的工作表現(Tsui 等,1997)[31]。而工作家庭福利等親善政策即是組織對員工投資的最佳方式。通過已有的文獻顯示家庭親善文化能夠緩解工作生活和家庭生活的壓力,進而改變其工作行為,以有利於促進組織整體績效(Sands 等,2007)[32]。社會交換理論和社會正義理論指出當組織提供福利時,真正受惠於此福利者會較未受益者更感到此福利的公平性,從而愈能匹配工作環境,也愈發反應正向的工作責任壓力,對組織付出更多的努力表現(Bagger 等,2014)[33]。例如,為人父母的員工,由於能夠享受到組織所提供的雙親假,故相較於無法受惠於此福利的員工,會對此福利感到較高的滿意度和表現更優異的角色壓力感知(Kim 等,2013)[34]。James, A(2011)提出工作家庭平衡及其結果能導致組織創新績效;而以工作家庭適應性為基礎的家庭親善政策則關係到組織創新機會和績效行為 (Hauck & Prugl, 2015),由此可知,家庭親善政策對創新績效的提升具有重要意義,組織和社會若能為此提供支援性資源,必能有效增進員工創新績效。而就員工個人的角度出發,當員工認為能夠從組織獲得所提供的福利或未來有機會受惠於此福利時,亦會較願意為組織做出努力貢獻行為。例如,對於有小孩的員工或計劃生小孩的員工而言,如果組織提供托兒中心的福利時,員工會因為可得利於這樣的政策,而增加留在公司的意願,並進一步產生良好的工作表現(Hammer 等 ,2005)[35];除此之外,研究同樣發現,提供家庭事故休假可提升員工的工作滿意度和工作責任壓力,繼而提高工作效率(Feeney 等 ,2014)[36]。本研究通過理論探討,主張家庭親善文化應包括彈性工作制、家庭援助政策和工作家庭友好文化等元素,其中彈性工作制和家庭援助政策屬於家庭親善政策,而工作家庭文化主要是一種承載著主管或上司支援的特定組織文化氛圍,只有兩者緊密契合方能有效緩解或者降低員工不確定性,加強員工的工作適配與心理契約,進而提高工作創新。綜合以上討論,我們提出如下假設: ● H3 家庭親善文化調節了個人 - 工作適配與職業壓力的影響關係,在較高的家庭親善文化下,兩者的關係更強。 ● H4 家庭親善文化調節了職業壓力與創新行為的影響關係,在較高的家庭親善文化下,兩者的關系更強。圖1 理論模型2 研究設計與方法2.1 研究樣本為了驗證上述理論假設,本研究以福建、廣東、廣西、湖南、浙江、江蘇、安徽、河南、天
  • 99連智華,等  個人與工作適配對員工創新行為的影響: 家庭親善文化的干擾效果?津和上海等 10 個省市的社會企業員工作為調查樣本,展開結構性問卷施測,從而獲取研究資料。由於隨機取樣比較困難,故採用便利抽樣,調查盡可能選取了不同職能背景、崗位和工作年限的被試者,從而力求樣本之異質性和有效性。研究在受試單位發放了基層員工問卷,主要瞭解職業壓力、工作適合度感知和家庭親善文化;與此同時發放了主管的配對問卷來評價被測員工的創新行為。最後,總計發出 400 份問卷,回收 302 份有效問卷,有效回收率為 75.5%。在 302 個員工總樣本中,男性員工有 175 人,占總樣本 57.9%,而女性員工則有127 人,占總樣本 42.1%,男性比例略高於女性比例;從年齡分佈來看,30 歲以下員工有 76 人,僅占總樣本 25.2%,31 ~ 40 歲員工有 97 人,占總樣本 32.1%,41 ~ 50 歲員工則也達到 94 人,占總樣本 31.1%;關於學歷構成情況,有 285 人接受過高等教育,占總樣本 94.4%,一定程度說明了當前我國社會企業人力資源的教育結構趨勢。2.2 研究方法與測量本 研 究 借 助 IBM SPSS 20.0 和 IBM AMOS 20.0 統計工具展開實證分析,主要運用到描述性統計分析、信度分析、結構方程模型、相關分析、多元階層回歸分析等。研究使用問卷研究法,針對主要研究變量採用合適的量表加以量測,其中主要研究變量包括“個人 - 工作適配”、“職業壓力”、“家庭親善文化”和“創新行為”部份,同時還包含了性別、年齡、婚姻、教育、年資等人口學背景控制變量的調查。調查所採用的是李克特五級量表,其中 1 表示完全不同意,5 表示完全同意,要求被試者根據自身實際情況填答。研究所涵蓋的構面主要包括如下內容:(1)個人 - 工作適配,主要詮釋的是個人與其工作的契合度。該研究變量採用的是 Cable and DeRue(2002)[37] 所發展出來的測量工具,共計 7題 ,主要包括了:“我所擁有的專業技術和我的工作內容相適配”、“我的工作內容可以充分發揮我的才智與能力”、“我所從事的工作對我個人而言是有意義的”等。該構面的內在一致信度係數 Cronbach's α 值為 0.94,顯示出較好的內在可靠性。(2)職業壓力,系指在組織過程中,工作者對工作環境無法適應,造成了直接衝擊與影響所引發個人生理、心理及行為的改變,即為職業壓力,此種壓力就是個體與環境無法很好的適配所引起的。本文採用 House 等(1979)[38] 設計的“職業壓力(Job Stress Scale)量表。此部份分別從“責任壓力”、“工作品質擔憂”、“角色衝突”、“工作家庭衝突”和“工作負荷”等壓力源方面加以考慮,共涉及到 15 個題項。主要包含了:“我感覺同其他人相比,我負擔了太多的責任”,“我覺得我必須做的工作數量可能會影響到我完成工作的品質”,“我覺得無法滿足與我一同工作的人提出的不同的要求”,“我感到我的工作可能會影響到我的家庭生活”,“我的工作量較大,必須要求快速完成任務”等。該構面的內在一致性信度 Cronbach's α值為 0.92。(3)家庭親善文化,主要詮釋的是組織為促使員工更好地發揮家庭成員角色,緩解其工作家庭衝突或職業壓力,從而全身心投入工作所推行的一種家庭親善文化制度。本研究主要採用了 Hammer等(2005)[35]的家庭親善政策量表(Family-Friendly Workplace Supports)和 Thompson(1999)[39] 的工作家庭友好文化量表等方面進行測量,共涉及到了 17 個題項。其題項包含如下:“你當前的崗位具有彈性的工作時間”,“你所在的企業有提供員工享受帶薪休假(包括年假、婚假、產假、陪產、喪假等)”,“你的工作是輪班制或者有事時你可以與他人換班,頂替工作”,“ 你所在的企業主管對於員工的家庭相關需求一般是比較通融”等。該構面的內在一致信度係數 Cronbach's α 值為 0.93,顯示出良好的內在可靠性。(4)創新行為,通常作為表示個人在組織內的創新行為表現,對組織目標貢獻達成的品質或數量。本文採用了 Janssen(2008)的創新行為指標進行測量[40],共計 6 道題,具體內容包括:“工作中具有創造力”、“具有原創性和實務性”、“具
  • 100有適應性和應用性”、“能提出新的或實踐性的建議來提高工作績效”、“能創新解決方法來達成工作目標”、“能促進同事產生新想法”等因素。創新行為的 Cronbach's α 檢驗值為 0.89,表明其具有良好的內在一致性信度。3 資料分析與結果3.1 描述統計與相關性分析透過描述性統計分析來觀察研究模型中各變量的均值、標準差及其相互關係,具體各研究變量的均值、標準差、信度和相關係數詳見表 1。首先,我們調查發現被試者感知到的個人 - 工作適配(M=3.43)相對地處於較高水準,研究調查主要集中在社會企業,超過 50% 受訪者具有社會服務工作經驗,說明大部份員工在個人與工作內容之間有較好的契合度。其次,統計顯示受訪者對職業壓力的感知普遍處於中立態度(M=3.14),一方面,表達了基層員工在過程中感受到的工作責任、角色壓力、品質擔憂以及工作負荷等壓力,另一方面,進一步體現出員工在職業壓力方面的評價相對保守和敏感。而員工對組織家庭親善文化的評價則較之略高一些(M=3.40),一定程度上表明了非營利性組織,尤其是新興的社會企業在家庭親善文化和福利措施方面的表現稍顯積極和正面;此外,就被調查者的創新方面而言,發現員工的創新行為評價(M=3.73)最高,透露出受訪者可能因為較好地匹配工作投入,對任務角色有明晰的定位使之創新績效有了較好的提升,同時也可能出於組織氛圍和組織文化等環境因素令創新行為有了較高的評價;關於被調查者的創新行為和工作感受情況,儘管整體評價趨向於中立或積極,但在組織層面和個人層面的影響狀況,究竟員工的這些工作感受是否受到的中介作用以及家庭親善文化調節效應,有待進一步深入的研究和分析。 通過皮爾森係數相關分析,我們進一步探索社會企業個人 - 工作適配、職業壓力、家庭親善文化以及創新行為之間的相互關係,從表格 1 不難看出,本文中涉及的研究變量均存在相關性。其中,個人 - 工作適配同職業壓力的相關係數為0.23**,二者之間存在著顯著的正相關,表明當員工感知個人與工作內容有高度匹配時,他們自身所反應到的責任壓力也會更加強烈。而個人 - 工作適配與創新行為之間的相關係數為 0.40**,同樣存在顯著的相關關係,換言之,即說明員工所感知到個人與工作內容的匹配程度將直接引起其創新性工作績效。與此同時,個人 - 工作適配與家庭親善文化的相關係數為 0.26**, 顯示了員工在工作過程中,獲得專業性匹配性程度越高,本身所感知到的組織支援和家庭親善文化則越發明顯。另外,員工職業壓力同家庭親善文化之間亦同樣存在顯著性相關關係,皮爾森係數為 0.22**,可以說是員工的工作負荷與角色壓力呈現情況將影響著個人感知組織支援的程度。當然,員工的職業壓力感知同他們的創新行為 0.40**,同樣存在著一定相關性,挑戰性程度越高越會對他們的工作績效產生正向的影響。表1 描述統計與相關分析變量 Mean Std.D 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9性別 1.42 0.49 -  年齡 2.29 0.97 -0.15** -婚姻 0.23 0.42 0.06 -0.58** -教育 2.32 0.88 0.03 0.19** -0.04 -年資 4.08 1.13 -0.19** 0.72** -0.64** 0.02 -個人-工作適配 3.43 0.54 -0.13* 0.19** -0.15* 0.05 0.16** -職業壓力 3.14 0.48 -0.04 0.03 -0.14* -0.02 0.03 0.23** -家庭親善文化 3.40 0.60 0.07 -0.12* 0.02 0.05 -0.14* 0.26** 0.22** -創新行為 3.73 0.42 -0.02 0.06 -0.05 -0.03 0.04 0.40** 0.17** 0.20** - 注:N=302;** p < 0.01;* p < 0.05
  • 101連智華,等  個人與工作適配對員工創新行為的影響: 家庭親善文化的干擾效果?3.2 共同方法偏差控制Podsakoff 等學者(2003)將共同方法偏差(CMB)以及控制方法進行了綜述 [41],他們認為由於相同的資料來源或評分者、相同的測量環境、項目語境以及項目本身特徵所造成的預測變量與效標變量之間人為的共變即是共同方法偏差。本研究通過基層員工和主管評價來進行樣本配對調查,某種程度克服了由於各測量項目的同一性來源導致的偏差 , 但仍有必要對樣本資料進行共同方法變異的核對總和控制,以期獲得更為客觀的結果。檢驗時 , 我們首先用 Harman's 單因子檢定方進行共同方法變異檢測,將所有題項進行探索性因子分析(EFA),在未轉軸情況下,第一個主成份如果只出現一個因子或數個因子中,某因子的解釋力大於 50%,即可判定存在嚴重的共同方法偏差,因為人為的(與理論無關)共變具體存在。其次,採用控制未測單一方法潛在因子的辦法,通過結構方程模型來實現;根據熊紅星等學者(2012)觀點 [42],該方法之變異分析思想是 , 測量構念的題目的分數變異可以分為對應的特質變異、方法變異和測量誤差。具體而言 , 就是將共同方法因子作為一個潛變量進入結構方程模型 , 允許所有測量構念題目除了負荷在所屬構念因子上,還在此單一潛在因子方法上負載 , 同時比較控制前後的模型擬合程度。如果有共同方法因子的模型的各項擬合指數明顯優於無共同方法因子的模型 , 則各變量之間存在嚴重的共同方法偏差。研究在採用 Harman's 單因子檢定法將樣本所有題項進入探索性因子分析,以主成分因素檢定,未轉軸因子分析結果發現可抽取 4 個特徵值大於 1的因子,且第一個因子解釋力僅為 25.30%,遠小於 50% 之判定標準,由此可見,本研究並無嚴重的共同方法偏差問題。進一步,通過結構方程模型驗證分析,將所有題項負載在共同方法潛因子上,通過表 2 統計結果顯示,我們可知,加入單一潛在因子後的結構模型適配性未顯著優於研究架構模式,相對地,加入共同因子前的擬合程度要更加優於單一因子驗證模型,充分說明了本研究並無共同方法偏差的問題。3.3 測量模型通過表 3 結構方程統計結果不難看出,研究各變量的收斂效度、組合信度和模型適配檢驗均達到理想判定值,表明了各觀測變量對該潛在變量變異的解釋能力較好。其中,個人 - 工作適配的AVE 值為 0.61,超過 0.5 判定標準值,而組合信度為 0.88,遠大於 0.7,故收斂效度理想。職業壓力的 AVE 值為 0.65,組合信度為 0.93,達到理想判定標準,某種程度顯現出該構面的內容結構收斂效果較好。家庭親善文化的 AVE 值為 0.51,組合信度為 0.87,表明該構面內容總體共同性因素豐富,收斂效度較佳。創新行為的 AVE 值為 0.72,組合信度為 0.91,同樣遠大於標準值,體現了該研究構面內部結構一致性良好。此外,各研究變量的絕對模型適配度指標、相對適配度指標亦達到理想水準,可進一步展開後續分析。表2 控制未測單一方法潛在因子法模型競比 共同方法 χ2 df χ2/df GFI AGFI RMSEA RFI CFI加入共同因子前 271.51 112 2.42 0.96 0.94 0.06 0.96 0.93加入共同因子後 358.60 100 3.59 0.88 0.83 0.29 0.90 0.88 注:N=302表3 各研究變量CFA結果研究構面 AVE 組合信度 GFI AGFI RMR RMSEA NFI RFI CFI IFI個人-工作適配 0.61 0.88 0.99 0.93 0.01 0.08 0.99 0.87 0.99 0.99 職業壓力 0.65 0.93 0.98 0.93 0.02 0.07 0.99 0.96 0.99 0.99 家庭親善文化 0.51 0.87 0.98 0.92 0.02 0.08 0.98 0.92 0.99 0.99 創新行為 0.72 0.91 0.91 0.91 0.02 0.09 0.92 0.75 0.92 0.92 注:N=302
  • 1023.4 直接和中介效果檢驗為了驗證个人 - 工作适配是否能造就员工创新行为以及職業壓力是否能在社會企業員工的個人 -工作適配同其創新行為中起到中介作用,本研究利用了多元層次回歸技術來展開檢驗。表 4 對此做出了具體的假設檢驗分析,結果發現,個人 - 工作適配對員工創新行為的直接效果獲得支持,而個人 - 工作適配能通過個體職業壓力感受正向影響員工的創新行為。表4 中介效應之階層回歸分析預測變量模型 1 模型 2 模型 3 模型 4創新行為 創新行為 職業壓力 創新行為性別 0.03 0.06 -0.05 0.07 年齡 0.15 0.10 0.03 0.10 婚姻 0.04 0.06 -0.21** 0.09 教育 -0.06 -0.07 0.05 -0.08 年資 -0.12 -0.12 -0.07 -0.11 個人-工作適配 0.33*** 0.19** 0.30***職業壓力 0.14*R2 0.01 0.12*** 0.09** 0.13***AdjR2 -0.00 0.10*** 0.07** 0.11***F 0.77 34.06*** 11.36** 20.49**注:N=302;*** p < 0.001;** p < 0.01;* p < 0.05從表 4 中可知,模型 1 納入了員工的性別、年齡、婚姻、教育和年資等人口學變量作為研究的控制變量;模型 2 則顯示了社會企業員工對個人 - 工作適配程度的感受因而正向影響其創新行為,具體而言,個人 - 工作適配(β=0.33,P <0.001)對創新行為顯示出正向顯著效應,由此可知,員工個人感知到的工作適配程度越高越能直接造就或影響到其創造性工作行為;個人 - 工作適配(β=0.19,P < 0.01)對職業壓力亦存在顯著關係,進一步表明了員工的個人 - 工作適配的高低程度也會直接關系到員工的職業壓力感知情況,越高的工作匹配則越能產生挑戰型工作壓力,納入中介變量後,職業壓力(β=0.14,P < 0.05)中介作用顯著,並且回歸係數明顯減弱(β=0.30< 0.33,P < 0.001),模型中的 R2 擬合值較為理想,因此,職業壓力在個人 - 工作適配同創新行為之間具有顯著的中介效應。 因而,研究之個人 - 工作適配對創新行員產生顯著性影響以及職業壓力中介模型假設獲得支援,其中研究假設 1 和 2 成立。3.5 調節效應檢驗雖然在相關和中介效應分析中,研究皆驗證了社會企業對於其個人 - 工作適配和職業壓力的感知會影響到他們的創新行為,但是我們同樣需要具體分析,這種因果關係是否會受到組織文化層面的影響與干擾。本文側重於從家庭親善文化角度去分析,當員工對某一類元素比較關注的時候,會不會使得另一類元素與職業壓力、創新行為之間相互關係發生變化。研究選擇了社會企業被訪者的性別、年齡、婚姻、教育和年資等人口學變量作為控制變量,資料分析採用多元層級回歸方法,為了避免加入交互項後帶來的多重共線性問題,分別對引數與調節變量做了中心化處理,然後再計算其交互項並帶入回歸方程之中。統計回歸結果如表 5 和表 6 所示,調節圖如圖 2 所示。具體分析,透過表 5 可知職業壓力調節關係中,模型 5 納入了個人 - 工作適配和家庭親善文化交互項後的回歸係數為(β=0.08,P > 0.05),調節效應不顯著。這也不難理解,大部份被試員工已在自身專業領域探索浸淫多年,個人與工作內容高度契合,對於組織的文化與政策氛圍也了然於胸,不論是靜態的制度還是動態的執行皆不會顯著性影響其職業壓力感知。因此,研究假設之家庭親善文化調節了個人 - 工作適配與職業壓力的關係未獲得支援。值得一提的是,從表 6 的模型 5 顯示出家庭親善文化同職業壓力交互項方程中擬合度 R2 為0.19(P < 0.001),F 值為 20.72(P < 0.001),達到理想的判定標準,且 R2 值較之前模型具有明顯的提升。除此之外,我們還通過檢驗回歸係數可知,職業壓力同創新行為(β=0.22,P <0.001),家庭親善文化同創新行為(β=0.33,P< 0.001),均具有顯著性關係,納入交互項後,職業壓力與家庭親善文化之交互作用(β=0.13,
  • 103連智華,等  個人與工作適配對員工創新行為的影響: 家庭親善文化的干擾效果?P < 0.05)同創新行為間存在顯著性回歸效應,說明有正向的預測作用。因此,鑒於層級回歸的結果,家庭親善文化與職業壓力確實會交互干擾影響員工創新行為,故研究假設 4 得以支持,也可以說,調節模型假設成立。本研究進一步繪製了調節作用圖,檢視交互作用的形態。圖 2 顯示,在高家庭親善文化氛圍下的員工,其感知的職業壓力和創新行為的關係要高於在低家庭親善文化氛圍的工作的員工。顯示組織可在管理上施加適度的家庭親善氛圍,促使員工投入創造力生產工作的歷程當中。表5 調節效應之階層回歸分析1預測變量職業壓力模型 1 模型 2 模型 3 模型 4 模型 5性別 -0.07 -0.05 -0.08 -0.06 -0.05 年齡 -0.10 -0.12 -0.10 -0.14 -0.13 婚姻 -0.19 -0.18 -0.19 -0.19 -0.20 教育 -0.00 -0.01 -0.00 -0.02 -0.01 年資 -0.06 -0.06 -0.06 -0.07 -0.07 個人-工作適配 0.19** 0.23*** 0.23**家庭親善文化 -0.04 -0.12 -0.13 適配X家庭親善 0.08 R2 0.02 0.06*** 0.03 0.07** 0.08**AdjR2 0.01 0.04*** 0.00 0.05** 0.05**F 1.33 9.55*** 0.42 6.58** 4.91**注:N=302;*** p < 0.001;** p < 0.01表6 調節效應之階層回歸分析2預測變量創新行為模型 1 模型 2 模型 3 模型 4 模型 5性別 -0.02 0.01 0.03 0.06 0.08 年齡 0.07 0.07 0.11 0.11 0.10 婚姻 -0.03 0.02 0.01 0.07 0.08 教育 0.00 -0.02 0.00 -0.02 -0.02 年資 -0.02 -0.02 0.02 0.03 0.04 職業壓力 0.22*** 0.27*** 0.27***家庭親善文化 0.33*** 0.36*** 0.38***壓力X家庭親善 0.13*R2 0.01 0.05*** 0.11*** 0.18*** 0.19***AdjR2 -0.01 0.03*** 0.09*** 0.18*** 0.17***F 0.32 13.48*** 31.53*** 28.04*** 20.72***注:N=302;*** p < 0.001;** p < 0.01;* p < 0.05圖2 家庭親善文化調節效應4 結論與展望綜上所述,雖然家庭親善文化的前因與後果已被不少研究證實,但立足於社會企業員工的個人 - 工作適配、職業壓力與創新行為的視野來共同探索影響其行為的中介及調節模型研究還比較鮮見。早前,關於個人 - 工作適配和創新行為的研究主要是囿於組織行為學體系之個人行為層面;而本研究的價值之一就是考察了社會企業員工對個人 - 工作適配和家庭親善文化等心理交換評價後,所揭示出的創新行為內在聯繫;其次,突破了原有研究模型的局限,關注到在組織管理過程員工個人內在與組織支援文化的雙向交互影響,一方面社會企業員工在創新驅動情境下個人 - 工作適配感知究竟能否通過職業壓力這一中介來影響創新行為?而其又能否受到家庭親善文化的影響共同作用於職業壓力起到調節效應?另一方面員工職業壓力是否能接受家庭親善文化的調節間接影響任創新行為?結果部份證實了本文提出的部份假設。總體而言,本研究拓展了組織行為理論的實證研究,為管理者在社會企業員工的職業開發、組織公民行為的管理實踐提供了理論依據。首先,本研究發現,員工個人 - 工作適配對於創新行為具有直接效應,与此同時,個人 - 工作的契合能通過職業壓力對創新行為產生顯著的正向影響,即職業壓力對於個人 - 工作適配與創新行為
  • 104之間有中介效應。換言之,社會企業員工對於其個人與工作內容契合程度由於其職業壓力感受程度越高越能中介促使自身的創新工作績效表現優異。因此,組織行為管理中,員工的個人與工作匹配狀態和心理特質之整合研究對於積極的組織行為息息相關;人力資源管理實踐在未來應需要立足於戰略角度管理員工職業壓力和提供組織支援,與此同時,社會企業員工本身亦需加強對職業壓力的認識和關注,尤其是組織成長環境與角色內外行為也都會反應在其創新績效上。而相關部門應重視非營利性組織工作人員的職業壓力問題,並就此做出預防和應對措施 : 一是著重區別社會企業同其他營利性企業員工的職業壓力源,從個體、組織和社會等不同層面探討分析其前因與後果,以及他們之間的內在聯繫,著力形成制度並適時推出壓力干預,以更好地應對員工職業壓力及其影響。如:隨著創新或社會創投任務的逐年加大,以及社會效益與經濟效益考核力度的雙向兼顧,工作負荷性的壓力就有可能也逐年增加,如何變壓力為動力,促使社會企業員工個人與工作內容的高度契合,確保全面完成每年的任務,是領導及部門負責人應該考慮的問題。二是著力創造良好工作環境。通過配備工作設備、改善工作條件、改進工作氛圍等,創造良好工作環境,減輕工作壓力。其次,在調節效應方面,研究之實證分析發現,家庭親善文化對於職業壓力與創新行為之間產生調節效果;相應地,亦即職業壓力受到組織家庭親善文化影響共同作用於創新行為。關於上述調節作用,也就是說,一方面,社會企業員工的職業壓力感知程度會直接影響到其創新工作行為表現,並且會因為組織家庭親善文化而加劇這種影響,組織家庭親善文化氛圍越濃,員工職業壓力則越能正向影響創新行為;另一方面,家庭親善文化調節影響了職業壓力與創新行為之間的關係,員工對家庭親善文化感知程度越高,其心理特質就越加偏向積極挑戰一面,即越能正向影響創新行為。因此,在組織管理新形勢下,相關組織管理部門應夯實工作規範制度,理順上下溝通管道,形成具有自身特色之柔性組織文化,注意工作之外的家庭親善方式和手段,盡可能促使員工在責任及認同歸屬感知方面的共鳴,以期組織早日達成目標;另外,長期以來,中國情境下組織氛圍相對較為單一,部門與部門之間,領導與下屬之間溝通不夠,也形成一種壓力,因此要逐步改變,增進工作交流、溝通。在組織管理實踐中:一要適時關注組織氛圍。當前社會企業仍存在組織使命與目標界定不清晰問題,常常與營利性企業混同,而上下級之間、部門與部門之間溝通也較少,員工難以有效發揮積極行為,因此要建立溝通協調機制,不定期通過組織召開座談會、碰面會,加強溝通,降低職工工作任務的不確定感,同時也有利於及時掌握員工心理與工作動態,注意避免工作人員人際關係的利益化、表面化和複雜化;二是要培育組織家庭親善文化。通過培育組織文化、尤其家庭親善制度的建立,例如:建立彈性的工作制度、豐富家庭援助和福利措施以及提升主管支持家庭負擔的氛圍,做到以人為本。公共事業是服務廣大社會群眾的公益性行業,同樣可以通過文化培育,關心愛護員工,引導員工在工作過程中實現自身的價值。三是要適時組織群體活動。充分發揮工會組織、群團組織紐帶作用,在緊張工作之餘,不定期組織開展一些喜聞樂見的群體活動和體育競技運動等等,一方面有利增進員工之間的交流與溝通,另一方面能夠釋放壓力,切實提高組織凝聚力,做到張馳有度。此外,人力資源管理部門應跳出六大常規 HR 模組的拘束,重新整合佈局,注意員工關係培養與發展,對於挑戰性和阻斷性壓力應有統一規劃和辨別控制,適時將組織和主管支援融入到組織文化,使員工對於內外層面的愉悅和接受度進一步擴大,力促在組織氛圍帶動下,加劇員工對創新績效的回饋和貢獻,並且帶來正向的影響作用。基於上述探討,本文研究了職業壓力傳遞下社會企業員工個人 - 工作合適度感知對創新行為的
  • 105連智華,等  個人與工作適配對員工創新行為的影響: 家庭親善文化的干擾效果?影響,以及在特定背景的情況下,家庭親善文化的調節作用影響。然而,本研究還存在一定的局限性。未來研究可以考慮對以下問題進行深入探討 : 首先,本文調查的資料來源單一性,主要出自於沿海地區的社會企業,未能涵蓋中國西南、西北地方的非營利性組織員工的職業生態情況,而研究變量之任務性績效評價雖然由對應的主管評價,並且控制了共同方法偏差,但是難免有較大的樣本風險,因此未來研究應多元調查資料來源,包括要求同事評價等,以期獲得更為豐富的研究結果。其次,研究雖然是基於職業壓力的視野首次探討了個人 - 工作適配、家庭親善文化和創新行為的內在現象,但稍顯解釋力不足,後續研究需要尋求更多的因變量和調節變量來預測通過職業壓力的影響,例如社會企業員工的反績效行為、職場負向管理等變量之研究成果仍舊缺乏,也不失為今後在管理研究中一個有價值的課題。參 考 文 獻[1] Lauver K. J., Kristof-Brown A. Distinguishing between employees' perceptions of person-job and person-organization fit[J]. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 2001,59:454-470.[2] Burch G. S. J., Anderson N. Measuring person-team fit:Development and validation of the team selection inventory[J]. Journal of Managerial Psychology, 2004,19:406-426.[3] Epstein S. The stability of confusion: A reply to Mischel and Peake[J]. Psychological Review, 1983,90:179-184.[4] Kristof A. L. Person-organization fit:An intergrative review of its conceptualiztions,measurement,and implications[J]. Personnel Psychology, 1996,49:1-49.[5] Han T., Chiang H., McConville D. et al. A Longitudinal Investigation of Person-Organization Fit, Person-Job Fit, and Contextual Performance: The Mediating Role of Psychological Ownership[J]. Human Performance, 2015,28(5):425-439.[6] Chen T., Li F., Leung K. When Does Supervisor Support Encourage Innovative Behavior? Opposite Moderating Effects of General Self-efficacy and Internal Locus of Control[J]. Personnel Psychology, 2016,1(69):123-158.[7] Kirton M. J. Adaptors and Innovators: a Description and Measure[J]. Journal of Applied Psychology, 1976,61:622-629.[8] Borman W. C. Motowidlo S. J. Expanding the Criterion Domain to Include Elements of Contextual Performance: Personnel selection in organizations[Z]. Schmitt, Borman W. C. San Francisco: CA: Jossey-Bass, 199371-98.[9] Motowidlo, Van S. Evidence that Task Performance Should Be Distinguished from Contextual Performance[J]. Journal of Applied Psychology, 1994,79:475-480.[10] Porath C. L., Erez. Does rudeness really matter? The effects of rudeness on task performance and helpfulness[J]. Academy of Management Journal, 2007,50:1181-1197.[11] Frone A., Schat C. H. Exposure to psychological aggression at work and job performance: The mediating role of job attitudes and personal health[J]. Work & Stress, 2011, 25(1):23-40.[12] West M. A., Farr J. L. Innovation at Work: Psychological Perspectives[J]. Social Behavior, 1989,4:15-30.[13] Woodman R. W., Sawyer J. E., Griffin R. W. Toward a theory of organizational creativity[J]. Academy of Management Review, 1993,18:293-321.[14] 俞明傳, 顧琴軒, 朱愛武. 員工—組織關係與創新行為:一個被調節仲介模型的構建與檢驗——基於社會交換視角[J]. 2014,26(3):41-51.[15] 聶婷, 張伶, 連智華. 工作適配度與組織公民行為關係:工作預期對職業價值觀的仲介調節效應檢驗 [ J ] . 商業經濟與管理 , 2012(06):41-51.[16] Gladstein D. L. Groups in context: A model of task group effectiveness[J]. Administrative Science Quarterly, 1984,29:499-517.[17] 王雪麗, 馬琳, 張勉. 基於獨生子女的調節作用的個人-工作匹配、工作滿意度與員工離職傾向研究[J]. 管理學報, 2014(05):691-695.[18] Graen G. B., Uhl-Bien M. The transformation of professionals into self-managing and partially self-designing contributions:To-ward a theory of leader-making[J]. Journal of Management Sisters, 1991,3:33-48.[19] Kahn R. L., Wolfe D. M., Quinn R. P. et al. Organizational Stress:studies in role conflict and ambiguity.[M]. New York: John Wi-ley, 1964.[20] Beehr T. A., Newman J. D. Job Stress, employee health, and organi-zational effective: a facet analysis, model, and literature review[J]. Personal Psychology, 1978,31:665-699.[21] French J. R. P., Caplan R. D., Van Harrison R. The mechanisms of job stress and strain.[M]. New York: Wiley, 1982.[22] Quratulain S., Khan A. K. How Does Employees’ Public Service Motivation Get Affected? A Conditional Process Analysis of the Effects of Person-Job Fit and Work Pressure[J]. Public Personnel Mannagement, 2015,44(2):266-289.[23] Cropanzano R., Howes J. C., Grandey A. The Relationship of Organizational Politics and Support to Work Behavior, At t i tudes ,Stress[J] . Journal of Organizat ional Behavior, 1997,18(2):159-180.[24] 林彥梅, 劉洪, 王三銀. 工作邊界強度與工作壓力的關係——基於個人—環境匹配理論[J]. 中國工業經濟, 2015,324(3):122-134.[25] 黃品全, 韓明娟. 壓力源與積極顧客服務表現:角色寬度自我效能及社會交換知覺之調節式仲介模型[J]. 人力資源管理學報, 2014,14(1):1-22.[26] Huber G. P. Organizational learing:the contributing process and the literatures[J]. Organization Science, 1991,2(1):88-115.[27] 張伶, 聶婷, 黃華. 基於工作壓力和組織認同仲介調節效應檢驗的家庭親善政策與創新行為關係研究[J]. 管理學報, 2014(05):683-690.[28] Webster J. R., Beehr T. A., Christiansen N. D. Toward a better understanding of the effects of hindrance and challenge stressors on work behavior[J]. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 2010(76):68-77.[29] Wood S. J., Michaelides G. Challenge and hindrance stressors and wellbeing-based work–nonwork interference: A diary study of portfolio workers[J]. Human Relations, 2016,69(1):111-138.
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  • 107第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 管制與治理:面對共享經濟的挑戰 ——以Uber網路約車平臺為例蔣曉陽*,江 川(澳門科技大學商學院,澳門)摘要: Uber網路約車平臺進入中國,它不僅對傳統計程車行業造成了衝擊,也使得政府治理進退維谷。本文首先從市場失靈的角度,分析了網路約車平臺的監管需求;然後以中美兩國的相關法律作為比較,重點分析網路約車平臺所帶來的監管難題,並對管制更新提出探討。以網路約車平臺為特徵的共享經濟,對傳統的管制模式帶來了衝擊;要提高政府治理水準,必須改善落後的管制手段,充分發揮政府管制、自我監督與第三方監督的作用。關鍵詞: 共享經濟;管制;治理;自我監督;第三方監督Regulation and Governance: Facing the Challenges of the Sharing Economy: The UAer Car Booking Platform as an Example Xiaoyang JIANG*, Chuan JIANG( School of Business, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau,China )AAstract: With the advent of Uber, an Internet car booking platform, sharing economy enters into our life. However, the Internet car booking platform not only has caused enormous impact on traditional taxi industry, but also led the regulatory system in dilemma. Voices for and against deregulation and lowering the market entry criteria both have strong support in society. This paper focuses on the regulation issues and governance models relating to the Internet car booking platform and the emerging sharing economy. Using the concept of market deficiency, it first discusses the necessities of supervision on the newly developed industry. To explore possible regulation approaches, it makes comparisons between current regulatory laws in China and USA. To deal with conflicts and contradictions aroused by the booming sharing economy, the government should renew its regulatory methods. It is anticipated that self-supervision and third-part supervision will play more important role in the new governance model.eywords: Sharing economy; Regulation; Governance; Self-supervision; Third-part supervision.收稿日期:2016-05-10;修訂日期:2016-05-18。* 通訊作者:蔣曉陽,男,博士,澳門科技大學商學院助理教授,主要研究方向:政府管制,公共財政與社會福利,中國城市化。Email: xyjiang@must.edu.mo. Tel:00853-88972963,63722719.0 引言Uber 互聯網用車公司於 2009 創立於美國三藩市,其初期被定義為:僅為特定人提供汽車租賃服務,其主營範圍是高端汽車租賃業務。隨後,便推出了 UberX,即為市場提供價格更為低廉的汽車租賃服務。真正具有跨時代意義的,是其推出了一款名為“人民優步”的打車軟體技術平臺,該平臺是將私家車統一進行管理,提供最多 4 人的拼車服務,共享經濟這一旨在通過個體間資訊交流,充分利用彼此閒置資源進而提高資源利用率的資源配置模式也伴隨著這個軟體進入了人們
  • 108的視野。作為涉及先進科技應用的新興產業,Uber 的誕生給傳統的政府管制帶來新的挑戰。在新的市場主體出現的同時,政府如何予以規範成為焦點。本文的第一部分,對於管制與治理進行理論分析,探討了政府管制與自我監督及第三方監督的優缺點。第二部分,則針對網路約車存在的市場失靈問題,分析政府管制的必要性。第三部分,從比較法的角度看中美對於網路約車平臺的監管差異。第四部分,討論適應共享經濟的新的治理模式,其中政府管制需要創新,管制手段應當適應社會變化,同時強調自我監管與第三方監督的重要意義。文章的最後部分對全文作出總結。1 共享經濟、管制與治理:理論及文獻回顧1.1 關於Uber與共享經濟的研究Uber 誕生以來,已經引起學界的關注,一般將它作為共享經濟(sharing economy)這一新經濟形態的典型例子來討論。共享經濟可以定義為:通過一個由第三方創建的,以資訊技術為基礎的市場平臺,實現個體之間直接的商品與服務交換(Allen and Berg,2014)[1]。在該平臺上,商品資訊和買家情況可以被展現出來,配合相應的評價回饋系統,客戶可以對所要購買的商品和服務資訊有着更為全面的瞭解,增加了購買信心,減少了因為資訊相對缺乏導致的拒絕消費的情況。羅傑斯(Rogers,2015)[2] 對於人們最為關心的 Uber 的創業功能、社會安全、歧視問題、個人隱私、用工標準等問題做了理論性闡述,並對 Uber 公司在上述問題可能引起的社會質疑做出辯護。 科恩(Cohen,2015)[3] 等人則關注共享經濟學中的自我管制和創新,他們探討了商業利益對於自我管制的推動,以及自我管制可以解決的部分問題,認為這對於當前缺乏管制的新興市場是一種良好的手段補充。沃斯科(Wosskow,2014)[4] 在其向英國商業與能源部部長關於網路約車平臺的報告中,其內容涉及工資福利,租房、網絡約車等多個方面,其內容儘管簡略且缺乏理論闡述,但對於開拓共享經濟學在現實中的應用以及拓寬研究視角大有裨益。艾倫與博格(Allen and Berg,2014)[1] 則概括總結了諸多網絡平臺的共性,同時強調去管制和自我管制在社會實踐中的運用有助於企業發展。國內學者中,周麗霞(2014)[5] 對 Uber 在美國發展路徑及對於現有管制的挑戰做出總結,同時匯總了美國數州、市的法律規定,對全面透析美國法律實踐的現狀有啟發。顏婧宇(2015)[6] 則對於以 Uber 為代表的共享經濟的具體業務做了全面的闡述,並對未來的發展方向提出了諸多的見解。從整體上看,以往對於網路約車平臺的研究過多偏向於經濟學,分析市場運行中網路約車平臺可能帶來的經濟績效,對於國家在市場中扮演的角色,以及國家 • 社會 • 市場的關係分析較少。而真正涉及一國制度構建及其演進,管制手段發展以及去管制化對於新興行業帶來的衝擊則缺少系統地論述;而這將是本文的重點。1.2 治理、政府管制及其創新“國家 - 社會 - 市場”的三元劃分,意味著對社會公共事務單向度的管理,逐漸讓位於權力運行多向度的治理(黃健榮,2008)[7]。羅茨(Rhodes,1996)[8] 詳細列舉了六種關於治理(Governance)的不同定義,與本文思路最為吻合的是以下兩種定義:作為新公共管理的治理,它指的是將市場的激勵機制和私人部門的管理手段引入政府的公共服務;作為社會—控制體系的治理,它指的是政府與民間、公共部門與私人部門之間的合作與互動。 而管制(Regulation)是國家治理中的一個重要手段,是國家通過制定法律政策,對某些行為予以准許和禁止,進而調控人們經濟行為的方式(Rosenbloom,et al,2015)[9]。 而管制的目的則是通過上述方式對公民或消費者的權益進行保護。行政許可的概念則更為狹小,僅是在行政法律規範中規定的准予當事人從事某一特定活動的規範
  • 109蔣曉陽,等  管制與治理:面對共享經濟的挑戰 ——以Uber網路約車平臺為例總稱。僅是管制的一種法律手段。中國大陸地區的《行政許可法》採用的是狹義的概念,僅包括行政機關根據公民法人或其他組織等行政相對人的申請,經依法審查,准予其從事某種特定活動的行為(應松年,2010)[10]。 政府管制具有的優勢在於其可以憑藉其權威和強制力制定具有普遍約束力的行為規範,以及一整套配合該規範執行實施的機構。政府調配資源的能力也比其他主體具有更為明顯的優勢,對經濟制度的發展起到了巨大的作用,其中便包括市場准入設定、市場規則制定或承認、違規違法行為的糾正等諸方面。在制度發展中,政府一方面要在不同的利益集團之間分配產權以實現自身利益最大化,另一方面要降低費用使社會產出最大化(戴維斯與諾斯,1994)[11]。諾斯在經濟制度的分析中,將較為隱晦的公正中立的裁決者逐步轉向了政府,一方面現實生活中的確沒有比政府(廣義)更加具有合法強制力的組織對社會的整體制度進行安排,另一方面政府所產生的目的和其所屬的各部門對於社會治理的全域性把握依舊具有得天獨厚的條件(North,1993)[12]。無偏向的政府管制可以更加激勵競爭市場(McCraw,2009)[13]。 政府在調整市場失靈中的作用以及在應對經濟危機中的作用有目共睹,但是政府也不是萬能的,依舊存在政府失靈,其主要表現是政府政策與工作的低效、政府部門的自我擴張、公共產品供給低效率以及尋租和腐敗(Hughes,2012)[14]。就政府管制而言,最突出的問題決策常常與社會實踐脫軌,造成社會損失以及政策效用的減損、規則僵硬不適應社會實踐、政府管制初始性目的喪失等漏洞的出現。這些僵化和漏洞顯然不能適應社會的發展,也更加劇了政府監管的難度。在此背景下,公共部門改革的主要內容之一,便是對管制體系的革新(Hughes,2012)[14]。1.3 自我監督與第三方監督監督和管理主體的多樣性也有效彌補了政府治理困境。自我監管並不是陌生的概念,其是與商業信用和商業利益相掛鉤的產物,在公司誕生之初,單個公司的公司章程,行業協會的行業準則,都是自我監管存在的有力證明(Cohen and Sundararajan,2015)[3]。一方面企業的質檢標準往往高於國家檢驗標準,這也是企業在追逐商業利益、贏取商業信譽的有效途徑,就這方面而言其監管目標並不是外部強制給予的。法律規範和政策要求中,也經常提及自我監管的方式和其需完成的目標。另一方面,即使是行政處罰中也常伴隨著“責令限期整改”這樣的用語,雖然帶有外部強制性特徵,但也體現出政府對於企業自身糾錯能力一定程度的信任和肯定。很顯然,這種思路,符合當代政府管制創新中的“回應式管制”(responsive regulation)思想,即政府在對企業的監管中,不是強調對企業違規行為的懲罰,而是讓企業對政府的可能處罰(其力度是逐漸升高的,最極端是吊銷執照)作出回應,及時矯正自身的行為(Ayres and Braithwaite,1992[15];Braithwaite,2006[16])。同時,任何外部監管規則實際上最終將會轉化成為企業規則或行業準則落實在具體的生產實踐,是對於再生產活動直接調整的依據(Cohen and Sundararajan,2015)[3]。 任何關於社會治理與政府管制的討論,不能忽視市場本身的作用。管制作為強制型的政策工具,有可能扭曲自願和私人行為而導致經濟的低效率,它體現在幾個方面,比如影響價格機制;遏制創新和技術進步;缺乏靈活性等(霍利特與拉米什,2006)[17]。在這種情況下,發揮市場有效配置資源的作用是首選。與行業相關的消費者及其他的市場參與者以第三方監督形式在市場運行中發揮著越來越重要的作用。由於第三方是直接與該行業有商業往來的主體,直接與商業信用所帶來的利益相聯繫,進而使得企業自我管制必須考慮滿足第三方的要求,有效激勵自我管制的完善。在互聯網時代,第三方監督的作用或者所形成的力量較以往要強大得多,其原因在於:網路的聯通性已經使得分佈在社會各個角落的消費者
  • 110或其他經濟參與者形成了具有有機聯繫的整體。這種聯繫所具有的強制力是一種社會力量,其並非來源於單個消費者或第三方自身的力量,也非某一法律或國家部門授予,而是滲透在自我監管和行政管制之中,通過社會的普遍認同來體現其作用。第三方監督有利於政府管制及時瞭解社會需求,使政策有的放矢。2 網路約車平臺對於管制的需求Uber 業務已經擴展到歐美、日韓、港臺等地區。2013 年 8 月,Uber 正式進入上海,隨後的一年多時間內,經營業務也拓展至了深圳、廣州、天津、杭州以及北京等地。網路打車平臺在促進百姓出行便利的同時得到了充分的認可,出行中的使用量逐步攀升,然而 Uber 的發展並沒有想像中的順利,2015 年 4 月30 日,廣州市針對 Uber 廣州分公司進行了聯合執法檢查,對該公司所涉嫌的組織不具備運營資質的私人車輛從事非法營運活動進行了查處,其後,成都、北京、上海、南京、重慶等多地也認定 Uber 存在非法運營問題。一時間 Uber 全國各大城市的業務達到冰點。然而,通過各種努力,例如將私家車和司機分別掛靠在汽車租賃公司和人力資源雇傭公司,加強運營安全的監督、檢查、培訓、指導,其業務得以恢復。Uber 在其他國家和地區,發展的路徑大致與此相同,在美國本土Uber 邊改進邊發展;在韓國和丹麥,其業務被全面禁止[18]。對於網路約車平臺,爭論一直很激烈。支持者認為其在促進出行便利、閒置資源使用效率提高以及增加居民收入方面功不可沒,對於去管治或取消行業壟斷的呼聲愈加高漲。反對認為不存在運營資質的汽車無論從運行安全的保護或是事後責任追究角度,都存在巨大的隱患和難度。此外,網路約車平臺也必然對傳統的計程車市場帶來強烈的衝擊。從市場失靈及平衡各方利益的角度來看,政府的治理確實是有其必要性。2.1 資訊不對稱問題傳統商業模式中,資訊不對稱問題較為明顯,顧客更加瞭解自己的償付能力,而商家對於出售商品、服務的規格、品質把握更為透徹。顧客瞭解商品、服務的方式主要透過廣告或推銷,然而這種傳統商業的行銷模式似乎並不能滿足顧客對於商品服務的要求且虛假問題時有發生。然而,共享經濟卻在一定程度上克服了上述問題。網路打車平臺通過第三方技術平臺的商業信用和技術支援,將以往閒置或者使用率低的汽車與需要出行的客戶聯繫在一起,使顧客對於將要乘坐的汽車車況和司機有了更加清楚地認識,增加了顧客對於車輛運行安全的信心,促進了交易的完成。然而,儘管網路打車平臺中資訊不對稱問題得到了明顯的改善,但是不對稱問題依然存在。就現存的問題來看主要包含如下幾個方面:1. 司機背景審查的全面性和真實性;2. 運營中商業保險覆蓋情況;3. 運營車輛品質檢驗情況。這些資訊全部是關係顧客人身財產安全的重要資訊,然而由於統一的立法和部門監管尚未統一,各平臺操作和流程也各不相同,實踐中仍然不能統一標準,這是資訊不對稱問題依舊存在的主要原因。現實中也出現了駕駛不合格車輛、存在危險駕駛前科、逃避繳納運營保險等諸多問題。2.2 網路約車平臺的外部性以及道路作為公共物品提供問題迄今為止,大部分的學者都對網路約車平臺持樂觀態度,認為共享經濟學在租車市場的應用將促進經濟的發展,提高全民的福利。筆者同意此觀點,然而並不代表網路共享經濟不存在負外部性。網路約車平臺的發展所帶來的負外部性,體現在可能出現的交通擁堵和環境污染等問題上。在現有監管落後的前提下,放鬆市場准入,將導致資源的過度投入,一時間各種車輛進入市場運營,可能造成道路擁堵的問題。2.3 資源過度集中以及可能帶來的不充分競爭和壟斷問題網路約車平臺在國內的逐步興起以及大量資
  • 111蔣曉陽,等  管制與治理:面對共享經濟的挑戰 ——以Uber網路約車平臺為例本流入所導致的資源過度集中問題是當前社會應當重視的。各平臺紛紛給予司機和消費者補貼,一方面節省了消費者出行的費用,另一方面增加了司機的收入。但無論如何這只是短期行銷策略,其本質依舊是排擠其他競爭對手,妨礙潛在競爭對手進入,這一補貼策略發展到一定程度,會出現不正當競爭行為從而損害同行業其他經營者,甚至在排除競爭對手後形成壟斷。2.4 對於新興產業的鼓勵和對於傳統產業保護的取捨打車軟體平臺設計的初衷是充分利用擁有者可能使用較少或閒置的車輛進而提高資源配置效率。但由於打車軟體試行推廣時,給予大量補貼,造成一部分人認為有利可圖,進而轉變為全職服務者,這便擠壓了計程車的生存空間,造成彼此矛盾。在 Uber 打車進入中國市場以及與 2015 年 3月快的滴滴合併之後,計程車行業進入了冬季。在合併後的滴滴出行軟體中,計程車已經不是唯一的選項,還包括快車,專車等選項供顧客挑選,同時 Uber 打車軟體的服務也從較為豪華的租車業務擴展至順風車、拼車業務。在如此競爭的激烈程度下,計程車的業務拓展舉步維艱。在此時國內出現了兩種不同的聲音,一種聲音是支持行業競爭,著力破除壟斷,受益的必將是廣大用車群體。另一種聲音則是要求對於計程車行業的保護,不能因新興行業的出現就徹底摒棄傳統服務業。相比網路約車平臺,計程車收費居高不下,在競爭中日益處於不利的位置,其原因主要有較高的管理費用,即所謂“份子錢”;另外計程車有較高的折舊費用。當然網路約車平臺存在大量的補貼現象也是重要原因。如果完全不對過分補貼這一不正當競爭行為進行規管,將有可能形成壟斷,對包括傳統計程車行業的市場主體並不公平。2.5 Uber公司的性質界定問題一方面 Uber 公司的自身定位依舊是網路運營公司,但其“互聯網 +”的運營模式卻出現了沒有組織實體的組織。歐洲法院還受理了關於 Uber 技術使用平臺的司機關於自己是否屬於 Uber 雇員的訴訟案件。Uber 所提供的拼車服務旨在以節約和資源更為有效利用為目的,鼓勵人們節能減排,以更為綠色環保的方式出行,同時兼顧節省時間,省去尋找稀缺車位和每小時較高停車費的煩惱。在這種情況下,Uber 網路公司僅提供技術支援,運用GPS 和其已有的資料庫和結算系統輔助當事人雙方達成協議,在雙方成功達成協議後才收取費用。在此,其產生的作用僅是資訊的傳遞者,並不成為合同的主體,也不因合同未締結成功產生過失責任。但由於涉及到互聯網平臺,關於監管的深度和廣度都不是現有社會治理手段可以充分解決的。尤其是 Uber 的網路平臺,租車拼車可以共用,使用相同的計價系統和結算系統,甚至一個車主可以既出租又拼車以提高車輛的使用效率進而增加收入。出現責任後,Uber 網路平臺公司可以很容易地卸責,強調提供的僅是促進網路資訊交換的服務,不對運營中的車輛承擔雇主責任,使得監管部門取證難,監督到位更是不易。3 比較法視野下中美兩國關於Uber打車軟體的法律實踐法律制度廣義上說仍是制度安排的一種形式,是法治國家治理社會活動的根本,也是行政管制的主要依據,這種制度安排直接決定了經濟活動的效率,甚至影響到經濟活動的本身(津加萊斯,2015)[19]。 美國作為 Uber 的發源地,對於如何管制其發展和營造外部環境方面表現突出,多州、市積極立法或出臺相應政策,在鼓勵企業發展的同時不斷創新管制手段,使得 Uber 及其他類似網路約車平臺快速發展。當前,Uber 在美國的業務已經不再局限於網路約車,快遞、配送各種產品、直升飛機載客服務、派對承辦等業務也應運而生。這也為他國在鼓勵新興企業發展的規劃上起到一定的借鑒作用。鑒於法律制度安排如此重要,在比較法的視
  • 112角下對比中國 2015 年 10 月 10 日交通運輸部草擬的《網路預約計程車經營服務管理暫行辦法(徵求意見稿)》和美國部分州現行關於網路打車平臺相關法律,將促進中國相關領域法律制度的完善。3.1 關於治理打車網路平臺的總體思路徵求意見稿使用“網路預約計程車”一詞實在與當前治理的對象相去甚遠,汽車租賃業務採用的是 O2O(online and offline)形式,即線上交易線下體驗。其已經是傳統計程車租賃治理的範圍。實際上,從徵求意見稿的內容上看,其規定的範圍應當屬於本文所要重點討論的有償拼車業務,即所謂的 C2C(customer to customer),即客戶對客戶。相比之下,美國通過允許設立 TNC(Transportation Network Companies)經營拼車業務,力求解決客戶之間使用互聯網平臺提供的有償服務。以北卡羅來納州的立法為例,其開篇定義部分即對 TNC 公司的服務範圍(包括空運)、使用平臺付費原則、承運安全責任期等進行了明確的規定和細化。從整體思路上看,允許個人通過網路平臺的使用從事交通運輸業務(GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA,2015)[20]。並且要求明確付費金額及其所包含的內容、非現金交易原則以及非歧視原則等,給予顧客更多的選擇權和知情權,將爭議控制在最低範圍之內。但就“網路預約計程車”這個名詞,很有可能在文義上將家用汽車排除在外,給下級部門的執行帶來難度,造成理解偏差從而導致權力濫用,進而打壓網路新興行業,壓制創新,形成個別群體的利益保護,不利於經濟的發展。因此,明確治理的總體思路和治理對象,進一步使法規精確化是當前治理的首要任務。3.2 經營許可資質取得問題徵求意見稿第二章第五條中要求服務地和註冊地不一致的,需要登記辦理許可同時要求必須在本地存在營業場所。網路經濟中,跨區域提供服務屢見不鮮,例如淘寶京東等網路服務商並未在各大城市均註冊同時設立營業場所,但商品服務卻提供給全國各地,因此該條款設立有些強人所難。並且,強迫網路約車平臺在各地方都要註冊且有營業場所對於其發展產生極大束縛,資金要求無形提高會使其對某些城市望而卻步,資源更容易集中在一些重要地區城市,反而不利於全民享受新興行業的服務。與此形成鮮明對比的是美國各州對於網路約車服務平臺的設立持相對較為寬松的態度,亞利桑那州僅要求每年繳納 5000美元且一年一審查(GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA,2015)[20],而加州則要求交納總收入的 300 分之一(周麗霞,2015)[5]。美國各州法律對於營運車輛的數量上幾乎沒有限制,2015 年 7 月前,紐約表示正式規範出臺前暫時限制數量,但後來取消(GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA,2015)[20]。從整體來看,美國各州目前對於網路約車持開放態度,對於公司的成立以及所擁有的營運車輛沒有過於嚴格的限制。僅要求營運車輛予以登記備案。3.3 保險責任問題立法者在立法之初並沒有考慮到社會的現實狀況。現在接受網路約車服務的汽車保險僅以交強險為主,賠償能力低,這也是一直反對網路約車服務的人認為其不應存在的主要原因之一。與此形成鮮明對比的是,美國各州在立法中明確要求汽車在承運之前所應具備的保險類型和承運期間補充保險類型,將客戶和第三人的損失降到最低。北卡羅來納州法律在經濟責任一章中明確規定承運前的汽車保險賠償數額根據不同情況應達到最低 5 萬元以上,承運期間 TNC 公司的保險賠償數額應達到最低 150 萬元以上,且用途明確;賠償包括人身財產損害、醫學檢查、醫藥費等方面。同時對於 TNC 公司承擔的因承運前司機未完全投保的連帶責任做出具體要求,並對於各方當事人交換證據、協同配合的內容和期限做出明確的規定。載客汽車的商業保險是保護司機、乘客、第三人人身財產安全的重要環節,徵求意見稿中並
  • 113蔣曉陽,等  管制與治理:面對共享經濟的挑戰 ——以Uber網路約車平臺為例未強調網路約車平臺和司機的保險責任,而是通篇充斥著罰款事項,依舊是“以罰代管”的傳統治理理念作祟。罰款僅能夠作為一種強制威懾力,起到事前預防和事後懲戒的功能,是行政管理的一種手段。然而,網路約車平臺的司機一旦造成顧客或其他第三人的人身或財產損害,處罰是對於違法者的懲戒,並不能給約車顧客或第三人任何救濟。雖然行政處罰後允許當事人就損害提起民事訴訟,同時刑事附帶民事訴訟法律也有彌補被害人財產損失的立法初衷,然而個人的賠償能力和範圍是很有限的。3.4 背景審查的相關規定徵求意見稿中對於從業人員的背景審查採用了特殊行業標準,即規定從事網路預約計程車服務的駕駛員,應當符合以下條件:取得相應准駕車型機動車駕駛證並具有 3 年以上駕駛經歷,最近 3 個記分週期內沒有被記滿分記錄,無致人死亡的交通事故責任記錄,無醉酒後駕駛機動車、追逐競駛等違法犯罪記錄;取得公安部門出具的無危險駕駛違法犯罪記錄的證明。這幾乎與美國其他地區無異。北卡羅來納州的法律規定是要求從業人員遞交地址、年齡、駕駛證、汽車登記和責任保險等資訊,同時要求不存在刑事犯罪或性侵犯等記錄(GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA,2015)[20]。但值得注意的是,徵求意見稿中第十八條要求網路約車平臺在資格審查認為合格後,應當與接入的駕駛員簽訂勞動合同。此舉雖然可以使當下網路約車平臺的營運車輛納入監管之內,實質上要求平臺對於運營中出現的任何狀況負責,這一要求過於苛刻,也不符合當前的現實。究竟互聯網約車平臺司機與平臺的關係如何?以及如何界定該關係?是當前亟待解決的新問題。而且,其更為重要的意義在於,明晰了平臺與司機的關係,自然就明確了司機與用車客戶之間的關係。明確了各自的權力義務,就能為可能產生的糾紛中,提供責任認定的切實依據,保障法律的公平性與確定性。美國在這方面的立法提及甚少,僅明確網路約車平臺與司機雇傭關係是可以推翻的——並不強制司機和車輛掛靠在某一計程車公司,這樣做的依據主要是因為美國是判例法國家,法官具有較大的自由裁量空間。而中國作為大陸法系國家,立法是司法實踐的重要依據,如果立法中規定較為僵硬,司法實踐將會產生巨大難題。3.5 關於汽車巡遊載客的規定除上述 4 個問題較為突出以外,徵求意見稿中仍有不盡如人意之處,第十九條中規定網路預約計程車經營者應當提供 24 小時不間斷運營服務,然而在第二十三條第一款中卻規定網路預約計程車不得巡遊攬客。第二款中規定網路預約計程車在許可的經營區域內從事經營活動。這是立法中自相矛盾的地方,網路約車平臺本是為利用社會閒置資源,提高其使用效率進而獲得收益,從業者也是因為其工作時間較為靈活,存在自由選擇的空間而選擇加入。正是由於汽車作為一種資源在高速流動中,才使得其配置更加容易,這也是傳統出租行業跑街拉活的根本原因。與此相對應,美國儘管有部分地區規定了區域限制,例如芝加哥市規定交通網絡公司的車輛不能夠在 O’Hare國際機場和 Midway 國際機場以及 McCormick Place 會議中心接送客人(周麗霞,2015)[5]。但顯而易見,在對於網路預約車輛的限制程度明顯不同。3.6 小結誠然外國的先進立法經驗給予中國很多的參考和借鑒,但立足於中國國情吸收和採納這些經驗才是解決自己問題的根本之道。中國是單一制國家遵從中央領導且充分發揮地方治理的主動性和積極性,而美國是聯邦制國家——以自治為主要特徵且具有獨立的立法權。這種國體的區別要求我們不能一味的依靠地方政府的地方政策單獨治理本地方問題,否則會出現各地方出於不同目的區別對待,無法可依甚至各執行部門濫權、越權現象的發生。美國在地方自治的基礎上並未排斥其他州註冊的 TNC 公司進入本地方進行業務。
  • 114我們可以在中央統一立法(包括對於平臺性質、註冊成立條件等)和統一監管平臺打造的基礎上,設立統一的市場准入資格。同時,賦予地方政府和各部門更多的自主權利,例如調整“份子錢”,給予一定的優惠和補貼,扶持一些本地方網路平臺率先發展。但根本原則不能動搖,即不得設立前置性許可或者阻礙行業准入排斥競爭。國家許可的標準不但要統一而且不宜設定過高,網路使地域界限變得模糊。在資訊服務業如此發達的今天,仍舊保持“劃江而治”的傳統思維不合時宜。如果過分強調地域,很可能不利於商業發展。網路打車平臺的打造本是出於便民利民的考量,但很有可能因為僵硬的管理模式帶來無效率。現代化法治國家在許可方面已經呈現備案審查制,放棄了批准設立這一帶有特權授予色彩的制度。打造全國一體的網路監管平臺,跨區域聯合治理才是真正解決的策略,不能因為管理技術無法在第一時間形成就壓制民間新興行業的發展。從公平的原則出發,一般不應對於網路約車作出限制。在特定區域作出規定以改良市容市貌的做法是可以考慮的。特殊地點(如外交領事駐地、國家機關所在地等)有時會考量諸方面原因,例如車輛過多導致交通擁堵等,但應當以清單方式明示,做出反向排除,而不應當籠統規定,用詞模糊。這樣僅會增加執法中的不確定性和濫權的發生,不利於保障公民權利。4 建立適應共享經濟的新型治理模式在新的經濟模式確立的過程中,法律政策的確立與完善往往落後於社會現實,治理手段匱乏,管理過於僵硬或者存在漏洞。國家應當為市場逐步建立提供有效政策支持和監督管理,順應市場發展規律,為自發出現的新行業新領域保駕護航。4.1 政府管制的創新共享經濟適應了社會需求,但也對政府管制造成了極大的衝擊與挑戰。正如前文所述,對於網路約車平臺的監管而言,最突出的問題是平臺的性質以及從業人員與平臺的關係問題;它實際上在挑戰傳統的以單位作為人的集合的法人制度。明確的企業單位,確定的勞資關係,是傳統市場經濟運行的前提,但它們已經不適應互聯網時代共享經濟的運行邏輯。由於涉及人數眾多、地域廣泛,要真正明晰法律責任,維護社會安全和法治權威,必須摒棄傳統治理中以單位為治理基礎的治理模式。反之,倘若將所有司機全部要求簽訂勞動合同,建立一整套員工福利保障制度,不僅網路約車平臺力有不逮,對於事後監管更加不利。政府管制的創新應從如下幾個方面努力:1. 建立從業人員註冊登記平臺——旨在對從業者及其車輛進行登記備案,是實質審查完畢後公示平臺(區別於網路平臺形式審查公示平臺)是從業人員具有承運資格的實質證據。2. 該平臺應供交通執法部門登陸,與交通執法部門聯網,以便對違規違法監督。3. 網路打車平臺的事前說明義務——要求平臺應對其與司機是否具有合同關係以及後果承擔做出明確的說明,盡到明示義務。同時允許更換服務種類,給予出行者知情權和選擇權。4. 賦予法官一定的自由裁量空間,不對簽署勞動合同做出統一規定,實行個案審查。5. 資格審查的經常化和透明化,經常化是指對於已經從事該職業的人員的複審,在出現故意或重大過失的情況下剝奪其從業資格,但不應以此為由設立各種許可或收費考試、培訓;透明化旨在一體化的網路監管成立後,不符合資格的緣由隨時供網路平臺或監管單位上傳,即時更新。在明晰了各方當事人權力義務關係的前提下,對於網路約車平臺的性質界定也明朗了許多。正如前文所說,在 O2O 模式下,與網路約車平臺簽訂勞動合同的司機是該汽車租賃公司中的員工,由公司承擔第一位的賠償責任。在 C2C 模式下,司機作為單獨從事該行業的人員承擔賠償責任,網路約車平臺存在過失的也承擔相應責任。問題的關鍵在於加快建立健全監管平臺,明確商業保險種類範圍,營造良性競爭環境,加快車輛使用
  • 115蔣曉陽,等  管制與治理:面對共享經濟的挑戰 ——以Uber網路約車平臺為例變更登記制度、稅收管理制度等一系列配套制度,使網路約車平臺性質明確,充分發揮其在資源高效配置中的作用。4.2 自我監管在世界各國的實踐經驗和去管制的探討中,政府僅是社會治理中的一個主體,並不排斥其他治理主體的存在。在社會治理較為成熟的國家之中,其他主體與政府的有機互動或作為政府在個別領域的監管替代者都取得了明顯的成果。不能忽視網路打車平臺的自我管理能力和社會監督的約束能力。網路打車平臺在設立之初便有所謂的信用機制,即客戶可以通過軟體給本次服務提供者打分,分數匯總並呈現在該平臺供消費者參考,不滿意可以更換。同時暢通的交流管道和廣泛的資料收集可以支援 Uber 對員工工作態度和品行的監督,有利於及時糾正員工不當行為(Rogers,2015)[2]。網路約車平臺的自我監管或自我治理在該新興行業建立初期幫助巨大,運用廣泛的資源和合理的行銷為自身建立良好的商業信用,進而帶來商業利益。其對自身的約束主要表現在適度的司機背景審查;吸納更為符合本平臺企業精神的員工;符合一定標準的車輛檢驗;以其資金能力投保滿足一定條件的商業保險,保證載客期間消費者人身財產權益。企業以商業利益為驅動的自我監管為政府掌握時代發展和預測經濟運行之方向提供借鑒,有益於各方主體確立監管目標。然而,需要明確的是,這種與商業利益或者商業信譽為激勵的自我監管能力的激發,需要一個良好的外部環境,包括完全競爭的市場、社會對於商業道德的重視程度以及有力的強制退出市場機制。如果具備這樣的條件,具有激勵性的自我監管是企業更具有執行力、競爭力的直接動力。4.3 第三方監管傳統的第三方監管中,消費者權益保護協會扮演很重要的角色,然而這種監管有其局限性。彙集案件的方式依舊是個案受理或實地調查,主要矛盾在於個案受理並匯總需要很長的時間,無法第一時間給予救濟。個案逐一受理解決與集中問題後解決兩種方式中後者更加節省成本,更具有針對性,更能使監管者觀察到案件的本質。後一種方式,在現實中往往以媒體針對社會經濟中的某些問題予以重點關注與集中披露來實現。然而媒體的限制較為明顯,當其集中關注某一類型問題時也容易忽略掉其他問題。以 Uber 為代表的共享經濟中,消費者或其他經濟主體為主導的評價或回饋系統構成了第三方監督的主要力量。其優勢在於,不同消費者所關注的問題不同卻可以集中體現在該系統之上,其他消費者第一時間的評論或者轉發不僅第一時間匯總了資訊,讓大家識別該案件的共性,而且不同類型案件均可以體現在該系統之上,不會被忽略。這種方式可以克服傳統第三方監管的缺陷,同時也改變了消費者的弱勢地位。在過去,企業可能認為總有消費者吹毛求疵因而可以忽略掉這些個別的聲音,卻對行政監管畢恭畢敬。企業對消協、媒體敬而遠之的原因在於後者對於其商業信用影響較大,直接影響商業利益。消費者或其他經濟主體所構成的評價或者回饋系統如今也具有此種功能。不同消費者短期即可以彙聚、交換意見,集中反映問題,這種意見建議也影響其他潛在用戶的行為,迫使該企業重視他們的意見,積極糾正不當的行為。這乃是借助商業信用和商業利益的驅動,激勵企業加強自身監管。當前 Uber 網路約車平臺的評價系統已經全面鋪開,其他網路約車平臺正在逐步向該方面發展,如果運用得當,將會使得第三方監督提升到一個新的水準。這涉及到網路約車平臺對於自身約束的能力和信心,同時也涉及到行政監管的行為依據或界限。但第三方監管也存在自身缺陷,任何權利不是單向的,有權利必有義務,在給予第三方監督或管理權利的同時,應當謹防網路暴力、道德綁架和其他人員利用社會力量達到非法目的、破壞他人商業信譽的行為。在營運車輛的安全問題上,政府的車輛檢驗
  • 116部門目前是監督的主體,但因並未涉及自身利益不會有高效率或主動性的激勵。商業保險恰好可以彌補該方面的缺失,同時其更重要的價值在於為市場准入設立一個第三方監督制度。一方面保險機構本身是市場中的主體,有從事經濟活動經驗;另一方面承保本身涉及自身經濟利益的考量,對日後承保的收益有較為明確的認識,有更多的主動性和積極性進行調查,對報廢或拼裝車輛拒絕承保,有效率的跟進案件,進而保障各方當事人利益。在當前網路約車正在蓬勃崛起時,有不少創業人員或原本從事該行業人員同時參與到兩家或多家網路約車平臺,使得明晰司機是否在承運期間、為哪家平臺提供承運服務、由誰承擔最終的法律賠償責任顯得尤為重要。這些都是既有監管單位不能及時有效調查、判斷或者說是傳統社會治理的缺失。所以,如果法律有明確的投保要求,不僅可以對市場准入有所幫助,排除不符合要求的汽車從事商業服務,將人為危害降到最低;同時在事後彌補受損的法律關係時也會明確賠償主體。保險公司防控風險機制不僅包括事前信用消費記錄的審核、基本身份的認證,也包括對事中服務全過程的監控和事後對違約行為以及交易雙方賠付的細則(顏婧宇,2015)[6]。 5 總結中國近三十年的改革卓有成效,初期人口紅利基本釋放完畢,目前已進入全面深化改革的階段,國家急需新的動力提升經濟發展。對於新興產業大力鼓勵、支持、引導,為新興產業發展創造良好環境、為傳統產業升級提供支援已經成為國策。互聯網作為一種促進資訊交流、打破傳統地域限制並可與其他產業聯合發展之手段,正以前所未有之態勢改變整體經濟形態。在西方工業4.0 和物聯網不斷發展的時候,中國亟需充分利用其發展已經是不爭的事實。Uber 網路約車平臺基於自身共享平臺的經驗和能力,業務正在不斷發展中,如今其所包含的服務在不斷擴展中。而且對於共享平臺的開發利用已經不再局限於網路約車領域,家政服務、住宅住宿、醫療、教育培訓等行業已逐步借鑒其發展模式,這極大地豐富了共享經濟之內容,也改善了資源配置方式、提高資源的利用效率,增加了社會福利。在面對人民物質文化需求不斷增加的現實,政府迫切建立、完善一套符合當前資訊化,共享化的社會治理制度。網路約車平臺恰好提供了一塊試驗田,為治理手段的發展提供了切實的經驗積累和參照標準。傳統的管制手段與新興產業的脫離出現諸多現實矛盾,落後的管制已經不能調整新興產業在市場中的行為,無法調和新出現的社會矛盾。但隨著國家所做的積極嘗試、部分城市的積極調整以及大量外國成功的社會實踐逐步進入我們的視野,社會治理範式的改變之條件已經成熟。國家設定許可是對於經濟管制的初始環節,也是最為關鍵的環節,決定著市場主體的多樣性和活躍性。具體來說許可制度仍是各參與者准入的標準和經濟發展的決定因素,同時配合其他配套制度,例如環保法、智慧財產權法、財產法、反壟斷法以及稅法等一系列的制度,政府建立、健全商業運營環境,打造交易和博弈的平臺從而影響利益的分配。摒棄傳統的以單位作為主要治理目標的做法,是新經濟形態對於管制創新的基本要求。在共享經濟中,企業只有加強自身監督才能獲得良好的商業信譽,只有真正服務於廣大客戶,才能在優勝略汰的市場競爭中存活,這種機制往往是傳統行政管制亦即單獨嚴格准入制度所不能解決也解決不好的。政府如果可以促進行業自我監管的建立和完善,及時糾正自我監管的漏洞,將會節省大量成本,同時減少自身管制事務的龐雜,在降低行業准入的同時不影響商品與服務品質。第三方管制優於行政管制之處在於其可以在經濟運行中隨時回饋應當監管的問題,使糾正企業違規違法問題更具有針對性。它克服了傳統管制僅僅不斷提高准入標準,在企業進入市場後卻
  • 117蔣曉陽,等  管制與治理:面對共享經濟的挑戰 ——以Uber網路約車平臺為例缺乏有效監管的問題。行政管制可以借助於第三方的監督來決定是否介入以及介入的時間和程度,運用國家強制力解決問題。當前的社會治理方式必然尋求新的突破,然而新的治理方式不會憑空產生。制度的變遷絕不是一個平靜的邁向高效率交易的過程(坎貝爾等,2009)[21]。在考慮到制度變遷所帶來的低效率或無效率的情況下,最好的檢驗方法就是其在運行過程中是否得到廣泛的社會認可。一種無效率的安排自然社會認可程度低,它很容易造成法律、政策本身無法推行或出現規避政策亦或運用潛規則的現象蔓延。它不僅使法律、政策束之高閣形成紙面上的法律(死法),不會產生政府所希望出現的治理效果,更容易使監管部門陷入於法無據的境地,進而出現頻繁的越權、濫權、行政怠惰等現象,這些都是政策制定者應該儘量避免的的情形。參 考 文 獻[1] Allen, D and Berg, C. The Sharing Economy: How Over Regulation could Destroy An Economic Revolution. Melbourne: Institute of Public Affairs, 2014. [2] Rogers, B. The Social Costs of Uber. University of Chicago Law Review, Forthcoming. 2015:95-97[3] Cohen, M. and Sundararajan, A. Self-Regulation and Innovation in the Peer-to-Peer Sharing Economy. The University of Chicago Law Review Dialogue, 2015, 82:116.[4] Wosskow, D. Unlocking the Sharing Economy,An Independent Review. Report to the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills. 2014,BIS/14/1227.[5] 周麗霞.規範國內打車軟件市場的思考--基於美國對Uber商業模式監管實踐經驗借鑒.價格理論與實踐.2015, 7(373):21-24.[6] 顏婧宇.Uber啟蒙和引領全球共享經濟發展的思考.商業現代化,2015,15:5.[7] 黃健榮.公共管理學.北京:社會科學文獻出版社,2008.[8] Rhodes, R.A.W. The New Governance: Governing without Government. Political Studies, 1996, 44:652-67.[9] Rosenbloom,D.H, Kravchuk,R.S and Clerkin,R.M. Public Adminis t ra t ion (8th edi t ion) .New York: McGRAW-HILL Company,Inc.,2015:404-408.[10] 應松年.行政法.北京:高等教育出版社.2010:119-120.[11] 戴維斯.L.E,諾斯.D.C.制度變遷的理論: 概念與原因//科斯等,財產權利與制度變遷.上海:上海三聯書店,上海人民出版社,1994.[12] North, D. C. Institutional Change: A Framework of Analysis. Institutional Change: Theory and Empirical Findings, 1993:35-46.[13] McCraw, T. K. Prophets of Regulation. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009.[14] Hughes, O.E., Public Management & Administration: An Introduction (4th edition,).New York: Palgrave Macmillan,2012.[15] Ayres, Ian and Braithwaite, John. Responsive Regulation: Transcending the Deregulation Debate. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.[16] Braithwaite, John. Responsive Regulation and World Economies, World Development, 2006, 34(5):884-98.[17] 霍利特.M與M.拉米什.公共政策研究:政策迴圈和政策子系統.龐詩等譯.北京:生活.讀書.新知三聯書店,2006:141-174.[18] 以上案例內容來自相關新聞匯總。[19] 路易吉•津加萊斯.繁榮的真諦.余江譯.北京:中信出版社,2015:10-15.[20] General Assembly of North Carolina Session, Session Law 2015-237, Senate Bill 541.[21] 坎貝爾.J.L,霍林斯沃斯.L.J, 林德伯格.L.N .美國經濟治理.董運生、王岩譯.上海:上海人民出版社,2009.服務澳門資訊科技學院與神顯科技(深圳)有限公司簽订戰略合作協議澳門科技大學資訊科技學院與神顯科技(深圳)有限公司於2016年2月23日簽定了戰略合作協議。雙方同意就裸眼3D系列化顯示技術研究、人才培養、新應用產品的研發、產業化、市場服務等方面展開全面合作,包括設立獎學金、投資共建研究室(研究院)、孵化基地、產業基地、深圳新校區等。神顯科技(深圳)有限公司為深圳市高新科技企業,致力於以圖像裸眼3D立體顯示技術的系列產品研發、推廣以及產業化。澳門科技大學資訊科技學院在計算機圖形圖像處理、機器學習、大數據分析以及互聯網及應用等學術領域具有較強優勢。雙方合作將發揮校企雙方的優勢,共同走向更大、更高的發展。
  • 118第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 Received 6 Nov. 2015; Revised 26 Feb. 2016*Corresponding Author: XiaoPing LU, PhD, Assistant Professor. Research Area: Shape determination for asteroidsE-mail: xplu@must.edu.mo, Tel: 00853-88972837Research on Rotational Period of NEA:2011UW158Xiangjie HUANG1, Xin JIN2, Sinhang LAO2, Manhei NG2, Xiaoping LU1*(1. Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China; 2.Pooito Middle School,Macau,China)AAstract: The research on the rotational period of asteroids, especially the NEA(Near Earth Asteroids)plays very important role in the evolution of the solar system. In this article, we present a method of applying Fourier series to derive the rotational period of the asteroid 2011UW158 based on the light curves observed during three continuous nights at Purple Mountain Observatory in Nanjing. Furthermore, the rotational period is also derived by the Cellinoid shape model, which is consistent with the result by Fourier series method.eywords: Rotational Period; 2011UW158; Asteroid; Light curves; Fourier series近地小行星(2011UW158)的自轉週期研究黃相傑1,金 鑫2,劉善恆2,吳文希2,盧曉平1*(1. 澳門科技大學,澳門;2.澳門培道中學,澳門)摘要: 小行星旋轉週期的研究,特別是近地小行星旋轉週期的研究對太陽系的演化起著非常重要的作用。在這篇文章中,我們用在南京紫金山天文台連續三個晚上觀測得到的光變曲線數據,提出了運用傅立葉級數推導出小行星2011UW158旋轉週期的方法。此外,運用Cellinoid 形狀模型推導出的該旋轉週期與傅立葉級數模型結果一致。關鍵詞: 自轉週期;2011UW158;小行星;光變曲線;傅立葉級數0 Introduction2011UW158 Asteroid is a near-Earth asteroid (NEA) and it was discovered in 25 October 2011 from the Pan-STARRS (Panoramic Survey Telescope and Rapid Response System) Observatory at Haleakala, Hawaii, U.S.A. It is a very special asteroid, because it has very fast rotational period, and it’s very different from many other asteroids.The study about the asteroid, including asteroid’s rotational period, plays more and more important role in the research of solar system. There are more than 600,000 asteroids have been found. But for few of them, the physical parameters, such as rotational periods, are known. Nevertheless, the main research data about asteroids are the light curves, collected by the ground-based observatories until now. There have been many research focusing on deriving the physical parameters of asteroids from light curves since 1906, when Russell firstly attempted to derive the albedo map from the light curves observed on the opposition.[1]
  • 119Xiangjie HUANG, et al Research on Rotational Period of NEA:2011UW158Because the observed brightness of asteroids from the ground-based telescopes is often influenced by the atmosphere and accuracy of telescopes, it is very hard to collect enough light curves for so many asteroids. Cellino et al. applied an ellipsoid shape to derive the physical parameters of several asteroids by genetic algorithm.[2] Lu et al. illustrated a fast ellipsoid method to search the physical parameters of asteroids.[3] Cellino et al. presented a special shape model, consisting of eight octants from eight ellipsoids with its adjacent octants having the same semi-axes in common.[4] This shape model can be applied to simulate the asymmetric shape of real asteroids only with 3 more parameters than ellipsoid shape. Lu et al. analyzed its physical characteristics and called it ‘Cellinoid’ for the first time.[5] In this paper, we attempt to apply Fourier series method to fit our 2011UW158 Asteroid’s light curves which is taken on August 2-4 of 2015 by the Purple Mountain Observatory and get its rotational period.The paper will be arranged as follows. First of all, in Section 1 the Fourier series method will be concisely presented with its mathematical characteristics and curve fitting process is illustrated in detail. The cellinoid shape model is introduced in Section 2. Following the theoretical description, the numerical experiments will be shown to examine the performance of Fourier series method and curve fitting in Section 3.At the end of this paper, we sum up the primary work of this paper in Section 4.1 Fourier series method and Curve fitting1.1 Fourier seriesIn mathematics, a Fourier series is a way to represent a function as the sum of simple sine waves, obviously. More formally, it decomposes any periodic function or periodic signal into the sum of a set of simple oscillating functions, namely sines and cosines. If is a periodic function with period P. Then, we can write the function in this forms: ( 1 )And we can also write the function in its complex forms: ( 2 )Where: ( 3 ) ( 4 ) ( 5 )As the value of N increases, the function is represented more accurately. However, we can’t get value of N to infinity. So in this article, we set the maximum value of N is 20, which is the appropriate balance between the efficiency and accuracy.1.2 Curve fittingCurve fitting[6~7] is the process of constructing a curve, or mathematical function, that has the best fit to a series of data points,[8] possibly subject to constraints.[9~10]Curve fitting problems fall into two categories: linear curve fitting and non-linear curve fitting, depending on whether or not the residuals are linear in all unknowns. In this paper, we used the linear curve fitting to fit the light curves.1.2.1 Least squaresThe method of least squares is a standard approach in regression analysis to the approximate solution of overdetermined systems. Least squares means that the overall solution minimizes the sum of the squares of the errors in the results of every single equation. The most important application is in data fitting. The best fit in the least squares sense minimizes the sum of squared residuals, a residual being the difference between an observed value and the fitted value provided by a model.The objective consists of adjusting the parameters of a model function to best fit a data set. A simple data set consists of n points , i =1,…, m , where xi is an independent variable and yi is a dependent variable whose value is found by observation. The model function has the form , where m adjustable parameters are held in the vector .The goal is to find the parameter values for the model which “best’’ fits
  • 120the data.The least squares method finds its optimum when the sum, , of squared residuals ( 6 )is a minimum. A residual is defined as the difference between the actual value of the dependent variable and the value predicted by the model. ( 7 )So we must find the vector to make the value of a minimum.1.2.2 linear curve fittingIf ( 8 )Where the function is a function of x.Then ( 9 )And we set (10)Then the normal equations will be ( 11 )Where and And then we can get the vector to fit the light curves.2 Cellinoid shape modelThe ce l l ino id shape model i s shown in Fig.1,which consists of eight octants from eight ellipsoids. The cellinoid shape is totally controlled by six parameters, a1, a2, b1, b2, c1, and c2.In addition, its total volume V will be ( 12 )and its centre of mass has the following form: ( 13 )Cellinoid shape model could be adopted in simulating the irregular shapes of asteroids. Then,Cellinoid shape model could also derive the rotational period of asteroids from observed light curves.[11]Fig.1 Cellinoid shape model3 Numerical experimentsFollowing the previous theoretical introduction about the curves fitting with the Fourier series method for light curves, the numerical experiments will show that the curves fitting with the Fourier series method is efficient and performs well in simulating the real light curves. In this study, the value of Fourier series N is 12, 15 and 20 in Eq.(1), respectively. Here the three light curves of 2011UW158 asteroid taken on August 2-4 of 2015 by the Purple Mountain Observatory are used show how to fit the light curves by the Fourier series method.3.1 Curve fitting by the August 2 of 2015 light curves.The August 2 of 2015 light curves are shown in Fig.2. which is marked by ‘*’.The best fitting curves, when N=12 are shown in Fig.2.(a) which is marked by ‘—’. The best fitting curves, when N=15 are shown in Fig.2.(b) which is marked by ‘—’. And the best fitting curves, when N=20 are shown in Fig.2.(c) which is marked by ‘—’. Furthermore, all the fitted parameters are shown in Table 1. Additionally, as shown in Fig.2. the fitted three light curves by the Fourier series method are almost identical to the observed light curves.3.2 Curve fitting by the August 3 of 2015 light curves.The August 3 of 2015 light curves are shown in
  • 121Xiangjie HUANG, et al Research on Rotational Period of NEA:2011UW158( a )( A )( c )Fig.2. For August 2 of 2015 light curves, when N=12, search best-fitting curves(a), when N=15, search best-fitting curves (b) and when N=20,search best-fitting curves (c). ‘*’ for the light curves and ‘-’ for the fitted light curves.
  • 122( a )( A )( c )Fig.3 For August 3 of 2015 light curves, when N=12, search best-fitting curves(a), when N=15, search best-fitting curves (b) and when N=20,search best-fitting curves (c). ‘*’ for the light curves and ‘-’ for the fitted light curves.
  • 123Xiangjie HUANG, et al Research on Rotational Period of NEA:2011UW158( a )( A )( c )Fig.4 For August 4 of 2015 light curves, when N=12, search best-fitting curves(a), when N=15, search best-fitting curves (b) and when N=20,search best-fitting curves (c). ‘*’ for the light curves and ‘-’ for the fitted light curves.
  • 124Fig.3. which is marked by ‘*’.The best fitting curves, when N=12 are shown in Fig.3.(a) which is marked by ‘—’. The best fitting curves, when N=15 are shown in Fig.3.(b) which is marked by ‘—’. And the best fitting curves, when N=20 are shown in Fig.3.(c) which is marked by ‘—’. Additionally, as shown in Fig.3. the fitted three light curves by the Fourier series method are also almost identical to the observed light curves.3.3 Curve fitting by the August 4 of 2015 light curvesThe August 4 of 2015 light curves are shown in Fig.4. which is marked by ‘*’.The best fitting curves, when N=12 are shown in Fig.4.(a) which is marked by ‘—’. The best fitting curves, when N=15 are shown in Fig.4.(b) which is marked by ‘—’. And the best fitting curves, when N=20 are shown in Fig.4.(c) which is marked by ‘—’. Additionally, as shown in Fig.4. the fitted three light curves by the Fourier series method are also almost identical to the observed light curves.3.4 The fitting period based on Cellinoid shape model The best-fitting period for 2011UW158 asteroid based on Cellinoid shape model is shown in Fig.5. which is marked by ‘O’. The best-fitting period is 0.61076808 hour or 36.6460848 minutes, when is minimum.The best-fitting period based on Fourier series method, 36.6153(min) shown in Table 1,is very close to the period which is based on Cellinoid shape model.Table 1 The fitted parameters for N =12 ,15,20, respectively.N a0 a1 b1 a2 b2 a3 b3 a4 b4 a512 0.6272 -0.0058 0.0044 0.2600 -0.0674 0.0013 0.0047 0.4133 -0.1171 -0.008315 0.6271 -0.0058 0.0046 0.2599 -0.0674 0.0012 0.0046 0.4130 -0.1169 -0.008420 0.6270 -0.0060 0.0045 0.2598 -0.0674 0.0012 0.0045 0.4128 -0.1168 -0.0083TaAle 1-ContinuedN b5 a6 b6 a7 b7 a8 b8 a9 b9 a1012 -0.0012 0.1712 -0.0592 0.0070 -0.0062 0.0523 -0.0795 -0.0024 0.0090 0.001015 -0.0012 0.1712 -0.0593 0.0065 -0.0059 0.0522 -0.0798 -0.0025 0.0096 0.000920 -0.0013 0.1710 -0.0593 0.0065 -0.0056 0.0521 -0.0799 -0.0027 0.0099 0.0006TaAle 1-ContinuedN b10 a11 b11 a12 b12 a13 b13 a14 b1412 -0.0215 -0.0003 -0.0032 -0.0114 -0.0019 \ \ \ \15 -0.0217 -0.0004 -0.0031 -0.0120 -0.0010 0.0020 0.0003 0.0088 0.0092 20 -0.0218 -0.0008 -0.0027 -0.0119 -0.0009 0.0013 0.0001 0.0086 0.0097TaAle 1-ContinuedN a15 b15 a16 b16 a17 b17 a18 b18 a19 b1912 \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \15 -0.0006 -0.0018 \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \20 -0.0009 -0.0009 0.0065 0.0060 0.0048 -0.0017 -0.0013 -0.0007 0.0032 0TaAle 1-ContinuedN a20 b20 P(min) χ212 \ \ 36.6153 0.3583115 \ \ 36.6153 0.3376120 -0.0015 0.0048 36.6153 0.32072
  • 125Xiangjie HUANG, et al Research on Rotational Period of NEA:2011UW1584 ConclusionsBased on the Fourier series method, the whole curve fitting process is introduced in this paper to show how to derive the rotational period from the observed light curves. As the value of N increases, the time of program running also increases. When N=12,15,20 the time of program running is 6 minutes, 13 minutes, 31 minutes, respectively. However, we derived the same rotational period, which is shown in Table 1. So, from an efficiency point of view, the best choice for N is 12. But from an accuracy point of view, the best choice for N is 20. It was proved that the Fourier series method is an effective and efficient method to fit light curves and derive the rotational period.AcknowledgementsThis work is funded under the Grant no. 095/2013/A3 from the Science and Technology Development Fund, MSAR.References [1] Russell,H.,1906.Onthelight-variationsofasteroidsandsatellites.Astron.J.24(5),1–18.[2] Cellino,A.,Hestroffer,D.,Tanga,P.,Mottola,S,Dell’Oro,A.,2009.Genetic inversion of sparse disk-integrated photometric data of asteroids: application to Hippar- cos data. Astron. Astrophys. 506(2),935–954.[3] Lu,X.,Zhao,H.,You,Z.,2013.A faste llipsoid model for asteroids inverted from light curves. Res.Astron.Astrophys.13(4),465–472.[4] Cellino,A.,Zappalà,V.,Farinella,P.,1989. Asteroid shapes and light curve morphology. Icarus78(2),298–310.[5] Lu ,X . ,Zhao ,H . ,You ,Z . , 2014 .Ce l l i no id shape mode l fo r asteroids,Earth,Moon Planets 112(1–4), 73–87.[6] Sandra Lach Arlinghaus, PHB Practical Handbook of Curve Fitting. CRC Press, 1994.[7] William M. Kolb. Curve Fitting for Programmable Calculators. Syntec, Incorporated, 1984.[8] S.S. Halli, K.V. Rao. 1992. Advanced Techniques of Population Analysis. ISBN 0306439972 Page 165 (cf. ... functions are fulfilled if we have a good to moderate fit for the observed data.)[9] The Signal and the Noise: Why So Many Predictions Fail-but Some Don’t. By Nate Silver[10] Data Preparation for Data Mining: Text. By Dorian Pyle.[11] Xiao-Ping Lu , Wing-Huen Ip,2015, Cellinoid shape model for multiple light curves, Planetary and Space Science 108(2015) 31-40.[12] Surdej,A.,Surdej,J.,1978.Asteroid lightcurves simulated by the rotation of a three axes ellipsoid model. Astron. Astrophys. 66, 31–36.Fig.5 Search the best-fitting period for 2011UW158 asteroid based on Cellinoid shape model. The best-fitting period is 0.61076808 hour which is marked by ‘O’.
  • 126[13] Kaasalainen,M.,Lamberg,L.,1992a.Interpretation of light curves of atmosphere less bodies. I—General theory and new inversion schemes. Astron.Astrophys.259, 318–332.[14] Kaasalainen,M.,Lamberg,L.,1992b.Interpretation of light curves of atmosphere less bodies. II—Practical aspects of inversion. Astron.Astrophys.259,333–340.[15] Kaasalainen, M., and Torppa, J. 2001, Optimization Methods for Asteroid Light curve Inversion. I. Shape Determination, Icarus, 153, 24-36[16] Kaasalainen,M.,Torppa,J.,Muinonen,K.,2001.Optimization methods for asteroid light curve inversion II. The complete inverse problem. Icarus153(1),37–51.[17] Kaasalainen, M., Lu, X., Vänttinen, A., 2012. Optimal computation of brightness integrals parametrized on the unit sphere. Astron. Astrophys. 539 (A96).[18] Karttunen,H.,1989.Modelling asteroid brightness variations.I—Numerical methods. Astron.Astrophys.208,314–319.[19] Karttunen,H.,Bowell,E.,1989.Modelling asteroid brightness variations.II—The interpretability of light curves and phase curves.Astron.Astrophys.208,320–326.[20] Surdej,A.,Surdej,J.,1978.Asteroid light curves simulated by the rotation of a three- axes ellipsoid model. Astron. Astrophys. 66, 31–36.學生活動澳門科技大學商學院學生奪第二十一屆“21世紀-可口可樂杯” 全國英語演講比賽二等獎澳門科技大學商學院二年級學生路藝函榮獲三月份於北京舉辦的第二十一屆“21世紀-可口可樂杯”全國英語演講比賽總決賽二等獎。“21世紀杯”全國英語演講比賽由中國日報社於1996年創辦,已歷經二十年的發展,被公認為內地級別最高的英語學習競賽,被譽為中國英語教學界一年一度的盛宴。此全國大賽由每年5月至次年3月舉辦,經過互聯網選拔賽、校園選拔賽、電話口試、地區決賽等階段,從全國大陸及港澳台地區近一千所高等院校的數十萬名參賽的大學生中,選拔出66名優秀選手在總決賽同台比賽。著名國際英語教學組織、新聞界、外國駐華使領館、外交部、國內外著名高校的一流專家應邀參與總決賽的評判工作。參與大賽及觀摩的人數逾百萬。本次比賽,進入總決賽的66名選手分別來自中國大陸各個省份和港澳台地區高等院校分賽區的前三名,以及韓國、泰國等海外地區。經過已備演講,即席演講和現場問答三個環節的緊張角逐之後,澳科大商學院二年級的路藝函同學代表澳門賽區以流利的英語,純正的發音,優雅的台風,敏捷的思維和組織能力,成功脫穎而出,奪得總決賽二等獎。作為非英語專業的學生,用英語來表達自己的思想和見解,充分展示出學生的語言綜合能力、文化溝通能力和思考能力。展示了澳門科技大學通識教育的成果。其導師李啟昌也在本次比賽中榮獲指導教師二等獎的殊榮。澳門科技大學獲全澳大專院校歌唱大賽2016校園班霸大獎由澳門無疆界青年協會主辦,“全澳大專院校歌唱大賽”總決賽5月22日晚假澳門城巿大學文化中心舉行,場面十分熱鬧。本屆參與之大專院校代表來自澳門城巿大學、澳門大學、澳門科技大學、聖若瑟大學、澳門理工學院、澳門旅遊學院、澳門鏡湖護理學院、澳門管理學院八間大專院校,合共24組代表參與活動,突破了過往大專院校之參賽數目,比賽效果理想及普及率高。各院校代表均為校內優勝選手,歌唱水準卓越,現場競爭相當激烈,到場觀眾更是座無虛席。特殊奧運會學員與八間校園代表共同演唱,為活動打開序幕。大會邀請了香港歌手JW王灝兒擔任表演嘉賓,將場面氣氛推致最高峰。澳門科技大學此次派出三位同學參賽,包括張可恩與藝術團歌手隊韓雪璠、郝婧文。三人共同演繹的《All About The Bass & Bang Bang》發揮出色,獲得當晚班霸大獎稱號!金獎由澳門科技大學張可恩獲得。
  • 127第 10 卷 第 1 期 澳 門 科 技 大 學 學 報 Vol.10 No.12016 年 6 月 30 日 Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology June 30, 2016 澳門中醫藥發展的歷史特質及現狀分析 程春松1,2,陳偉謙1,梁 傑1,2,王燦堅1,2 張志鋒1,2,劉 良1,2,周 華1,2*(1. 澳門科技大學中醫藥學院,澳門) (2. 中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室(澳門科技大學),澳門)摘要: 本文從澳門歷史出發,綜述了中醫藥在澳門的發展歷程。歷史紀錄顯示澳門是西醫在中國早期傳播的重要渠道,西醫隨後取代了澳門傳統的中醫進入了主流醫療體系,而中醫則處於民間發展的境況,近年來則出現西醫和中醫相互促進、共同繁榮的可喜局面,民間華人力量是澳門中醫藥得以傳承發展的重要基石。本文也從目前澳門中醫醫療服務、產業規模、教育科研、社團發展、政策法規等方面,總結分析了澳門中醫藥的現狀,認為隨著澳門經濟適度多元化發展戰略的實施,橫琴中醫藥產業園的建設與發展,世界衛生組織傳統醫藥合作中心等中醫藥國際交流平臺的運行,澳門中醫藥未來發展積蓄了強勁的動力;立足現有的區域優勢,澳門中醫藥對於完善未來澳門經濟結構、推動中醫藥產業化與國際化將發揮著重要作用。關鍵詞: 澳門;中醫藥;歷史;現狀History Characteristics and Current Situation of Traditional Chinese Medicine in Macau Chunsong CHENG1,2, Weiqian CHEN1,2, Jie LIANG1,2, Canjian WANG1,2, Zhifeng ZHANG1,2, Liang LIU1,2, Hua ZHOU1,2*( 1. Faculty of Chinese Medicine, Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau, China )( 2 State Key Laboratory of Quality Research in Chinese Medicine (Macau University of Science and Technology), Macau, China )AAstract: In this paper, the development of traditional Chinese medicine in Macau was reviewed in a historical view of Macau. The historical records show that Macau held a very important position in the early stage of spreading of the Western medicine in China. The Western medicine by then replaced the position of traditional Chinese medicine in public medical system as conventional method for illness treatment, the traditional Chinese medicine however turned to a complementary method for treatment in private sector. In recent years, a situation of mutual promotion and common prosperity in traditional Chinese medicine and Western medicine has been gradually formed. Chinese society and individuals is a cornerstone in the inheritance and development of traditional Chinese medicine in Macau. The current situations of Chinese medicine in Macau, such as medical service, industry scale, education and research, society development, and policies and regulations, were also summarized. Replying on the implementation of Diversified Development at an Appropriate Level of Macau Economy, the establishment and development of Hengqin Traditional Chinese Medicine Science and Technology Industrial Park, the running of traditional Chinese medicine international exchange platform such as the Collaborating Center for Traditional Medicine of the World Health Organization, there is a powerful strength for the development of traditional Chinese medicine in Macau in future. With its current regional 收稿日期:2015-12-11;修訂日期:2016-02-01。*通訊作者:周華,男,中醫藥學院副教授,主要研究方向:中藥質量研究。E-mail:hzhou@must.edu.mo Tel:00853-88972458
  • 1281 澳門歷史概述澳門,古稱濠鏡澳,有著背靠珠江三角洲,隔珠江口與香港相望的地理格局。澳門自秦統一中國始就正式劃入中國版圖,屬南海郡番禺縣。因為其獨特的地理位置,是我國南方對海外聯絡的重要門戶之一。明 ‧ 嘉靖十四年(1535)市舶提舉司(相當於現在的海關)遷至澳門徵稅,標誌著澳門成為廣東對外貿易的重要港口。1571 年,第一張標明有澳門(Macao)的《寰宇圖志—東亞地圖》表明該時期西方文化開始影響澳門(圖1A),1607 年《東西印度紀行文集》中的澳門城圖中出現了大量的西洋建築(圖 1B),顯示澳門已經成為西方文化向中國傳播的據點,成為東西方文明溝通和西方與華人交流的窗戶。A:1571年寰宇圖志之東亞地圖B:1607年《東西印度紀行文集》之澳門城圖圖1 明朝時期的澳門地圖葡萄牙人在澳門的出現,有文字記載的始於明 ‧ 正德九年(1514),葡萄牙人以進貢為名來到廣東沿海(屯門)經商,由於無文書證明被勒令回國。但他們久留東南沿海不去,並於明 ‧嘉靖三十二年(1553 年)開始,藉口船上貨物濕水,需要“借地晾曬”,逐步上岸在澳門居住、修築城牆炮臺、私設官吏,實現對澳門的逐步佔領,澳門也成為西方在中國的第一個據點,亦是歐洲、中國、日本之間的重要貿易中轉站,為澳門帶來了繁榮。儘管如此,至鴉片戰爭以前,雖允許葡萄牙人自治,澳門仍屬於清政府管轄。鴉片戰爭以後,香港被英國佔領,澳門在國際貿易中的地位也開始被香港取代。1849 年葡萄牙人佔領澳門本島,1851 年佔領氹仔島,1856 年攻佔路環島,1887 年,清政府與葡萄牙王國在北京簽署了《中葡和好通商條約》,官方認可了葡萄牙永久佔領澳門的主權。自此,葡萄牙人實質上統治澳門地區直到 1999 年澳門回歸,共 150 年。1937年,抗日戰爭爆發,由於葡萄牙和日本的特殊關係和協議,澳門成為第二次世界大戰時華南唯一的中立港口和日本保護地,這導致大量人口由內地和香港遷入,使人口由 15 萬人急增至約 50 萬人,出現了饑荒,後得中醫慈善機構鏡湖醫院和同善堂賑濟,饑荒才有緩和,這也為隨後澳門中醫藥發展創造了機會,也為經濟發展奠定了人口基礎[1~3]。可見,澳門地理和歷史具有一定的特殊性和不可取代性,這也決定了澳門中醫藥學的發展具有一定的歷史特質,目前澳門經濟尋求正在經濟多元化,歷史的特質和現實的需求之間的撞擊將使得中醫藥在澳門未來的發展升級具備重要的作用。2 澳門中醫藥發展的歷史特質澳門長達 150 年的殖民歷史決定了澳門醫藥advantages, the traditional Chinese medicine will play a very important role in improving the economic structure of Macau and promoting the industrialization and internalization of Chinese medicine in future.eywords: Macau; Traditional Chinese Medicine; History; Current Situation
  • 129程春松,等  澳門中醫藥發展的歷史特質及現狀分析 發展有其特有的歷史特質,特別是這 150 年的歷史恰恰記錄了西醫向中國傳播、西醫取代中醫、西醫和中醫相互促進並共同繁榮的發展歷程。回顧分析這段歷史,總結其歷史特質,將有助於更加科學地認識、評價中、西醫在澳門地位,有助於客觀總結中醫藥存亡和發展的關鍵要素,豐富、完善中醫藥歷史觀,有助於分析、總結澳門在中醫藥發展乃至中國醫學發展中的作用,也有助於推動中醫藥走向世界。2.1 澳門成就了西醫在中國早期傳播澳門半島始有大量華人定居,一般認為是在南宋末年(1277 ~ 1279 年)皇朝傾覆之際 [4],該觀點也與嶺南中醫藥著作《嶺南衛生方》的成書年代一致[5 ~ 6]。明 ‧ 隆慶二年(1568 年),外國人在中國創辦的第一所西醫教會醫院聖拉菲爾醫院和麻瘋病院在澳門設立。從此,澳門一直有西醫醫療服務。清 ‧ 嘉慶二十五年(1820年),澳門始有西醫診所記載,英國傳教士馬禮遜(R. Marrison)和東印度公司船醫李文斯敦(T. Livingstone)在澳門開設了診所。隨後 1827年,英國東印度公司傳教醫生郭雷樞(Thomas R. Colledge)在澳門開設的診所次年擴大為醫院。自此,私立西醫醫院在澳門廣泛成立,包括 1839 年來我國的英國醫學碩士、皇家外科學會會員合信(Benjamin Hobson)在澳門開設私立醫院 [7]。2.2 民間力量推動中醫事業發展嶺南地區的中醫藥事業發展鮮有專業文獻記載,從有限的醫藥文獻中能夠窺探的是該地區最為常見的疾病當屬“瘴”,南宋末年的《嶺南衛生方》則較為系統地整理了嶺南人民同“瘴”做鬥爭的醫藥經驗[8];清代《本草綱目拾遺》則詳細記載了抗瘧效藥金雞納宗人自澳番歸,購得此物。無論是《嶺南衛生方》中的治瘴方技,還是《本草綱目拾遺》中的外來藥物記載,都離不開廣大人民和地方醫者的口口相傳,效藥良方的傳播和記載靠民間力量。清 ‧ 同治十年(1871)澳門華人主辦的非牟利性慈善性質的醫院——鏡湖醫院(圖 2,現位於澳門本島連勝街)成立,提供中醫醫療服務。清‧光緒十八年(1892)孫中山(圖 2)到鏡湖醫院執業,並開設中西藥局“揀選地道良藥……膏丹丸散色色俱備……參芪桂術不惜重資購儲極品”(圖3)。自此,鏡湖醫院遂開始西醫醫療,中西醫並舉。同時,由港澳紳商發起籌辦的同善堂(圖 4)成立,開始只是派米施粥救濟貧苦,1897 年開始贈醫施藥,研製中藥製劑。目前已經發展的免費醫療機構包括同善堂第一、第二診所,同善堂藥局,同善堂中醫分診所(現位於澳門本島庇山耶街)。除了開辦中醫醫療機構,個體涼茶、參茸藥行的出現也推動繁榮了澳門中醫藥事業。中醫藥在澳門這樣一個以西醫診所和西醫醫院的醫療體系為主的地區能夠發展繁榮,幾乎完全依賴民間華人力量和進步人士的推動。同樣,在世界上其他中華文化地區的傳統中醫藥發展,也可以看到華人的力量。圖2 孫中山青年銅像及鏡湖醫院舊貌(攝於鏡湖醫院)圖3 孫中山向鏡湖醫院借款開設中西藥局及藥局廣告 (攝於鏡湖歷史紀念館)
  • 130圖4 澳門同善堂藥局及同善堂第二診所3 澳門中醫藥發展現狀隨著澳門回歸,祖國醫藥產業、教育、醫療服務更加快速地融入這片土地,原本已有民間基礎和社會積累的澳門中醫藥如逢春雨,進入了發展的快車道。2000 年,隨著澳門科技大學中醫藥學院的建立,澳門出現規範的中醫藥高等教育體系,教育先行的理念也為澳門隨後的中醫藥發展奠定了扎實的人才基礎。2008 年,兩岸四地中醫藥科技合作中心成立,推動了中醫藥民間學術團體的發展和與周邊地區的交流。2011 年,國家批准在澳門科技大學和澳門大學成立中藥品質研究國家重點實驗室,澳門的中醫藥研究進入國家隊,走向國際水準。同年,粵澳合作中醫藥科技產業園項目正式啟動,為澳門中醫藥產業發展建立了國際平臺。2011 年,國家“十二五”計劃首次納入澳門,提出澳門經濟適度多元化,推動包括中醫藥產業在內的四個產業的發展,這給了中醫藥事業在澳門快速發展的歷史機遇。2015 年,世界衛生組織傳統醫學合作中心落戶澳門,澳門歷史上做為國際貿易樞紐的地位將有可能在中醫藥文化和技術的國際交流方面重現。3.1 澳門中醫醫療服務澳門的中醫藥醫療服務體系由衛生局領導的公立醫療衛生機構和私立衛生機構組成,主要包括提供免費醫療服務的政府公立中醫門診部和同善堂,以及提供收費中醫醫療服務的鏡湖醫院和科大醫院。政府公立醫療衛生機構提供有限的基本中醫醫療服務,民營中醫機構則有效彌補政府在高端中醫藥醫療需求方面的空白。政府提供的免費醫療和民營醫院的特色醫療服務相輔相成,共同參與了澳門中醫藥醫療體系的構建,為澳門本地居民提供了較為完善的中醫醫療服務。據 2014 年澳門官方醫療統計,澳門現有註冊中醫生及中醫師 607 人,中醫診所 194 間(西醫診所 162 間)。中醫年求診人數 1166641 人次,比全科求診人數高出 5.64%;其中中醫診所年求診人次 61.91 萬,高出西醫診所年求診人次 13.37%。澳門特區中成藥及傳統藥物名錄 2014 收載了本地市場及已經獲取進口銷售權的中成藥及傳統藥物5556 種。從資料看,澳門中醫藥醫療需求較高,且無論是診所數量還是中醫求診人次均超過西醫醫療服務。通過分析近 10 年的澳門醫療統計資料發現澳門中醫藥發展呈現積極、穩定增長的態勢(圖 5),其從業人數(包括中醫生、中醫師、中醫按摩師、針灸師),在 2007 年有一個較大的增長,且以後呈穩步增長態勢(圖 5A);澳門中醫藥服務年人次也呈增長態勢,且於 2010 年以後超過 100 萬人次,上升了一個新的臺階,隨後處於一個穩定狀態(圖 5B);提供中醫服務的場所以每年增長 10 個的速度穩步增長(圖 5C);但中藥調劑人員增長緩慢(圖 5D)。3.2 澳門中藥產業規模澳門中藥產業是澳門經濟適度多元化戰略中的重要發展領域,目前規模仍然較小,傳統的澳門中藥產業主要包括中藥廠、藥行和藥房的中藥及傳統藥物銷售,未來將通過粵澳合作中醫藥科技產業園引入高新技術和高經濟效益的現代中藥企業,提升產業層次和規模,同時帶動傳統中藥產業的轉型升級。澳門中藥廠和中西藥廠規模均較小,主要生產一些傳統劑型(如油劑),發展前景有限,近10 年來中藥廠和中西藥廠數目從原來的 17 個逐漸減少到現在的 11 個。雖然如此,澳門的藥行和藥房主要從事的傳統中藥零售服務規模卻較大,近年來受惠於內地自由行旅客,規模遠超中藥廠。澳門特別行政區統計調查局資料顯示,澳門
  • 131程春松,等  澳門中醫藥發展的歷史特質及現狀分析 2014 年的入境遊客約 3152 萬人次,而遊客重要的購物場所是藥房,其主要購買目標為奶粉、中成藥、保健品以及其他食品藥品。近 10 年的資料(來源於澳門衛生局藥物事務廳)也顯示,澳門中成藥及傳統藥物的使用品種(圖 6)從 2005 年至 2009 年期間快速增加,2010 年以後逐漸穩定在 6000 種左右。資料也顯示,近年來藥房零售業年盈利 1.5 ~ 2 億澳門元,占總行業盈利份額的1.2%。隨著遊客的不斷增多,和本地居民需求量的不斷增加,中成藥和傳統藥物市場的需求仍然會逐年增長。值得注意的是,自遊行旅客傳統上習慣在香港購買中成藥和傳統藥物,但近年來香港的零售市場不斷出現的假貨事件以及個別人士惡意刁難甚至驅趕內地遊客的事件對香港的購物環境造成了嚴重的負面影響,使得這些遊客逐漸把目光轉移到澳門,這是澳門中藥零售行業的幸事,但也是澳門同業需要引以為戒之處,切實提高商品的品質和經營的信譽度。圖6 近10年來澳門中成藥及傳統藥物數量發展情況粵澳合作中醫藥科技產業園項目位於橫琴新區的高新技術片區,面積約 50 萬平方米。2011 年4 月 19 日,粵澳合作中醫藥科技產業園項目正式啟動,並於同年底,註冊成立粵澳中醫藥科技產業園開發有限公司。2014 年底,新區已落地和在談專案包括世界 500 強 52 家,中國 500 強 76 家,港股 100 強 25 家。2015 年 7 月,30 家企業進駐 A:中醫從業人數 B:中醫服務人次 C:中醫服務場所數 D:中藥調劑人員數量圖5 近10年來澳門中醫藥業發展態勢
  • 132橫琴。產業園的總部大樓以及研發檢測、GMP 中試生產功能的公共服務平臺,將在 2017 年上半年投入使用,總部大樓約可容納 2400 人辦公。未來橫琴中醫藥產業園將集成高新技術和高經濟效益中醫藥產品研發、生產、文化宣傳、商業會展項目等,成為中醫藥產業面向世界的一個現代化中藥中心,也會成為澳門中藥產業的一個新增長點。3.3 澳門的中醫藥教育和科研澳門的中醫藥教育和科研可以追溯到明 ‧ 嘉靖四十四年(1565),文獻表明 [9] 耶穌會在澳門建立了醫學教育性質的澳門聖保祿學院(圖 7),並於 1594 年院升格為大學規格,為中西文化交流奠下重要的基石。該學院是澳門最早對中醫藥產生濃厚的興趣的機構,提供了早期的中藥製藥和醫療服務。鏡湖醫院建立後的逾半個世紀,由於西醫逐漸開始普及,對護理人員產生了需要,故於 1923 年成立了鏡湖護理學院,其早期的校址和教具(圖 8)已經具備了基本的現代醫學教育規模。學院按同年成立的中華護士學會規定,設置各項課程,分科教授,由此依託鏡湖醫院的近代護理教育體系開始在澳門形成。中醫藥現代教育主要開始於新中國成立後的 50 年代末,各省中醫學院的興辦,但由於當時的政治、文化等因素,澳門未能在建國初期新辦中醫藥教育學府,但以廣州中醫學院教學團隊為師資設立的中醫培訓班對澳門提供了中醫教育,由此獲得的文憑也得到澳門政府的認可[10]。圖7 澳門大三巴牌坊與聖保祿學院澳門回歸後,澳門科技大學於 2000 年成立了中醫藥學院,同年開辦了澳門首個五年制中醫學學士學位課程,開啟了澳門中醫藥本科教育先河。目前已經建立了本科、碩士、博士三個層次,涵蓋中醫、中藥、生物醫學、中西醫結合等專業範疇的完善中醫藥教育體系,至今已培養各類型的畢業生 439 人,其中 189 人在澳門取得中醫生資格,占目前 449 個註冊中醫生的 42%,已經成為了澳門本地中醫生的重要組成部分,為澳門中醫藥事業的發展已經做出了的貢獻。目前,學院已成為我國中醫藥高等教育的重要組成部分,也是中國內地和澳門特區中醫藥教研合作的重要基地。2011 年,中藥品質研究國家重點實驗室(澳門科技大學)的建立,更為澳門科技大學中醫院學院教學科研提供了優良的師資隊伍以及先進的教研平臺。依託於重點實驗室的中藥學專業本科教育理念是“注重基礎和專業,強化科學研究”,課堂學習、社會實踐與實驗室科學研究共同構建了學生的學習計劃,可為澳門培養基礎扎實,專業精通,科研熟練的新型中藥專業人才,確保澳門中醫藥產業發展對高素質專業人才的需求。另外,於 2002 成立的澳門大學中華醫藥研究院,以開展中醫藥創新研究和生物醫藥類博、碩士教育為主要任務,在中醫藥的教育、科研等方面也為澳門及周邊地區培養了許多優秀的人才。澳門的中醫藥科學研究主要在澳門大學和澳門科技大學進行,兩校 2010 年在原有的中華醫藥研究院和澳門藥物及健康應用研究院的基礎上申請建立中藥品質研究國家重點實驗室,並獲得中國科技部批准於 2011 年 1 月 25 日掛牌成立,這是中國科技部在高校設立的中醫藥領域唯一的國家重點實驗室,這為澳門啟動高水準的中醫藥科學研究奠定了良好的基礎。在澳門特別行政區政府及其科學技術發展基金的大力支持和投入下,兩間大學的重點實驗室從國際上引入了一流的研究團隊,投入大量的建設和研究經費,圍繞中藥質量這一個核心,重點進行了各種現代分析技術和生物活性檢測技術平臺的建設,利用 DNA 技術、第三代測序技術、高性能電腦集群、電腦輔
  • 133程春松,等  澳門中醫藥發展的歷史特質及現狀分析 助藥物設計技術、虛擬藥物篩選技術、多元色譜技術、多元光譜分析技術、代謝組學技術、蛋白組學技術、活細胞成像技術、細胞分選技術、幹細胞技術、微流控晶片技術、活體動物成像技術、細胞藥代動力學技術、納米製藥技術等進行中藥材和中藥複方品質研究,探索其活性成分以及其藥理作用的分子機制,同時對疾病的病理機制和藥物新靶點進行研究,為臨床炎症性疾病、癌症、心腦血管疾病、神經退化性疾病、代謝性疾病的診斷、預防和治療提供新技術、新方法和新藥物。經過近四年的建設,重點實驗室迅速成長,取得了豐富的成果,並於 2014 年 1 月通過了重點實驗室中期評估。僅以 2015 年度澳門科技大學的實驗室部分為例,新增高新技術設備超過 3000 萬,獲得各級科研經費逾 8000 萬,發表 SCI 論文 104篇,影響因數超過 4.0 或學科排名 15% 以內的期刊論文共 51 篇,包括 Nature Medicine、Science、Oncotarget、Antioxidant and Redox Signaling、Scientific Reports、JBC 等知名學術期刊,獲得國際專利授權 23 項,獲得教育部 2014 年度高等學校研究優秀成果獎自然科學獎一等獎一項。目前,澳門的中醫藥科研已經取得了跨越式的進步,已經成為世界中醫藥研究不可忽視的一員,並逐步開始成為華南的中醫藥研究中心之一,也吸引了國際學術同行的關注。例如:在 2014 年成立了世界中醫藥學會聯合會中醫藥免疫專業委員會,秘書處設於澳門科技大學,已經組織了兩次高水準的學術年會,吸引了共 600 多名國際和國內的中醫藥免疫專業與會交流。又如:澳門科技大學在 2015 年 7 月舉辦了首屆世界醫學峰會,邀請到 4 位諾貝獎獲得者、近二十名美國科學院和中國科學院院士、Nature 和 Science 的主編或執行主編以及其它國際知名醫學研究專家,會議對目前醫學熱點問題進行了廣泛而深入的討論,其中美國國立衛生研究院的 Miller 教授對青蒿素研究進行了專題介紹,認為其是上個世紀發現的最偉大化合物,理應獲得諾貝爾獎。澳門在中醫藥教育和科研方面的建設和取得的成果,為澳門未來中醫藥產業的發展提供了重要的技術人才保證和多元持續的產業化項目,為澳門經濟適度多元化政策的落實提供重要的保障。顯微鏡 透光鏡 手動離心機煎藥設備 注射器 血壓計圖8 鏡湖護理學院早期校址及部分教具3.4 澳門中醫藥社會團體澳門中醫藥發展過程中,中醫藥相關社團在
  • 134技術交流、資金籌備、人才培養等方面起了重要的作用,如中華護士學會就在民國初期為醫學護理教育提供了教育方向和大綱;鏡湖醫院慈善會成立鏡湖醫院、鏡湖護理學院,出版《鏡湖報業》;1945 年成立的中藥業研究會,後改名為澳門中藥業公會,旨在團結中藥業商號及從業人員,維護行業利益及從業人員的福利,開展學術交流和提高行業服務水準;澳門中醫學會作為早期中醫藥專業團體,成立於 1966 年,1991 年 10 月起出版刊物《澳門中醫》雜誌,推動了本地的中醫藥學術交流;國際中醫藥學會成立於 2004 年,出版SCI 國際學術期刊《CHINESE MEDICINE》,推動了本地與國際中醫藥的學術交流與互動。2008年 2 月 23 日,在世界中醫藥聯合會建議及中國國家中醫藥管理局的大力支持下,在澳門民間各中醫藥團體的推動下,兩岸四地中醫藥科技合作中心在澳門宣告成立,該中心是目前最為活躍,且在澳門中醫藥界有著較大影響力的社會學術團體。中心由科研、中醫藥標準化、培訓考試、學術交流四個工作組組成,定期開展學術、科研交流活動。中心目前選擇了中醫藥有特長優勢的一些病症開展學術交流,選擇最新的生命科學和化學科學技術為主題開辦“高新技術研修班”,聘請名醫大家開展醫學講座,並帶領澳門的民間中醫藥團體走出澳門,努力將兩岸四地中醫藥人才聚集一堂,共謀發展,開啟了一個兩岸四地中醫藥共同繁榮的新局面。目前,澳門的中醫藥社團還有澳門中醫藥保健康復學會、澳門中醫生協會、澳門中醫藥學會、澳門中華中醫藥學會等。3.5 澳門中醫藥規管澳門的中醫藥受到法律的規管,所涉及法令包括:58/90/M(規管藥房、藥行、進口批發)、53/94/M(規管藥物進口等)和 84/90/M(規管中醫註冊等)。澳門政府中醫藥的規管類似於歐盟對傳統藥物的規管,有一定的特色,主要表現在中醫生和中醫師的註冊(免試)和中藥及傳統藥物替代註冊制度。在澳門行醫需要註冊,與中醫相關的專業職位包括中醫生、中醫師、針灸師和按摩師。中醫生要求在澳門完成官方核准的中醫學學士學位課程,或者是在其它地方完成五年全日制中醫專業本科課程,非中醫專業培訓如中西醫結合則不具備資格。後三種職位則要求完成在官方認可的中醫學曆教育機構全日制三年或以上的課程。上述職位的註冊只需要進行資歷的認定而不需要進行考試,與中國內地、香港執業中醫資格認定或國際其它國家和地區的醫生資格認定需要考試這一規定明顯脫節,共澳門衛生局專門成立了醫院委員會對醫療人員專業資格及執業註冊制度做了檢視,並提出包括中醫生、中藥師在內的 15 個專業資格的執業註冊制度草案,於 2015 年下半年進行了多輪的諮詢,目前已經進入立法的最後階段。在澳門,中成藥並沒有法律上的定義。根據《第 53/94/M 號法令》,凡依中醫學及中醫藥理、用於預防或治療疾病或調整器官功能之藥品、植物或動物成分以及從該等成分提煉出來之物質,均屬中藥。對於中成藥的註冊制度,澳門雖然早於 2010 年底即完成了有關行政規例,但目前仍然沒有通過程式,故目前仍如以往一樣實施“替代註冊制度”。在此制度下,來自已設有中成藥及其他中藥材註冊制度的國家的有關產品,提交由原產國或出口國/地區的自由售賣證明或註冊證明後,可免提交微生物限度、重金屬及有毒元素含量的檢測報告。否則,每一批在本地生產及進口的中成藥上市前均須獲澳門特別行政區政府衞生局(衞生局)的預先許可,並須呈交微生物限度、重金屬及有毒元素含量的安全資料檔。對於含牛源性物質的中成藥,申請者須提供牛源成份的來源,和製造商所獲得的藥品生產品質管制規範(GMP)證明。此外,澳門政府亦禁止馬兜鈴科中藥材及其製劑的製造、進口及銷售。雖然中成藥註冊制度未有實施,澳門衛生局對中成藥及傳統藥物的檢測工作也有著較大的提高,從年監測次數看(圖 9),2008 年以後澳門衛生局開始大力加強了中成藥及傳統藥物監測力度。除了中成藥,澳門對中藥材也有規管措施,包括澳門衞
  • 135程春松,等  澳門中醫藥發展的歷史特質及現狀分析 生局公佈的“澳門特區所用中藥材表”,將中藥材分為 3 個子類:表 I 為毒性中藥材,共 30 種,表 II 普通中藥材,共 562 種,及表 III 為食藥兼用中藥材,共 112 種,表 I 和表 II 的中藥材均只能在獲發牌照的中藥房出售。但是,該中藥材表中有 165 種中藥尚無國家或地方標準,這為未來執法帶來了困難,需要儘早建立其質量標準,服務中藥規管。圖9 近10年來澳門常用中成藥及傳統藥物監測次數3.6 澳門中醫藥國際化2011 年 7 月 28 日澳門特別行政區政府與世界衛生組織簽署了關於傳統醫藥方面的為期 4 年的合作計劃,為本澳和國際中醫藥專業人士提供培訓,迄今共舉辦了六期培訓工作坊,參與的衛生官員和專業人士共計 903 人次,這顯著提升了本澳中醫藥管理人員能力,開闊了國際視野,促進澳門特區與國際的交流。在此背景下,世衛批准了澳門特別行政區政府衛生局轄下設“世界衛生組織傳統醫藥合作中心”,推動把傳統醫藥納入初級衛生保健服務系統、傳統醫藥衛生官員和專業人士的培訓以及確保傳統醫藥品質及安全性方面作進一步的合作。該中心的成立,代表著國際對澳門傳統醫藥事業發展的認可,將來能為本澳中醫藥專業人員提供實習培訓,並為各類醫療專業人員提供傳統醫藥方面的持續教育,亦能支持粵澳中醫藥科技產業園的發展,為產業園提供國際交流平臺,促進中醫藥的產業化和國際化。4 澳門中醫藥未來發展方向 隨著澳門產業適度多元化發展戰略的進一步實施,橫琴中醫藥產業園的進一步發展壯大,世界衛生組織傳統醫藥合作中心等新的中醫藥國際交流平臺深入運行,澳門中醫藥未來發展積蓄了強勁的動力,立足現有的區域優勢,澳門中醫藥未來對於完善澳門經濟結構、推動中醫藥標準化與國際化中將發揮重要作用。為此,在現有的發展基礎上,需要加強以下幾個方面的工作:1)完善中醫藥規管制度,這是任何產業有序健康可持續發展的法律保障,包括專業資格執業註冊制度的完善、中成藥註冊制度的建立以及無標準中藥材的法定標準的建立等;2)推動與葡語系國家和地區的中醫藥交流與合作:全球有 9 個國家和 4 個地區使用葡萄牙語,包括巴西、葡萄牙、莫桑比克、安哥拉等,總人口超過 2.5 億人。這些國家和地區對中醫有一定的認可程度,葡萄牙就是歐洲較早對中醫藥立法的國家,與澳門的中醫藥民間團體交流亦較多。目前國家在推動與葡語系國家和地區合作,澳門與這些國家和地區有獨特的語言、文化和歷史紐帶,處於非常有利的位置。通過這些國家也可以進一步輻射到更為廣泛的地區,例如葡萄牙雖只是一個擁有 1000 萬人口的國家,但通過葡萄牙可進入 27 個歐洲國家,擁 5 億人口的高端大市場。3)加強中醫藥科研成果的轉化以及粵澳中醫藥科技產業園發展:澳門近年來推動中醫藥科研發展的努力已經初見成效,優秀的中醫藥科研成果不斷湧現,但目前尚缺乏成功轉化的範例,而粵澳中醫藥科技產業園的發展急需優秀的專案,兩者正可互補,需要攜手合作,從而推動澳門中醫藥產業格局的形成和可持續發展。澳門這個曾經的南中國的小漁村,經過近千年的發展,期間經過了葡萄牙 150 年的殖民,也曾經是國際貿易的樞紐,目前已經成為一個國際大都市,在 2012 年人均本地生產總值就已經名列亞洲第一、世界第二。她具備獨特的歷史特質,也有著發展中醫藥的優勢和需求,目前正面臨千載難逢發展中醫藥的良機,我們期待澳門能把握這個機會,再在中醫藥的現代化、產業化、國際化領域創造輝煌。
  • 136參 考 文 獻[1] 張德信.葡萄牙人初寓蠔鏡澳的歷史考察[J]. 東嶽論叢,1998(2):5-13.[2] 胡兆量,李燕茹,阮學金 .澳門人地關係研究[J]. 地理學報,1999,54(6):481-486.[3] 牟鳳雲,張增祥.澳門城市建成區擴展的時空演變分析[J].重慶交通大學學報(自然科學版), 2009, 28(1):142-146.[4] 曹改平.內地移民與澳門早期開發[D].西南交通大學, 2011.[5] 左鵬 .《嶺南衛生方》作者考 [J ] .中華醫史雜誌, 2006,36(3):135-136.[6] 東萬,榮莉.《嶺南衛生方》版本情況與校注簡介[J].中醫文獻雜誌,2004,3: 7-9.[7] 李春生,楊衛彬 .澳門醫學簡史[J].中華醫史雜誌, 1998,1(1):1-6.[8] 楊家茂.《嶺南衛生方》學術思想和貢獻[J].廣州中醫藥大學學報,2007,24(2):165-167.[9] 周華,趙永華,劉良.濠江傳道岐黃業,十三載桃李芬芳——澳門科技大學中醫藥發展現狀與展望[A].第三屆世界中醫藥教育大會論集,2013年6月8-11日,南京.[10] 鄭其昌,張屹.澳門中醫藥的歷史沿革、現狀分析與發展策略[C].中醫藥現代化高峰論壇,中藥發展現代科學與技術,2005: 5-9.學術活動澳科大舉辦2016年中國語言文學研究暨漢語教學國際學術研討會2016年中國語言文學研究暨漢語教學國際學術研討會於1月20日至21日期間假澳門科技大學圖書館大樓N101禮堂舉行。是次會議由韓國中國語文學研究會、澳門科技大學、韓國又松大學孔子學院、韓國延世大學孔子學院及韓國延世大學中國研究院聯合主辦,並由澳門科技大學國際學院承辦,同時得到澳門基金會支持。研討會開幕式於1月20日上午假澳科大舉行,出席開幕式的主禮嘉賓包括澳門特區政府高等教育輔助辦公室蘇朝暉主任、中央人民政府駐澳門特別行政區聯絡辦公室文化教育部郭劍斌副處長、中華人民共和國外交部駐澳特派員公署公共外交及新聞部李孝勸副主任、澳科大陳曦副校長、韓國又松大學副校長、孔子學院院長甘瑞瑗教授、韓國中國語文學研究會朴敬姬會長及韓國中國語文學硏究會執行理事、韓國延世大學孔子學院院長、中國硏究院院長金鉉哲教授。澳科大副校長陳曦於開幕式致辭時表達了對與會嘉賓和學者的歡迎和感謝,並回顧了澳門科技大學國際漢語教育專業的發展歷程,冀漢語教育和中國文化傳播能在多元文化和合共生的澳門取得更大發展。韓國淑明女子大學中文系主任、韓國中國語文學研究會會長朴敬姬教授則在致辭時表示,是次會議是中韓學術界的盛會,並為今後韓國與澳門兩地間的學術交流與文化教育的深入合作邁出了可喜的一步。會議期間,來自韓國、中國內地、香港、臺灣、澳門的六十餘位中韓學者共聚一堂,就中國語言文學研究、國際漢語教學領域的學術發展進行探討,特別針對以交際、交流為導向的語言教學法和文化傳播展開了深入的討論。是次會議更有效促進澳門與韓國學界的交流與合作,對國際漢語教育在澳門的發展起到了積極的推動作用。澳門科技大學教授獲邀參與制定及出版新修訂的細胞自噬研究指引細胞自體吞噬是指細胞透過引發自噬體(autophagosome)的形成,將受損傷或老化的細胞器(organelles)或結構異常的蛋白質進行包裹及分解。細胞的自體吞噬作用能有系統地調控細胞生長及平衡(homeostasis),並具有細胞內部蛋白質回收的重要功能,是細胞重建、防禦、再生及修復的重要機理。近年研究亦發現,細胞的自體吞噬在多種疾病如免疫及感染性疾病、炎症、腫瘤、心血管疾病及神經退化性疾病中,有重要的保護作用。有見及此,自噬權威雜誌主編Prof. Daniel J Klionsky從2008年開始,每隔四年都會全球召集這方面的研究比較突出的專家學者一起對研究細胞自噬提出並修訂新指引。有幸地,澳門科技大學中藥質量研究國家重點實驗室的自噬研究學者劉良講座教授、黃錦偉副教授及羅婉君助理教授均獲邀參與2016年第三版的修訂,反映我校的科研水平備受國際專家認同。第三版的自噬研究修訂綜述論文亦剛在2016年1月21日發表在自噬權威雜誌,影響因子11.753。(作者排名根據英文姓氏順序)
  • 137•信息短文• 澳 門 科 技 大 學Macau University of Science and Technology《科技大師系列講座XX》時間表 2015/2016學年第二學期(日期: 2016年1月至5月)場次 日期 時間 地點 題目 主講者第一場1月13日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳彗星探測2.0著名華人天文學家、國際宇航科學院院士 葉永烜先生第二場1月20日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳鳥類的起源與早期演化著名古生物學家、中國科學院院士周忠和先生第三場1月27日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳自然發電機著名天體物理專家、美國地球物理學會會士、 英國皇家天文學會會士 張可可先生第四場2月24日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳地球與行星空間環境著名空間物理學家、中國科學院院士 萬衛星先生第五場3月2日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳看見暗宇宙-引力波及中微子天文學著名天文物理和宇宙學家 朱明中先生第六場3月9日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳致力科研、樂在其中 ——我的人生和科研感悟著名高分子化學家、中國科學院院士 李永舫先生第七場3月18日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳從醫療專業到社會參與 及貢獻著名肝臟移植及肝臟外科專家、中國工程院院士 陳肇隆先生第八場3月23日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳光催化高效太陽能轉換 和利用著名材料學家、中國科學院院士 鄒志剛先生第九場4月1日(星期五)上午9:30-12:00澳門科技大學N101會議廳前沿科技高端對話澳門科技大學榮譽博士、中國科學院院長、著名科學家和納米科技專家白春禮先生,諾貝爾生理學醫學獎獲得者、德國著名生物物理學家Erwin Neher先生,以及中國科學院院士、中國嫦娥工程總指揮和總設計師葉培建先生第十場4月6日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳空間地球大資料著名遙感專家、中國科學院院士 郭華東先生第十一場4月13日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳智能製造與機器人應用著名機械工程專家、中國工程院院士 譚建榮先生第十二場4月20日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳地球上有多少水?著名構造地質學家、中國科學院院士 金振民先生第十三場4月27日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳絲路滄海與全球構造著名地球物理學家、中國科學院院士 朱日祥先生第十四場5月4日(星期三)下午4:30-6:30澳門科技大學N101會議廳海洋演化與油氣資源著名石油地質學家、中國科學院院士 郝芳先生大師講座
  • 138 2016,10(1)校園活動澳科大社會和文化研究所“澳門社會”系列講座一覽表序號 場次 日期 主題 主講人1 第一講 1月20日 賭客疲勞:大中華地區居民對澳門賭場博彩的適應性研究 曾忠祿2 第二講 3月3日 青年成長發展 岑展平3 第三講 3月10日 澳門醫護人力現況與發展 尹一橋4 第四講 3月17日 澳門房屋政策探討 梁慶球5 第五講 3月31日 社會工作體會及分享 何仲傳6 第六講 4月14日 論“一國兩制”與中國特色社會主義的相關性 楊允中澳科大澳門電影藝術研究院“影視名家”系列講座一覽表序號 場次 日期 主題 主講人1 第一講 1月21日 姜文院長創作分享會 姜文2 第二講 3月10日 影視產業的創製策略與管理思維 李天鐸3 第三講 4月14日 赤子心•電影路 莊澄4 第四講 4月28日 電影的未來——創意先行 卓伯棠5 第五講 5月5日 我的電影路 羅啟銳6 第六講 5月12日 從港產喜劇創作看香港社會變遷 林超榮學生活動澳科大商學院學生獲 “社科獎第七屆全國高校市場營銷大賽全國總決賽”三等獎澳門科技大學商學院管理系組織同學於日前參加了由中國社會科學院財經戰略研究院、中國科學技術部火炬中心指導,中國市場學會和中國民營科技促進會主辦的“社科獎第七屆全國高校市場營銷大賽全國總決賽”。賽事中,澳科大商學院市場營銷專業學生黄子琪、邱斯琳、陳彦穎、葉佳敏獲得全國三等獎,同時澳門科技大學作為組織參賽院校獲得“優秀組織獎”。大賽歷時近8個月,所有項目均根據大賽指定企業真實情況設定,大學生按照企業要求逐步實施營銷策劃與實踐。共有1438支團隊參與大賽,經初賽、復賽等環節層層篩選,100餘支團隊入圍全國總決賽。經過激烈的角逐,澳門科技大學商學院隊伍在決賽中脫穎而出並奪得兩個重要獎項。比賽由澳門科技大學商學院指導老師卜慧美助理教授帶隊赴北京參賽, 商學院管理系系主任石貴成副教授為學生進行了賽前指導。
  • 編輯委員會Editorial Board編委會主席:劉良Chairman of Editorial Board: Liu Liang主編 :許敖敖Chief Editors: Xu Ao Ao編委:劉良、許敖敖、祈務晨、余秋雨、張志慶、姜志宏、方泉、林偉基、戴龍基、黎曉平、唐澤聖、陳乃九、龐川、孫立雲、孫建榮Editorial Board Members:Liu Liang, Xu Ao Ao,Keith Robert Barclay Morrison, Yu Qiu Yu, Zhang Zhi Qing, Jiang Zhi Hong, Fang Quan, Lam Wai Kei, Dai Long Ji, Li Xiao Ping, Tang Ze Sheng, Chan Lai Kow, Pang Chuan, Sun Li Yun, Sun Jian Rong澳門科技大學學報Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology主辦單位: 澳門科技大學Organizer: Macau University of Science and Technology編委會主席: 劉良Chairman of Editorial Board: Liu Liang主編: 許敖敖Chief Editors: Xu Ao Ao編輯: 《澳門科技大學學報》編輯部Editor: The Editorial Department, Journal of Macau University of Science and Technology ● 電話: +853-8897-2173 Tel: +853-8897-2173 ● 傳真:+853-2888-0022 Fax: +853-2888-0022 ● 電郵:publication@must.edu.mo E-mail: publication@must.edu.mo ● 地址: 澳門科技大學 澳門氹仔偉龍馬路 Address: Macau University of Science and Technology, Avenida Wai Long, Taipa, Macau出版及總發行:澳門科技大學Publisher & Distribution: Macau University of Science and Technology ● 電話:+853-8897-2166 Tel: +853-8897-2166 ● 電郵:cbpsadmin@must.edu.mo E-mail: cbpsadmin@must.edu.mo ● 地址: 澳門科技大學 澳門氹仔偉龍馬路 Address: Macau University of Science and Technology, Avenida Wai Long, Taipa, Macau 封面及版式設計:高鴻 王港Graphic & Layout Designers: Gao Hong, Wang Gang印刷: 700本Print Run: 700出版日期:2016年6月Issued Date: June 2016國際標準期刊號:ISSN: 1994-4926規格: 21cm×29.7cmSize: 21cm width by 29.7cm height版權所有,翻印必究All rights reserved. No part of the publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, or otherwise, without the prior consent of the publisher.
  • 半年刊 2007年6月創刊第十卷 第一期 2016年6月出版JOURNAL OF MACAU UNIVERSITYOF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGYSemiannual, Started in June 2007Vol.10 No.1 June 2016定價: 20元澳門幣(人民幣/港幣)ISSN 1994-4926半年刊Semiannual Vol.10二 一六年 第十卷 第一期JOURNAL OF MACAU UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGYVol.10 No.1 June 2016
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