澳門研究II第53期Politics and LawMacau SAR as Subject of International Law: Foundation, Nature,Features and Practice .............................................................................................................. ZENGLingliang 1A Comparative Perspective on Gaming and Tourism Policies in Macau and Singapore:Implications forSustainable Development ................................................ HO Chiew Siang, SOU Man Cheng 8Jurisdition about the Law on the Defence of the Security ofInternational Cooperation in Criminal Matters .............................................................................CHAN Hin Chi 16Discussion on the Political Right and Freedom of Macau Residents andthe Customs Control System in Macau ................................................................................. KAN Man Neng 28The Study on Proper Law Using Hengqin Campus of University of Macau .................... GUO Tianwu, CHEN Di 32Hot Spot TopicRelocation of the University of Macau Campus andRegionalIntegration………………………………………………..…EditorialDepartmentofJournalofMacauStudies 39Economics and ManagementThe Influence Caused by Opening Macau’s Right of Gambling and Policy Suggestions ................. WU Chongbo 56An Empirical Analysis about Influence Factors which Act on Macau Hotel’sOccupancy Rate .............................................................................................. CHEONG Ngai, LIU Zhongxue 63An Analysis on the Economic Effect of “God of Gaming” Worship:a Study on Macau’s Religious Tourism Resources .............................................. IP Kuai Peng, WANG Xin 70A Review of the Research of Green Hotel in Mainland China andthe Choice of Macau’s Hotels Development .....................................................ZHU Yanni, YANG Chieh Yun 75History and CultureThe Special Ecology of Macau Culture and the Value of New Imigrate Arts and Literature ........... ZHUShoutong 82Nationalism and the Anti-Christian Movement Based on the Study ofParties’Relationship ................................................................................................... XIA Quan, JIANG Chao 87Sermon and Scholl: A Study in Women Missionaries’ Work ofWesleyan Methodist Missionary Society in Guangzhou and Macau during Late Qing .....................WU Ning 93An Analysis of the Overseas Chinese Private School in Hong Kong inthe Early Period of the Public of China (1912–1937) .............................................................. ZHANGXiaohui 102Discussing on the “Jail of Province” in Ming Dynasty ........................................................................ YAO Sheng 107Social ReviewOn the Social Security for the Underrepresented Groups in Macau:Current Situations, Problems and Solution ................................................................. KE Yan, CHEN Xiufeng 115The Study on the Participation Rate of Continuing Education andits Factors for Youth in Macau ................................................................................... CHEN Yan, YANG Jing 121An Analysis the Relationship about Cultural Integration and Social Development .......................... QIAO Jiansong 126Development of Private School after Political Transition of Macau:Opportunities andThreats ........................................................................ LAU Cheng Man, YUEN Pong Kau 131Archival LiteratureChinese Translations of Some Legislations Regulating the ModernPolitico-Administrative Regime in Macau (1955–1976) (I) .............................................. CHAN Chan U (Tr.) 140CONTENTS
7《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8然並永遠是國際法固有的、基本的主體，但是政府間國際組織、正在爭取獨立的民族、交戰團體、叛亂團體等非主體實體也被普遍承認為國際法主體。當然，這些非主權實體的國際法主體資格不可與國家同日而語，他們或者是派生的，或是過度的，抑或是有限的。澳門特區作為一種經中國最高權力機關和中央人民政府授權而派生的國際法主體，符合這種多元的國際趨勢，這不僅絲毫不影響、反而大大地豐富了其母體──中國的國際法主體資格的固有性和完全性。第三，澳門特區的國際法主體資格使得一個國家在國際法上擁有一個以上的主體資格成為現實，這是中國對當代國際法發展作出的創造性貢獻。這種創造性有 堅實的國際法和國內法的雙重基礎，即《中葡聯合聲明》、《中國憲法》和《澳門基本法》。儘管這些基本法律文件並沒有直接、明確地規定澳門特區的國際主體資格，但此等資格是這些基本法律文件中“一國兩制”、“特別行政區”、“高度自治”、“對外關係”等核心法律概念的應有之義和必然的邏輯隱含。第四，澳門特區的國際法主體資格限於與澳門有關的對外事務，不包括其外交和國防事務。儘管如此，其10年來積極而又富有成就的對外關係實踐充分體現了其國際法主體資格的特有價值和作用；而其他國家和地區及有關的政府間國際組織願意並卓有成效地與澳門特區建立和發展各種對外關係，進一步證明了後者的國際法主體資格在特定的範圍內和一定的條件下物質存在的客觀事實。註釋：1 本文的論述和基本觀點同樣適用於香港特別行政區。2 倪學偉：《“一國兩制”下的中國國際法主體資格》，論文天下論文網， http:/ /www.lunwentianxia.com/product.free.6664677.1/ ， 2009 年 4 月 4 日；倪學偉：《“一國兩制”的國際法意義》，載於《西南政法大學成教院學報》，第 1 期， 1999 年；《論香港的國際法律地位》，中華法律網， http:/ /www.ch inafalv.com；王鵬、宋陽：《“香港特別行政區”的國際法主體地位探析》，載於《貴州工業大學學報》（社會科學版），第 8 卷，第 2期， 2006 年；葛勇平：《香港國際法主體地位及其締約權限的理論與實踐》，載於《比較法研究》，第 5期， 2007 年。3 倪學偉：《“一國兩制”下的中國國際法主體資格》，論文天下論文網， http:/ /www.lunwentianxia.com/product.free.6664677.1/ ， 2009 年 4 月 4 日；倪學偉：《“一國兩制”的國際法意義》，載於《西南政法大學成教院學報》，第 1 期， 1999 年。4 《中葡聯合聲明》第 2（2）點。5 《中葡聯合聲明》第 2（7）點。6 《中葡聯合聲明》附件一，第 8 節。7 《中葡聯合聲明》附件一，第 9 節。8 《中葡聯合聲明》附件一，第 1 0 節。9 《澳門基本法》第 1 、 2 條。1 0《澳門基本法》第 12 、 13 條。1 1《澳門基本法》第 54（13）條。1 2《澳門基本法》第 6 4（3）條。1 3《澳門基本法》第 9 4 條。1 4《澳門基本法》第 11 2 條。1 5《澳門基本法》第 135–142 條。1 6 澳門國際法事務辦公室網站， h t tp : / /w ww .g ov .m o / eg i /Portal /s/treaty/rights-of-chi ld/Mult_treat ies_appli_chi.pdf ，2009 年 4 月 12 日。1 7 澳門印務局網站： http://cn. io.gov.mo/Legis/International/2.aspx ， 2009 年 4 月 12 日。1 8 外交部駐澳特派員公署網站， ht tp : / /www.fmcoprc.gov.mo/chn/gjzzhy/t241602.htm ， 2009 年 4 月 12 日。1 9 外交部駐澳特派員公署網站， ht tp : / /www.fmcoprc.gov.mo/chn/gjzzhy/t241605.htm ， 2009 年 4 月 12 日。2 0 不過，根據中國外交部駐澳特派員公署的統計，迄今澳門特區政府按照中央政府指示公佈並執行的安理會決議為 68 項。澳門印務局網站， h t t p : / / cn . i o . g ov . mo /Leg is / In te rna t i ona l /4 .aspx；外交部駐澳特派員公署網站， h t t p : / / w w w . f m co p r c . g o v . m o / c h n / g j zz h y / t 2 4 1 6 0 5 .htm ， 2009 年 4 月 12 日。
21《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8第152條第2款、第153、153–A、154、155、229、230及236條所指犯罪之事實，只要行為人被發現身在澳門，且不可被移交至另一地區或國家；c）由澳門居民對非澳門居民作出之事實，或由非澳門居民對澳門居民作出之事實，只要： 行為人被發現身在澳門； 該等事實亦可為作出事實之地之法例所處罰，但該地不行使處罰權者，澳門刑法，不適用之； 構成容許將行為人移交之犯罪，而該移交為不可准予者；或d）由澳門居民對澳門居民作出之事實，只要行為人被發現身在澳門。2. 如審判在澳門以外作出之事實之義務，係源自適用於澳門之國際協約或屬司法協助領域之協定，則澳門刑法亦適用於該等事實。”《澳門刑法典》這些條文中，第4條第a款體現了刑法的一般原則──屬地原則（ P r i n c í p i o d ate rr i t or iadade），第b款是第a款的必然推論──“國旗國法原則”（Pr inc íp io do pav i lhão）；第5條第1款a 項體現了“保謢本地區利益原則”（Pr inc íp io dadefesa dos interresses do Terr i tór io）；b項是“刑法普遍適用原則”(Pr inc íp io da apl icação un iversal da le ipen a l)；c 項和 d 項是“居住原則”（Pr i nc í p i o daresidência）23，這其實是屬人原則的澳門本地化。第5條第2款僅將澳門刑法的適用範圍擴延至澳門以外發生的事實，只要澳門因公約或協議而有義務審理行為人，不論行為人的住所在何處。24從《澳門刑法典》第4條、第5條第1款、第2款，均提及“適用於澳門之國際協約或屬司法協助領域之協定”的“但書”，這“但書”對條文有 很大的意義，這條文來源自葡萄牙1886年的刑法典，有葡國學者指出“保留相反性的國際協約會與所有的規定形成對立的情況”25，如果以法律邏輯來看，“但書”與其他條文是對立或矛盾關係，形成一般性與特殊性的關係。也就是說，澳門與中國內地之間訂立的國際協約或司法協助協定可以不遵守《澳門刑法典》第4、5條的一般性規定，一言以蔽之，國際協約或司法協助協定的制訂造成一般性規則的“例外”，簡單地說，本來按照一般性規則採用屬人原則，但“例外”就容許採用屬地原則。反觀澳門《國安法》第10條規定，可以發現如下特點：1. 如上所述，基本原則是屬地原則以及國旗國法原則，以及屬人原則，欠缺了維護本地區利益原則、刑法普遍適用原則及居住原則。2. 沒有“適用於澳門之國際協約或屬司法協助領域之協定另有規定者，不在此限”的“但書”規定。關於欠缺維護本地區利益原則，因為澳門《國安法》所涉及的標的是危害國家安全的犯罪行為，國家安全是整個中華人民共和國的利益，法益不是僅限於本地區利益，而是遠比它為大的國家利益，故沒有以維護本地區利益為考量是合理的。然而，雖然可以沒有維護本地區利益原則，按理卻不可以沒有保護國家利益原則。因為從任何角度看，維護國家安全絕對是保護國家利益的必然部分。保護國家利益原則是以犯罪結果危害國家特別利益為標準，而追究行為人刑責的原則，不管行為人是否受害國家的公民、犯罪行為是否在其法域內實施。26但筆者相信立法原意（ “Rat io Legis ”）是經深思熟慮而作出的，將澳門《國安法》的適用範圍與該法因不同的罪狀而要求不同的主體要件掛 。換言之，外國人在澳門實施危害中華人民共和國國家安全的犯罪行為中，分成兩大類：一是叛國罪，其主體要件是中國公民；二是其他的危害國家安全罪，其主體要件是自然人、法人及不合規範設立或無法律人格的實體。第一類不管其犯罪地在何處，正如中國內地刑法第102條規定，非中國公民的人士均不會被處罰，而中國公民則由澳門《國安法》第12條規定，不論在法域內（按屬地原則）或法域外（按屬人原則）均可追究其刑責；第二類的犯罪行為，不論甚麼人，只要在澳門法域內實施的，則以澳門《國安法》第12條第1款（按屬地原則）規定追究刑責，若果在澳門法域外實施該等行為，則只有澳門居民透過澳門《國安法》第12條第2款（按屬人原則）被追究刑責。所以，不採用保護國家利益原則並不會出現法律的漏洞。刑法普遍適用原則乃針對國際上共認為嚴重犯罪行為而需聯手打擊的犯罪行為，例如海盜罪、恐怖主義等，而危害國家安全是各國自己的問題，故不採用刑法普遍適用原則也是合理的。至於居住原則源於葡國刑法的國籍原則(Princípiode nac ional idade)，是《澳門刑法典》立法者基於澳門不是一個國家而認為不應以國籍為基礎，以居民
從區際刑事司法協助看澳門《維護國家安全法》的司法管轄權澳門研究26第53期澳門和台灣均為中華人民共和國不可分割之組成部分，所以，國家安全這一概念在中國各法域法律中應是同一的。”1 1 陳立、黃永盛主編：《刑法分論》，廈門︰廈門大學出版社， 2002 年，第 27–28 頁。1 2 Jorge de Figueiredo Dias：Comentário Conimbricense doCódigo Penal – Parte Especial Tomo I (《刑法典總則的科英布拉派評析》)，第 3 冊，科英布拉出版社， 2 0 0 1年，第 118 頁：“A indiscutível relevância dos bens jurid i-cal que o espectro da tutela penal não se cinja às condutasque efect ivamente lesem o seu núcleo essencial, …, antesse situem num momento anterior à lesão, quer pela criaçãode deli tos de atentado quer, como é o caso vertente, pelaconstrução de crime de perigo.”1 3《澳門刑法典》第 1 2 條規定。1 4《澳門刑法典》第 1 3 條規定。1 5 Leal Henriques 及 M. Simas Santos：《澳門刑法典註釋》(Códgio Penal de Macau – Anotações e Legislações avulsa)，澳門印務局，1997年，第41頁：“Dolo directo – o agenteteve como fim, como intenção, a realização do facto criminoso;dolo necessário – o agente, tendo porventura outro fim diferente,reconhece o facto criminoso como consequência necessáriada sua conduta e, no entanto, não se abstém da sua prática;dolo eventual – o agente, ao actuar, conformou-se com apossível realização do facto criminoso como consequênciada conduta.” 。1 6 Jorge de Figueiredo Dias：《刑法典總則的科英布拉派評析》，第 3 冊，科英布拉出版社， 2001 年，第 126頁。指故意分為兩個要素：故意的理解要素(elementointelectual do dolo)及意志要素（elemento voli tivo），後者是特殊故意（dolo específ ico），即行為人的行為有實施某犯罪事實的特殊意圖（O a g e n t e a c t u a co m aespecífica intencionalidade de praticar facto）。1 7《澳門刑法典》規定妨害本地區罪，其中第 1 章規定妨害政治、經濟及社會制度罪。此章由第 297–307 條內規定的罪狀有：暴力變更已確立之制度、煽動以暴力變更己確立之制度、破壞、煽動集體違令、通謀外地、侮辱本地區象徵、脅迫本地區之機關、擾亂本地區機關之運作、預備行為、減輕及附加刑。整個結構上，與澳門《國安法》（法案）非常相似。1 8 Leal Henriques 及 M. Simas Santos：《澳門刑法典註釋》（C ó d g i o P e na l d e Ma ca u – A n o t a çõ e s e Le g i s l açõ e savulsa），澳門印務局， 1997 年，第 119 頁：“藉 第2 款載明‘在法律規定的情況下例外’上限為 30 年，無必要指出相關的規範（參見第 71 條第 2 款、第 289條第 4 款以及第 290 條第 1 款），而第 71 條是規定犯罪競合之處罰規則、第 289 條（已由 3/2006 號法律修改）規定恐佈組織佔有核能、火器、爆炸性物質或爆炸裝置等，故 10–20 年的刑罰的最高限度加重 1 /3 。1 9 預備行為予以處罰，這是以特別法的方式訂定，根據現行《澳門刑法典》第 20 條的規定，預備行為不予處罰，但另有規定者除外。2 0 趙國強主編：《澳門刑事法研究》，澳門︰澳門基金會， 2005 年，第 9–11 頁。2 1 同註 10 ，第 5 頁。2 2 正如上述趙秉志為區際刑法作定義時指出區際刑法是為了協調不同法域刑事法制體系之間衝突而提出的法律原則。2 3 亦有人稱為“居民原則”。2 4 Leal Henriques 及 M. Simas Santos：《澳門刑法典註釋》(Códgio Penal de Macau – Anotações e Legislações avulsa)，1997 年，澳門印務局，第 21 頁：“O n.º 2 vem alargar oàmbito de aplicação da lei penal de Macau aos factos ocorridosfor a do Território, não importando a residencia dos agentesou ofendidos, desde que, por convenção ou acordo, aplicáveisem Macau, o Território se tenha obrigado aí julgá-los.”2 5 Manuel Lopes, Maia Gonçalves：《葡萄牙刑法典註釋與評論》(Código Penal Por tuguês Anotado e Comentado –Legislação Complementar ， 18ª edição – 2007)， Almedina出版， 2007 年，第 72 頁：“…a ressalva da existência detratado ou convenção internacional em contrário passou aentestar todas as disposições” 。2 6 Jorge de Figueredo Dias, DIREITO PENAL parte gera l –Questões fundamentais A doutrina geral do crime, CoimbraEditora (2004) p. 211. “Trata-se neste princípio complementarde aplicação da lei penal portugesa da específica protecçãoque deve se r conced ida a bens ju r íd icos por tugueses,independentemente, por conseguinte, da nacional idade doagente, de os crimes terem sido cometido no estrangeiro emesmo do que a seu respeito disponha a lei do lugar. O quesucede é que, apesar dos esforços, em parte já coroados dea lgum êx i to a n íve l i n te rnac iona l ou in ter - reg iona l , dea p r o x i m a çã o e d e co o ep r a çã o en t r e a s d i ve r sa s l e i snacionais, pode compreender-se que muitas delas não punamfac tos , a inda que p ra t i cados no seu âmb i to te r r i t o r i a l ,exclusivamente dirigidos à lesão de bens jurídicos própriosde outros país. Por isso os estado nacionais se vêem nanecessidade de fazer intervi r a pro tecção penal dos seusi n t e r e s s e s e sp e c í f i co s p e r a n t e f a c t o s co m e t i d o s n oestrangeiros, mas directamente dir ig idos à lesão de bensjurídicos nacionais. O bom fundamento de uma tal extensãode ius pun iend i naciona l reside em que o própr io agenteestabelceu a relação com a ordem jurídico-penal portuguesaao di r i g i r o seu facto con t ra in te resse espec i f i camenteportugueses. Além disso, o Estado em cujo território o crimefoi praticado pode não se encontrar em ocndições de perseguiros infractores )em virtuge , v. g. de graves conflitos internos,ou pode mesmo não ter vontade de o fazer (porque apoia,implícita ou explícitamente, esses actos), pelo que o EstadoPortuguês deve muni r-se dos instrumentos necessár ios àprópria defesa dos seus interesses essenciais. As hipótesestradicionalmente integrante deste princípio têm a ver com adefesa de bens jur íd icos que podem dizer–se naciona is(portugueses) segundo a sua específica natureza. Aqui é poisa substânc ia do bem ju r íd i co que o torna em in te ressenacional, por isso se falando hoje com propriedade , a respieotdesta vertente do princípio da defesa de interesses nacionais ,de um princípo de protecção real. A lei tem, deste modo, def a ze r u m a e n u m e r a ç ã o t a xa t i va d o s t i p o s d e f a c t o srelativamente aos quais vlae o princípio em exame.”（這個葡萄牙刑法適用的補充原則，對葡萄牙法益賦予特定的保護，所以，不會理會行為人的國籍、在外地所犯的罪、以及犯罪實施地法律所規定的內容。國際或區際上經努力及各國法律加強合作，雖然最得了一些成果，但人們明白到，不少國家的法律不會對在本國領土裏實施只損害別國利益的事實行為作出懲罰。因此，面對直接損害國家利益的但在外地所實施的事實，各國感到有必要透過刑法去保護其特定的利益。
27《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8這種刑法的延伸理由在於行為人在實施危害葡萄牙特定利益的事實時，已與葡萄牙刑法規範建立了關係。此外，犯罪實施地國家可能（基於內部的嚴重意見不合）也沒有條件懲罰違法者，或者可能（因為暗地裏或堂堂正正地支持有關的犯罪行為而）沒有意願作出懲罰，葡國因而必須具備必要的手段去保護其重要的利益。傳統上認為，這個原則是為了保護按特別性質而被定為“國家層次”（即葡萄牙）的法益。由此可見，該等法益的內容將這原則改變為以國家利益為準繩，即今天我們所說的財產、對保護國家利益原則的尊重以及實質保護原則。故此，法律須以盡數列舉的方式將有關保護國家利益原則的事實全部列出。）2 7 Henriques Eiras and Guilhermina Fortes, Dicionário de DireitoPenal e Processo Penal, 2ª Edição (revista e actual izada)(Quid Juris) p. 289. “A lei penal de um Estado apl ica-se atodos os nacionais desse Estado, qualquer que tenha sido olugar onde os factos criminosos que tenha praticados…Estaregra é objecto de excepções relacionadas com a aplicaçãoda lei mais favoráveis ao arguido de entre as potencionalmenteaplicáveis – a do lugar da prát ica e do facto e a do pais deque é nacional. Este princípio é complementar do princípio daterr itoriedade.” “Princípio da nacional idade act iva signi f icaque é aplicável a lei nacional do agente a que for atribuídocr ime p ra t i cado em E stado est rang e i ro . ” “P r i nc íp io danacional idade passiva signi f ica a el i nacional do autor docrime é aplicável quando este for praticado contra bem jurídicodo seu próprio Estado ou contra pessoa da sua nacionalidade.”2 8 趙秉志：《中國內地與港、澳特別行政區的刑事司法協助問題研究》，載於《澳門法律學刊──區際法律和司法合作》，澳門︰國際法事務辦公室出版， 2004年，第 39–44 頁。2 9 趙國強：《“一國兩制”下的中國區際司法協助》，載於《澳門法律學刊──區際法律和司法合作》，澳門︰國際法事務辦公室， 2004 年，第 62–72 頁。3 0 同註 28 ，第 42 頁。3 1 同註 9 ，第 5 頁。3 2 指屬人原則。3 3 Germano Marques da Silva, Direito Penal Português (Verbo,2001), p. 299. “O primeiro (o princípio da terr i tor ia l idade),geralmente o predominante, cinge-se ao território do Estado.Os cr imes ne le comet idos são reg idos pe las suas le is ,qualquer que seja a nacionalidade do agente do crime ou daví t i ma . ” “ Como ve remos este p r inc íp i o (o p r i nc íp i o dapersonalidade) só é aplicável subsidiariamente, para evitar aimpunidade de crimes cometidos no estrangeiro por nacionaisde outro Estdo, porque a generalidade dos países não admitea extradição dos seus nacionais.”3 4 同註 29 ，第 60 頁。3 5 同註 28 ，第 39 頁。3 6《澳門刑法典》第 39 條第 1 款規定：“不得設死刑，亦不得設永久性、無限期或期間不確定之剝奪自由之刑罰或保安處分”。而且，雖然第 1 /19 99 號法律第 4條第 1 款第 1 項規定：“序言和簽署部分不予保留，不作為澳門特別行政區法規的組成部分”，但 11 月 14日第 58/95/M 號法令序言部分“《澳門刑法典》明文規定禁止死刑，以及具永久性之刑罰或保安處分。無容置疑，這是維護基本權利之重要因素，亦為對於構成本地區現在及將來刑事法律支柱之價值具有信心之重要因素”，仍是貫穿這個《澳門刑法典》的立法精神。3 7 Ana Prata , Ca ta r i na Ve iga and José Manue l Vi la longa ,Dicionário Jur íd ico – Volume I I – Di re i to Penal E Di rei toProcessua l Pena l (Almedina, 2007), p. 265. “Jurisdição –Prerrogativa de aplicar o direito que cabe exclusivamente aopoder judicial”.3 8《澳門刑法典》第 4 條第 1 款第 a 項最後部分。3 9 這是國際私法所採用的一個原則，也稱最強聯繫原則，指在選擇某一涉外民事法律關係或涉外民事案件的准據法時，綜合分析與該法律關係或該案有關的各種因素，從中找出與該法律關係或該案具有最密切聯繫的因素，根據該因素的指引，適用與該法律關係或該案件有最密切聯繫的國家或地區的法律。本文提出這原則，僅供思考，因為在不少的跨境犯罪中，在考慮某一法區的法律是否適用於該犯罪事實時，實務上往往會考慮哪個法區的法制與該案的關係較密切。
橫琴澳大新校區與澳珠共同合作發展澳門研究50第53期門的城市建設及空間結構優化，必須在土地方面尋求突破。澳門目前的生活居住用地只佔整個城市用地的30%。一般來說，居住用地佔整個城市用地一般不低於40%，如東京、大阪居住用地佔到整個城市用地的40%，國外有些城市達到了50%，甚至60–70%。此外，澳門目前的人均居住用地只有8平方米左右，而國家建設部的人均居住用地指標為18平方米。據我觀察，澳門今後在發展過程中，填海造地的成本會越來越高，因為澳門水域較淺的地方已填得差不多了，再繼續填海造地就必然是深水地區，因此，造地的成本必定會很高。所以，澳門城市建設用地必須尋求新的突破。澳門大學橫琴新校區建設將為澳門城市空間結構優化，改善澳門居民生活素質，提供示範效應。三是對整個珠海橫琴島開發的示範效應。中國政府的戰略決策，不是一步到位，而是分步到位。中國的改革，是先從農村開始，然後到城市，分步到位；中國的開放，先從沿海開始，後向沿江、沿邊、內陸分步開放。澳門大學橫琴校區的開發，根據我的觀察，中央政府做的只是第一步。今後，如果澳門大學建設順利的話，很可能在橫琴島的開發政策上會有更大的動作。的確，澳門城市用地很緊張。最近，我在研究澳門土地需求問題時，對未來10–15年的澳門土地需求進行了一個計量預測。根據人口因素、 GDP 增長、產業發展等因素，到 2020年，澳門城市土地需求規模會達到45平方公里，相對現在澳門29.2平方公里的土地，需求缺口很大。橫琴有50平方公里可利用的土地，澳門大學橫琴新校區建設有助於澳門解決土地供不應求的問題，橫琴未來發展應由澳門主導開發。而澳門大學橫琴校區的開發對整個珠海橫琴島的開發無疑會產生示範效應。王五一：澳門大學搬遷橫琴的事，中央已經定了，做與不做，已沒有甚麼好討論的。今天需要討論的，就是如何把搬遷的事做好？從意義上說，這件事說小可以很小：不就是因為澳門大學要發展，在橫琴找到一塊新地皮嘛；說大也可以很大：它可以看成是澳門高等教育發展的一個契機，可以看成是澳門產業多元化的一個發展方向，可以看成是澳珠合作的一個模式，可以看成是“一國兩制”的制度創新，也可以看成是橫琴開發的一個突破。就是說，這件事要往大裏看，可以具有很多意義，或者說，你可以給它戴很多高帽。這件事最終辦好了，這些意義還真能體現出來，這些高帽還真頂起來。但若辦得不好，可能剛才我們所說的一些意義就很難顯現出來，這些高帽就很難頂起來。橫琴有七八十平方公里，其價值來自於它的“澳門概念”，否則，它就是一個普通的海島，要開發，珠海自己就能開發，也早就開發了；如果它由自由市場來開發，也一點問題都沒有。為甚麼要把橫琴開發納入更高的角度？因為它的“澳門概念”。只有在“澳門概念”下的橫琴開發，才能最大地發揮橫琴開發的效率。既然現在由澳門大學來開發，如果開發是開放式的，它一定產生自由市場機製作用、產業輻射與拉動作用等等。如在這裏搞一所大學，在自由市場機製下一定會形成一個大學區；不用搞甚麼規劃，如研發基地、商務中心等，它一定會按照自由市場機制來發展。我們可以看看一些城市發展、佈局的形成，無論內部或者外圍都是自發力量形成的。如果我們想讓澳門大學搬遷橫琴成功的話，那就要形成一個開放區。如果總想把它封閉起來或用租金的概念，又要辦成功的話，就有很多細節的問題需要考慮。記得3年前，我在美國跟一家大博彩公司的老闆談到橫琴發展的事，他說要在橫琴搞一個10平方公里的酒店、會展、休閒度假區，我就問他：“這裏有一個通關的問題。將來澳門與橫琴之間顧客通關的麻煩你考慮了沒有？”他的回答是，想像把通關從蓮花大橋移到橫琴大橋。他把這事想得太簡單了。將來，無論是澳門與橫琴的關口問題或者是澳門大學搬到橫琴的邊境問題，都有很多很多細節要解決，例如，澳門大學橫琴校區的電話區號是00853還是0086–756？互聯網，用澳門電訊還是用中國電信？澳門大學橫琴校區能不能夠有助於橫琴居民的就業問題？電力、自來水供應是直接從橫琴過去，還是經澳門繞過來再進去橫琴？……有很多細節的問題需要解決。細節不等於小事，一些細節處理不好會影響整件事。既然大方向定了，我們有必要把很多細節考慮周全，例如法律、基礎設施、經濟、政治等。單單一個拱北海關就有4個單位在管，如果簽證不了，你就過不去，你找這一家，這一家說“管不了，我們只管廣東省的簽證，你到那一家”，那一家也說管不了。一共涉及4家，好多麻煩事。我很早就問，澳門與內地之間，為甚
69《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8因此，Bt對Ht的影響都反映在Rt中。Bt=2.29Rt+ut, R 2=0.79, DW=0.09 (公式16)(四)“客人滿意度”的影響估計酒店業普遍認為，“客人滿意度”也是影響入住率的重要因素。但這一因素涵蓋面廣，且因人而異主觀性強，非常模糊無法界定和量化，所以並未體現在模型（12–13）中。根據公式13，影響入住率Ht的三個主要因素住客數Gt、可供應客房數Rt、平均留宿時間 Tt對回歸總離差的解釋程度R 2=0.88。在12%的未被解釋的總離差中，包含了客人滿意度及其它隨機因素。由此粗略估計，“客人滿意度”因素對酒店入住率的總體貢獻率不會超過12%。當然，不同酒店經營策略不同，客人滿意度的貢獻性自然也不盡相同。此外，筆者認為，客人滿意度對酒店業的影響，更多體現在平均房價、住客回頭率、平均逗留時間等因素中，而不是酒店入住率。註釋：1 本文受澳門特別行政區科學技術發展基金資助（項目名稱：澳門酒店營運類比決策系統，項目編號：023 /2005/A ，項目主持人：張毅），是課題階段性成果。2 自 2 0 0 8 年開始，入境旅客人數中剔除了外僱勞工和學生。為了資料可比性，基於酒店住客數與入境旅客數之比前後基本不變的假設，將 2005 年以前的入境旅客人數做算術比例處理。3 資料來源：澳門酒店業協會，為協會成員酒店（並非全部酒店）均價，存在部分月度資料缺失。參考書目：1. George, E. P. Box and Gwilym, M. Jenkins, Time SeriesAnalysis:Forecasting and Control, 2005.2. Harvey A. C., The Econometric Analysis of Time Series (TheMIT Press, 1991).3. Draper, N. R. and Smith, H., Applied Regression Analysis(John Wiley & Sons, 1998).4. 平狄克著，錢小軍等譯：《計量經濟模型與經濟預測》，北京：機械工業出版社， 1999 年。5. 王振龍主編：《時間序列分析》，北京：中國統計出版社， 2000 年。
93《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8性別研究，特別是女性研究，一直是人類學、民族學、社會學以及歷史學等學科研究的一個重要課題。過去國內學術界對近代中國婦女的生存與發展狀況作過許多專文的探討，特別提到中國婦女近代意識的覺醒與抗爭。然而，卻對中國女性產生深遠社會影響的近代來華西方女性關注不多。這些早期來華西方女性，近代以來多以傳教士夫人或傳教士的身份來到中國。她們的到來，目的是傳播有別於中國傳統宗教和倫理哲學思想的基督福音，然而客觀上卻對中國傳統社會注入了一種新的理念和思維方式，進而對中國社會的婦女解放思潮以及中國近代化進程起到一定影響。因此，研究西方在華女傳教士這一獨特的社會群體，將對我們進一步展開中西文化交流史與女性社會史的研究具有一定的學術意義。本文通過接觸到的一些中西歷史文獻檔案1，以英國循道會（W e s l e y a n M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y（London））女傳教士在廣州活動為個案展開研究，希望藉此議題的討論能夠進一步拓展中國近代婦女史的研究。本文以文獻為基礎，分析19世紀中葉英國女傳教士在廣州地區的活動。主要史料來源於英國循道會婦女助道會的檔案，如會議紀要、傳教士的往來信件和差會出版的刊物。希望通過對檔案的閱讀，勾畫出外國女性傳教士在華的活動概貌的一個截面。本文的時間斷限起自1858–1879年，跨度為20年。1858年為英國循道會婦女助道會成立的時間，而1879年則由於差會內部的協調的問題，婦女助道會將其在華的全部女傳教士撤出中國。焦點放在英國循道會婦女助道會派往中國的6位女傳教士以及她們在廣州開辦的3所學校上。主題是外國女傳教士在中國的宗教實踐和日常生活：她們所擁有的英國循道會傳教士、女性、外國人的特殊身份，在19世紀的中國這樣的社會背景中，她們的傳教理念與方法、她們遭遇的困境，以及對近代中國婦女的影響。一、英國循道會婦女助道會及其在廣州女教士19世紀初，隨 歐美殖民勢力的加強，西方各國開始把目光集中到東方，特別是中國，更是其開展商貿往來與文化交往的主要對象，各國商人、外交官、軍人為謀求特權和利益相繼來華。在這股浪潮中一個特殊的群體，即西方傳教士也紛紛前往中國，當然他們與前者的區別在於更多地注重精神追求，向這個所謂異教徒的國家灌輸基督福音。特別是第一次鴉片戰爭之後，由於眾所周知的原因，來華的基督新教差會逐漸增多，英國循道會就是在這樣的大歷史背景下開始了在華的傳教活動。作為基督新教的一支重要力量，英國循道會是第四個前來中國的英國新教差會2，也是第一個在華南的佛山設立教會會堂的新教差會。其中，英國循道會的第一位牧師俾士（G.Pie rcy）於1851年到達廣州。 3 正是在他的努力下，逐漸拓展開該會在中國的近代傳教事業。早期來華新教傳教士多為男性，他們的早期傳教活動主要有會堂佈道、街頭及鄉間巡遊佈道、散發播道與興學──晚清英國循道會女傳教士在澳門和廣州的活動吳 寧 ** 中山大學人類學系博士後
播道與興學──晚清英國循道會女傳教士在澳門和廣州的活動澳門研究94第53期宗教傳單及冊子等。然而，卻始終難以接近中國民眾社會，而且進展緩慢，成果寥寥。據資料表明，第一位來到中國內陸的馬禮遜也僅僅在7年後（1814年）才有第一位信徒，而公理會傳教士更是抵達福州傳教18年（1865年）之後才有第一個受洗之人。4廣州本來是一直與西方世界有聯繫的口岸城市，也是西方傳教士最早涉足的內陸地方，早期傳教士在這裏開展了各種傳教活動，包括直接佈道宣傳和出版、男子教育以及醫學傳教等，但同樣成效不大，美國公理會的裨治文在廣州傳教17年後（1847年）才有了第一位教徒5；而美國長老會的哈巴牧師也是在來華10年後（1857年）才有第一位信教者 6；相對前面幾個差會，英國循道會雖然來華時間比較晚，但俾士牧師的第一個信徒也是直到 1856年 12月才受洗，整整距他來華6年時間。7因此，早期來華傳教士都面臨一個相同的問題，即如何拓展新的傳教渠道，採用新的傳教策略，改變過去一直不利的傳教局面。這些新教差會來華人員首先做的是對中國社會現狀進行調查，其中，最為主要的有宗教現狀，其次就是中國教育與婦女生存狀況。在其調查過程中，早期傳教士發現，中國當時是一個非常保守、傳統的國家，儒家倫理強調男女有別。因此，儘管在此之前，有不少的新教傳教士前往中國，但他們一直無法深入中國女性群體以及中國家庭，而當時來華的傳教士夫人又往往要照顧家庭，使得她們很難把精力專注在工作方面。新教各團體如果想要進一步打開中國的國門，或者說向中國民眾進一步深入灌輸其基督福音信息，那麼女傳教士的加入，特別是職業女性的到來，為其傳教活動注入了一股新的力量。再者，19世紀後期的歐美國家，特別是英美兩國，正逐漸掀起宗教大奮興運動的浪潮，許多女性同男性傳教士一樣，要求在宗教活動中扮演應有的角色，投身到這場宗教狂熱的運動中去。因此，她們也試圖走出國門，把基督福音信息傳遞到世界各地。正是在這樣的內外環境之下，各新教團體紛紛在本國組織女性傳教機構，即成立婦女播道會，作為國內及海外傳道的一個新興團體。於是，為了改善當時的海外傳教局面，包括異教國家中的婦女教育狀況，英國循道會婦女教育委員會（Ladies’ Commit tee for Amel iorat ion the Condit ion ofWomen in Heathen Countr ies , for Educat ion）作為循道會的附屬機構於 1858年宣告成立，簡稱婦女助道會。8其目的是確保現有教會學校工作有效得以展開，擴大在校學生的數量，系統地協助並促進各傳教站的工作。英國循道會婦女助道會的一項主要工作是安排選拔適合於海外傳教的婦女及其培訓工作，提供這些女性在英國的威斯敏斯特學院或其他學院進行專門培訓鍛煉，然後由婦女委員會募集基金，幫助派往海外的女傳教士從事相關工作。從組織原則上講，婦女助道會自成立以後，就 手籌劃從循道會中分離出來。由其組織獨立機構，單獨選舉委員會成員，並籌集和管理基金，全權負責婦女傳教事務。不過原則上仍然需要向循道會報告有關決議。 919世紀60年代以前，英國循道會在廣州傳教的女性只有俾士牧師夫人（Joan Wannop）一人，當她得知國內婦女助道會成立的消息後，便立即請求助道會差派2–3位女教師來華幫助她的學校開展教學工作。10為了推進中國廣東教區的傳教工作，循道會婦女助道會自1862–1879年17年時間裏一共派遣了6位女傳教士來華傳教，她們都停留在廣東的省會城市廣州。主要的任務是協助俾士夫婦管理女校和培訓本地女傳道人員。從循道會的差會檔案依然能夠查到這 6 位傳教先驅的名字，她們分別是靳臣小姐（M i s s M a r y G u n s o n）、布絲曉小姐（M i s s E .Broxho lme）、常理芙小姐（Miss Jane Radc l i f fe）、詹臣小姐（M i s s S i m ps on）、羅小姐（M i s s S . J .Rowe）以及泰萊小姐（Miss Tay lor）。 11表1 英國循道會婦女助道會來粵女教士名錄（1862–1879）姓名來華 離開 主要 離開備註年份 年份 工作 原因靳臣 1862 1863 教育 疾病布絲曉 1863 1868 教育 疾病常理芙 1866 1878教育、結婚187 3 年回家庭探訪 國休養詹臣 1872 1879 教育 期滿 12羅小姐 1873 1876 家庭探訪 不詳泰萊 1874 1877 教育 疾病從上表可以看出，早期來華英國循道會女傳教士主要負責教育事工，這與該委員會整理的宗旨和目
99《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8個新的工作站。48這個想法也刊登在循道會婦女助道會1879年4月的不定期通訊上，結果卻遭致華南教區的不滿。1879年5月31日，華南教區主席派克牧師（Rev. H. Parkes）寫回差會一封措辭強硬的信，列舉5點理由，向婦女助道會表示：“除非他們有特別要求，否則請勿再派女宣（傳）教士到廣州來。”49面對這一無法調和的矛盾，英國循道會婦女助道會不得不在1879年撤回所有在粵女傳教士，最後詹臣小姐也因此無法再回到中國工廠工作。英國循道會在廣州的婦女事工完全交給了當時的傳教士夫人繼續開展。她們雖然“希望力挽狂瀾，但依然進展緩慢。”50不久以後，其他新教差會在廣州發展女校的業績，已遠遠超過循道會。至此，英國循道會結束了其早期的女傳教士在粵所有活動。不過，儘管其來華的時間不是很長，但卻在廣東引起了一定的社會反響。三、結論通過對歷史檔案文獻資料的解讀，我們可以清楚地勾勒出19世紀英國循道會婦女助道會女傳教士在中國廣州的日常生活及其教學與宗教實踐活動。從以上的史實也證明，英國循道會女傳教士為了傳播基督福音，往往背井離鄉來到中國這個陌生的土地，面對全然不同的文化，遭遇到了很多的困難甚至危險。首先，語言方面。早期來華傳教士認為漢語是世界上最難學習的語言之一。曾經有人這樣說，如果想熟練掌握漢語知識，就必須擁有“所羅門的智慧，約伯的忍耐，瑪撒都拉的壽數”。51每一位來華的傳教士首先必須花費一定的時間來學習語言。英國循道會女傳教士們在來華的第一年專門用來學習語言，然後需要參加教會組織的考試，不合格者將被退回英國。所以每個人都很勤奮努力，泰勒小姐曾寫信回國說她因為過度學習，導致嚴重的神經性頭痛。52其次，廣州的亞熱帶氣候以及由此導致的水土不服，甚至出現嚴重的疾病。這一點可以從早期來華傳教士的妻子們的高死亡率中可以得知。廣州異乎尋常的濕熱天氣毀壞了她們的健康，大部分傳教士未滿服務期就離開中國的主要原因也是健康狀況欠佳。在循道會的報告中可以看到來華的6位女傳教士中有3位就是因為生病不得不返回英國。除此之外，還有其他的危險。保羅在使徒時代傳播福音的時候，描述他所遇到的遭遇有“又屢次行遠路，遭江河的危險、盜賊的危險、同族的危險、外邦人的危險、城裏的危險、曠野的危險、海中的危險、假弟兄的危險。”（哥林多後書11：24）而這些循道會的女傳教士在19世紀的中國也同樣遭遇到了這些情況。從她們開始登船出發，危險就已經伴隨在她們周圍。海上航行時會時常遭受暈船以及颱風、洪水的襲擊，還夾雜 雷雨暴風。另外，抵達廣州以後，白蟻也時常蛀空她們住房的木頭，還有颱風把住房摧毀，更為恐怖的是疾病瘟疫的蔓延（每2–3年大約有1次），以及最為嚴重的中國人仇視“洋教”的情緒。這些都被女傳教士一一克服。她們在廣州生活的時間不長，但是工作卻極有成效。因此，從世界教會史和宗教傳播史來考慮，這是值得肯定的一點。當然，從整個近代中國社會歷史來看，女傳教士剛來的主要動機在於傳播其宗教信仰，而辦學的意圖也是為了強化基督教影響力，再從其開設的過程也可以看出，無法擺脫舊中國的一些陰影和社會陋習。因此，對她們社會活動的功過必須有一個客觀公正的評價。從主觀上來說，這是一種宗教文化交流，這些早期西方女傳教士所開辦的教會學校畢竟是中國近代新式學校教育的起步階段，具有一定的歷史與社會局限性。然而，在實際操作過程中卻產生了一定的客觀積極效果，為隨後的中國社會變革注入了一絲新的空氣。與其他教會一樣，英國循道會女傳教士帶來了一定的近代文化與科技知識以及社會進步意識，她們早期開辦的教會學校有許多舉措至今仍值得借鑒，特別是一些別開生面的教學方式與理念，如啟發式和參與式教學，注重學生的自主性與主動性、理論教學與實踐技能的結合、智育與德育及體育的融合等。而在思想上，這些女傳教士所帶來的女基督徒的婦女特質，無意中表現出的基督徒婦女形象，為晚清中國婦女示範了一個嶄新的婦女角色，就像施其樂在他的文章中所說的那樣，“她們（女傳教士）的到來很重要，因為她們樹立了一個正面職業婦女的榜樣；告訴人們，女性除了作妻子和母親外，還可以工作。”53作為一個活在基督裏的婦女，
播道與興學──晚清英國循道會女傳教士在澳門和廣州的活動澳門研究100第53期她可以抗拒婚姻的壓力，也可以從事教育、醫療或傳教等工作。因此，早期女傳教士所呈現出的一些婦女工作，往往牽動了隨後的女性主義思潮，更為近代婦女的覺醒意識和爭取一定的社會地位起了一定的推動作用。註釋：1 主要使用的英國循道會的檔案是：[Wesleyan MethodistMissionary Society (London)] Archive, Women’s Work Col-lect ion : Minutes, Lad ies’ Commit tee for Amel io ra t ing theCondition of Women in Heathen Countries, Female Education,Occasiona l Paper (Wesleyan Missionary Society: Lad ies’Auxi l iary for Female Education : Repor ts). 檔案收藏在香港中文大學崇基圖書館以及香港浸會大學特藏部。特別致謝香港中文大學崇基學院神學院院長盧龍光牧師提供英國循道衛理會檔案和基金幫助本論文的完成。2 英國倫敦會、浸禮會、長老會分別於 18 07 、 18 45 、1848 年進入內地，英國循道會也於 1851 年傳入中國。參見 “List of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese,” ChineseRepository, Vol. 20, pp. 513–519 。3 禢奉常：《循道公會簡史》，載於《廣州基督教概況》，香港中文大學藏書（複印本），第 11 頁。4 E. C. Carlson, The Foochow Missionaries (1847–1880), p. 64.5 何曉夏、史靜寰：《教會學校與中國教育近代化》，廣州：廣東教育出版社， 1996 年，第 31 頁。6 Harriet, N. Noyes, History of the South China Mission of theAmerican Presbyterian Church, 1845–1920 (Presbyterian Mis-sion Press: Shanghai,1927), p. 10.7 盧約翰：《苦難重重的教會》，香港：香港循道衛理聯合教會文字事工委員會， 1984 年，第 24 頁。8 h t t p : / / w w w . m u n d u s . a c . u k / c g i - b i n / s e a r c h ?col l_id=953&inst_id=4&keyword=Transvaal.9 英國循道會婦女助道會成立的最初 1 0 年，工作重心主要放在教育上。她們為此提供資金、並為教會女校培訓師資以及支持海內外女佈道員開展的諸如家庭探訪等事工。隨後工作的發展她們還鼓勵在海外興辦孤兒院等救助機構，例如在印度南部建立了許多孤兒院。從此，其教會工作由專事婦女擴展到兒童福利機構。第一個由英國循道會婦女助道會派往海外的女傳教士是 Susannah Gooding Beal ， 1859 年作為伯里茲城一所女校的校長派往英屬洪都拉斯。到 1 8 6 8 年，婦女助道會下設有 1 0 個分支機構，分佈在印度班加羅爾、洪都拉斯、南非、中國廣東和意大利等國家地區。 1874 年，該機構名稱改為婦女教育助道會（TheLadies’ Auxil iary for Female Education.）。為了反映新增醫療服務項目，接 又改名為循道會婦女助道會（The‘Ladies’ Auxiliary of the WMMS’）。第一個前往海外的助道會女醫療傳教士是 Agnes Palmer ，她於 1884 年被派往印度港口城市馬德拉斯。由此機構任命的第一個前往中國的女醫生是 Miss Ethe l Rowley ，她於 1895 年派抵達中國漢口，但不久後她就結婚，成為名譽傳教士。此時婦女助道會的工作還延展到麻瘋院、援助所、寡婦庇護所等展開。 1893 年，機構的名字再次改回循道會婦女助道會。1 0 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional Paper,No. 78 (1878), p. 10.1 1 女傳教士的姓名翻譯。引自註 7 ，第 4 7 頁。1 2 循道會來華傳教士海外傳教 6 年為 1 期。1 3（同治元年）7 月 1 日巳刻，颶風大作，比戊申彌烈，雨淋浪竟日，平地水深數尺，人畜田廬逐波，臣以去者以十萬計，至掀巨舶於市，夜乃息。初八日復作然勢略減矣，迄今數年來颶頻作，洵可駭也。民國二十四年《廣東通志稿》，不分卷‧災變，轉引自喬盛西、唐文雅：《廣州地區舊志氣候史料匯編與研究》，廣州：廣東人民出版社， 1993 年，第 277 頁。1 4 同註 7 ，第 30 頁。1 5 俾士夫人女傭，第一個受洗的循道會華人女信徒。引自註 7 ，第 31 頁。1 6 同註 7 ，第 46 頁。1 7 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional Paper,No. 78 (Oct, 1878), p. 578.1 8 I b i d . , No . 68 , p . 167 .1 9 I b id . , No . 68 , p . 167 .2 0 同註 7 ，第 47 頁。2 1 同註 7 ，第 23 頁。2 2 同註 7 ，第 22 頁。2 3 同註 7 ，第 22 頁。2 4 同註 7 ，第 24 頁。2 5 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional paper,No. 61 (Jun, 1874), p. 615.2 6 同註 7 ，第 4 1 頁。2 7 1865 年 2 月 2 日，由廣州外國傳教士在廣州創辦的中文週刊《中外新聞七日錄》27 創刊號載有兩篇報導，其中一篇題為“男女義學”，內載：“一在省城南關增沙街，惠師禮堂右邊，內有男館兩間，周陳兩位先生教讀；女館一間，李氏女師教讀。一在城內高第街福音堂內，黃先生教讀，均准於正月十九日啟。凡來學者，不受修金。”這是對英國循道會裨士夫婦在廣州所辦學校的描寫。見劉志琴主編：《近代中國社會文化變遷錄》，第 1 卷，杭州：浙江人民出版社，1998 年，第 216–217 頁。2 8 此校由泰萊小姐負責，初時有 14 名學生，後來隨 泰萊小姐的離去，學校就解散了。循道會的報告中沒有有關此校的記錄。2 9 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional paper,No. 73 (1877), p. 409.3 0 Ibid., No. 77, p. 564.3 1 Ibid., No. 78 (May, 1878), p. 602.3 2 Wesleyan Missionary Society: Ladies’ Auxi l iary for FemaleEducation: Reports (1877).3 3 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional paper,No. 70 (May, 1876), p. 259.3 4 Ibid., p. 259.3 5 Ib id . , No.61 (1874) , p . 621.俾士牧師計算為 230 人，懷疑計算錯誤。3 6 Ibid., No. 73 (1877), p. 406.3 7 Ibid., No. 73 (1877), p. 406. 1875 年泰萊小姐來華後，由她開設。3 8 循道會的報告中，有美南浸信會的紀好弼牧師 R e v .
101《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8R. Graves 以及美北長老會的 Mr. A. P. Happen 先生。3 9 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional paper,No. 75 (1875), p. 94.4 0 A Zanana Mission.4 1 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional paper,No. 75 (1877), p. 477.4 2 Ibid., No. 75 (1877), p. 475.4 3 Ibid., No. 78 (1878), p. 578.4 4 Ibid., No. 75 (1877), p. 476.4 5 Ibid., No. 75, (1877), p. 475.4 6《廣東通志稿》（民國二十四年），不分卷‧災變，轉引自喬盛西、唐文雅：《廣州地區舊志氣候史料匯編與研究》，廣州：廣東人民出版社， 1993 年，第 364頁；《廣州市天河區志》記載：清光緒四年三月初九（1878 年 4 月 9 日），大暴風，廣州城內及石牌、東圃一帶房屋倒塌一千五百餘間，傾覆船數百艘，死傷數百人。4 7 1878 年 9 月至 12 月，詹臣小姐寫回差會 3 封信，表達她要求離開廣州的強烈意願。 Wesleyan Methodist Mis-sionary Society (London) archive, “Women’s Work Collection:Minutes,” (29 th Oct, 1878; 26 th Nov, 1878; 20 th Dec, 1878).4 8 Wesleyan Missionary Society: Ladies’ Auxi l iary for FemaleEducation: Reports (Apr, 1879).4 9 Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society (London) archive,“Women’s Work Collection: Minutes,” (Nov, 1879). 同註 7 ，第 47 頁。5 0 同註 7 ，第 48 頁。5 1 魏外揚：《宣教事業與近代中國》，台北：台北宇宙光出版社， 1978 年，第 118 頁。5 2 “Ladies’ Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of Womenin Heathen Countries, Female Education,” Occasional paper,No.70 (1876), p. 259.5 3 施其樂著，宋鴻耀譯：《基督教與 1 9 世紀中國婦女的提高》，載於《歷史的覺醒》，香港：香港教育圖書出版社， 1999 年，第 78 頁。
論澳門弱勢群體的社會保障──現狀、問題及對策澳門研究116第53期老；在本澳常居最少7年；已向本基金供款最少60個月。2005–2007年領取養老金的人數分別為10,820人、11,991人和13,811人，近3年的增幅達22%。此外，政府從2005年開始向全澳永久居民中65歲及以上的長者發放敬老金，是一項針對老人的永久性社會福利。目前敬老金的金額已從最初的每年1200元增加至5000元。澳門政府每年將博彩受益的2%納入社會保障基金，該基金再每年撥出若干款項用於發放養老金和敬老金。隨 澳門博彩業持續穩健的發展，可以預見澳門老人能享受到更多的經濟發展成果。相對於一般老人而言，獨居老人需要政府和社會更多的關愛。1999年澳門收取社會工作局經濟援助之獨居長者數為905人，2000年此數值增加了50人，2001年受經濟援助的獨居長者數繼續增加，達到了993人，2002–2005年受經濟援助的獨居長者數一次為998、1005、1000、995人，雖然受經濟援助的獨居長者數值增長幅度不是很大，但總體上數值呈上升趨勢，獨居長者受益人數有所增多，體現了特區政府對獨居長者的關懷。62. 殘障群體聯合國《關於殘疾人的世界行動綱領》（1982）指出：“殘疾是指由於缺陷而缺乏作為正常人以正常方式從事某種正常活動的能力。”殘疾人是社會的特殊弱勢群體，對這一群體給予特定的制度安排，來保障他們的社會生活權益，是國家與社會的基本責任。2006中期人口統計資料顯示，澳門目前有殘疾人8298人，約佔總人口的1.7%。這些人口中使用殘障服務的有5782人，約佔所有殘疾人口的70%。表1按需要協助的活動類別統計之殘障居住人口數目需要協助的活動類別 人數行走活動 5061與人溝通 2621自我照顧 3797其他活動 1256不詳 192總數 8298資料來源：澳門統計暨普查局， h t t p : / / w w w . d s e c . g o v . m o /getAttachment/a56cb8bd-a4ac-4f22-bc0c-55dfc4f02284/C_ICEN_PUB_2006_Y.aspx。從表可以看到，澳門殘障群體中有約6%的人不能自己行走活動，有約3%的人不能與人正常溝通。顯然這些有生理缺陷的人群需要政府提供更多的救助和服務。澳門政府為這些殘疾人提供三類社會保障：第一，經濟救助。澳門基金會為殘障人士提供殘疾恤金，凡滿足以下條件的可申請領取：年滿18歲或以上；在本澳常居最少7年；已向本基金供款最少36個月；經本基金會委員會證實為長期絕對喪失從事任何有報酬工作的能力。殘疾撫恤金的金額為每月1700澳門元。社工局還為殘疾人士提供特別援助金，按照在澳門有無親屬分別可以領取每月400澳門元和300澳門元的補助。第二，生活服務。針對其身體功能和生活能力缺陷，澳門社會工作局為殘疾人士提供各類型的殘障服務。如澳門社會工作局規定因肢體、視覺、聽覺、智能、語言、障礙或精神病患等而引發障礙的殘疾人士可以免費申請和使用社會工作局或其資助機構營辦的康復服務。澳門殘疾人士中接受康復服務的有4667人，家庭助理服務的有203人，住宿照顧服務的有203人。第三，勞動服務。為化解物質環境和社會環境給殘疾人造成的各種障礙，保障殘疾人擁有均等機會自主行使他們的社會生活權益，澳門基金會還專設了一項名為“有缺陷失業者投入社會及就業津貼”，旨在鼓勵企業和非政府組織為殘疾人士提供就業培訓、工作崗位等服務。基金會規定“由企業或非政府組織為幫助身體或行為上有缺陷之失業者投入社會及就業所推行之職業培訓、庇護工場、工作崗位之配合或建築障礙之消除等活動均可獲發津貼，津貼金額不得超過500,000澳門元。”社會工作局也為殘疾人士提供教育培訓服務，如特殊教育、就業輔導等。目前，澳門殘疾人士中接受特殊教育的有464人，接受就業輔導的有232人。3. 單親家庭從表2可以看到，澳門分居或離婚的家庭中，非勞動力人口佔21.4%，勞動力人口中失業人口佔的5.4%；從性別來看，男性佔33%，女性佔67%；從就業情況看，男性就業率為76.1%，女性為72.9%。鰥寡家庭中，非勞動力佔78.6%，勞動力人口中失業人口佔4.6%；從性別來看，男性佔14.4%，女性佔85.6%；
119《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8外來總人口的3%，實際數字應該比這更高。三、存在的問題及對策（一）應提高保障水平2005澳門生活素質調查顯示，受訪者對步入晚年的擔憂相當明顯，逾半擔心沒有足夠的金錢應付日常開支。8 目前，澳門針對老人和殘障人士的津貼均為每月1700元，這個標準值得商榷。2005年澳門勞動人口工薪收入中位數是5900元，而以家庭收入5000元之下作為貧困戶的標準，即都工作的夫婦每人月收入平均為2500元。而目前養老金與殘障撫恤金比貧困戶的標準還要低800元。老人與殘障人士屬於生理功能、心理功能與社會功能均有缺陷的弱勢群體，基本只能依靠政府和社會救助才能維持正常生活。因此，給予的補助應不低於一般貧困標準才能保障其基本生活權益，也才能更好地體現政府以人為本的施政理念。例如，香港政府針對老年人制定的經濟保障包括：公共援助計劃、特別需要津貼計劃和意外賠償計劃。根據1990年的援助計劃書，獨身老人每月可領取基本援助金和高齡津貼 1078港元，另外最高可達每月488港元的租金津貼，以及每年870港元的長期個案補助金；此外，根據每個獨身老人的特殊情況，還可以領取特別補助，以應付特別膳食需要和若干交通費用。在1990年一名非傷殘的獨身老人每月大致可領取2100港元。因此，有必要提高弱勢群體的保障水平，並根據物價指數的變動進行調整，從而真正做到保障他們的基本生活權益。（二）應擴充保障範圍近年來，儘管享受社保基金和社會工作局服務的弱勢群體呈增長趨勢，但澳門弱勢群體的保障範圍仍需進一步擴大。以獨居老人為例，目前澳門獨居老人的經濟來源仍以家人（子女佔多數）供養為主，依賴個人收入及社會保障的養老金或救濟金的老年人不到一半；而中國內地的城市老年人於2004 年只有28.5%是依靠子女或其他親屬提供，6%是領有離退休金的。9由此可見，澳門獨居老人自我養老的能力十分不足，依賴家人供養的比例較高，家庭成員在獨居老人的養老中扮演 十分重要的作用。這主要是現今的老年人在過去受教育的水平較低，退休前主要從事非技術工作，沒有足夠的積蓄，而且澳門的社會保障制度於1990年才正式成立，現在大部分老人因過去沒有工作或在社會保障基金成立前已退出工作。2006年統計年鑒的資料顯示，澳門老人中符合領取養老金的人數只有11,991人，佔65歲及以上老年人口的33.9%，覆蓋率是十分不足的，因此導致老年人的生活來源必須依賴家人。10另外，澳門社工局的統計資料顯示，2006年澳門只有兩家長者日間護理中心，家居照顧及支援服務隊亦只有4隊，兩種服務合共為1061名老人提供服務，可見現有的服務機構遠不能滿足老人的需求。因此，首先應 力形成國家、集體、企業、個人等多渠道投資，增加養老保障基金，擴大養老金的覆蓋面，使大多數老人能得到經濟救助；其次，還應建好社區服務網絡，向社區老年人口提供更多的生活服務項目；最後，應推進老年保障社會化，廣泛動員社會力量共同發展社會化老年保障事業，以減輕政府財政壓力。（三）保障應考慮性別差異目前澳門分居或離婚的家庭中，男性佔33%，女性佔67%；鰥寡家庭中，男性佔14.4%，女性佔85.6%；從就業情況看，分居或離婚家庭中男性就業率為76.1%，女性為72.9%。鰥寡家庭中男性就業率為97.5%，女性為94.9%。數據表明，澳門的單親家庭中女性單親家庭佔絕大多數，而且女性的就業情況較男性低。可以說相對男性而言，女性是更為弱勢的群體。女性弱勢群體的保障狀況尤其需要引起政府及社會的關注。而目前澳門對弱勢群體的保障措施中，還沒有針對女性弱勢群體的政策傾斜。如何在社會保障中消除現實生活中性別不平等造成的後果，是值得深入研究的一項課題。美國政府對女性單親家庭的福利救濟始於1935年的社會保障法中的第4款“對依附性子女的援助”（Aid Dependent Chi ld ren ，簡稱 ADC），該項目在1962年改名為“對依附性子女的家庭援助”（Aid toFami l ies Wi th Dependent Chi ldren，簡稱AFDC），為包括女性單親家庭在內的有未成年子女的家庭提供現金補助、醫療補助、住宅補助及食品券。這項實施長達60年之久的福利計劃在美國影響深遠。對於大多數女性單親家庭而言，在面臨失業、配偶離棄、懷孕或是無法找到一份穩定工作等危急時刻，AFDC可以幫助她們暫度難關，是避免她們陷入貧困
論澳門弱勢群體的社會保障──現狀、問題及對策澳門研究120第53期的安全網。11針對女性單親家庭的保障可以借鑒美國的做法，制定一套較為全面的福利政策，不僅為她們提供醫療、食品、居住等方面的保障，而且從制度上消除她們面臨的諸如就業等領域的性別歧視。此外，還應加強女性弱勢群體的研究，在涉及教育培訓、就業、養老等方面的社會保障政策中體現對女性更多的關注與支持。（四）保障應注重外來人口2005 澳門生活素質調查中有幾個數字值得關注， 65% 受訪者是在澳門以外的地方出生，其中60%在澳居住超過20年。由此，從人口結構來看，澳門是一個移民城市，而且60%長期在澳居住的移民不僅對澳門的經濟社會發展做出了巨大的貢獻，而且其下一代也在澳門成長，對澳門的發展將產生更為深遠的影響。因此，這部分群體有權享受平等的社會保障待遇，但實際情況卻差強人意。目前澳門社會保障基金對居澳年限的限制成為一種制度性的排斥，導致他們成為一個城市的邊緣人群。如果長期被排除在社會保障安全網之外，其貧困問題得不到解決，則有可能導致城市貧民區的衍生，對澳門經濟社會的長期發展勢必帶來負面影響。因此，建議縮短或取消外來人口領取社會保障金的限制。考慮到政府的財政開支壓力，人口規模與結構以及部分投機主義者利用政策謀求私利等問題，可以從其他方面設置限制條件。如在年齡、學歷、職業方面制定相關條件，既能吸引澳門亟需的人才來澳居住，推動澳門的經濟社會發展，又可以盡可能地減少政府負擔，體現保障公平。註釋：1 鄭杭生等：《轉型中的中國社會和中國社會的轉型》，北京：首都師範大學出版社， 1 9 9 6 年。2 張敏傑：《中國弱勢群體研究》，長春：長春出版社， 2003 年。3 陳成文：《社會弱者論──體制轉換時期社會弱者的生活狀況與社會支持》，北京：時事出版社， 2 0 0 0年。4 苑歌：《關注社會弱勢群體──訪清華大學社會學系教授孫立平》，載於《中國企業報》， 2002 年 4 月 12日。5 澳門統計暨普查局：《2006 中期人口統計》， h t tp : / /w w w . d s e c . g o v . m o / i n d e x . a s p ? s r c = / c h i n e s e / h t m l /c_demgraphic.html 。6 周長城、柯燕：《客觀生活質量：現狀與評價──以澳門特區為例》，北京︰社會科學文獻出版社， 2008年。7 同註 6 。8 《港澳專家組公佈“居民生活素質現況調查”對澳門整體發展多表樂觀》，載於《華僑報》， 2005 年 12 月15 日。9 杜鵬、武超：《1994–2004 年中國老年人主要生活來源的變化》，載於《人口研究》，第 2 期， 2006 年。1 0 梁淑敏：《澳門獨居老人的養老來源分析》，載於《西北人口》，第 3 期， 2008 年。1 1 呂洪艷：《美國女性單親家庭研究中的幾個熱點問題概述》，載於《社會科學戰線》，第 3 期， 2007 年。
131《澳門研究》第53期2009. 81. IntroductionDuring the last two decades, there has been a trendin the growth of private education in many countries. Someof these developments were related to political changes.For instance, in Central and Eastern Europe, there was are-establishment of the private sector education after the politicaltransformation in 1989/1990.1 Others were related to economicdevelopment. For example, in China the increased marketizationof education during the Post-Mao period was not only a reflectionof the changes in political principles but also a response tothe rapid economic improvement.2 In addition, the fallingstandards of the public sector pushed parents who werefinancially sound to opt for private schools, which were expectedto provide more effective educational experiences.3Within this global context, Macau is an interesting casebecause its educational provision has always relied heavilyon private schools. During its four and a half centuries ofPortuguese administration, the Government played a minimalrole in education. Rangel4 notes that “For many years therewas an almost complete divorce between the GovernmentDepartment of Education, catering only for a small numberof schools, and different private entities, using various systemsof education not subjected to any kind of Government controlor guidance and instead surviving by their own means.”This separation between the Government and the privatesector was caused by several factors. First, the Portugueseadopted a laissez-faire approach towards the provision ofeducation which was never given a top priority in the governmentagenda. Second, the local Chinese people were not particularlyinterested in receiving free public education which followedthe Portuguese curriculum. Many people looked down on thePortuguese culture and language. Third, religious organizationsand local charities were enthusiastic in filling the void leftover by the Government. Education provided by the Churchcould be traced back as early as the 16th century and hasalways held significant weightings.Private schools have been bearing the critical responsibilityof nurturing human resource. It is difficult to say at this pointwhether public or private schools in Macau are better becausethere is a lack of information. But it is clear that some privateschools produce students who successfully meet internationalstandards and excel academically. Nevertheless, the privatesector does possess some problems.Co-ordination among private schools is weak.5 There aretwo private organizations that oversee the majority of privateschools. They are the Association of Catholic Schools andthe Chinese Education Association. Dialogue between themis limited.There is no territory-wide public examination in Macau,except for the various admission examinations held by thelocal tertiary institutions. The mechanisms of these examinationsare not transparent and the public cannot gain an objectiveillustration of the performance of private schools.Private schools use imported books according to the tastesof the sponsors. Many of these books are not relevant tothe local context. Another related problem is the size of Macau.Development of Private Schooling Political Transitionof Macau: Opportunities and ThreatsLAU Cheng Man, YUEN Pong Kau** Lau and Yuen are Lecturers in Centre for Pre-University Studies at the University of Macau
Development of Private Schooling Political Transition of Macau: Opportunities and Threats澳門研究132第53期Bray and Hui6 note that Macau is too small a market toattract any commercial publishers to design and publishtextbooks.Before, people has criticized severely that the qualityof teachers was questionable,7 but this situation has graduallyimproved. In the academic year 2004/2005, the proportion ofteachers who received teacher training for pre-school, primaryand secondary levels were respectively 98.5%, 91.7% and66.6%.8 But the attractiveness of the profession perhaps wasnot particularly high compared to commercial jobs.The political transition triggered the colonial Governmentto take a more active part in developing education at theend of its administration. Some important objectives were madein 1990:9There would be progressive implementation of universaland free primary education;There would be revision for the diffusion of the Portugueselanguage;The education sector needed to satisfy the futureeconomic, political, cultural and social needs of the city;A continuous education system would be launched.From a legal point of view, the Government was activeduring the transition period to build a framework for thedevelopment of schooling. Three significant laws were enacted.In 1991, Law No. 11/91/M established a framework to thelength of schooling and allowed private schools to fine-tunetheir structures within this framework. In 1995, Law No. 29/95/M targeted at providing free and compulsory schooling toMacau residents. This policy covered all public schools andprivate schools were allowed to participate voluntarily. In 1997,Law No. 46/97/M provided guidelines to the curriculumdevelopment of the upper secondary level.After the political transition, the number of private schoolshas continued to increase. There is no sign that the Governmentdownplays their importance. In fact, after the implementationof the free and compulsory education policy, more privateschools receive financial assistance from the Government andgreater equity to education has created. In the 2006 PolicyAddress, the Chief Executive stated that the Government wouldcontribute more resources into the education system. Freeand compulsory education would firstly be extended to coverpre-school education and would be targeted to cover the entirenon-higher education eventually. The debate now should beabout the degree of accountability that private schools shouldtake so that the general public can know more clearly abouttheir operations.Macau has experienced rapid economic growth duringthe last few years. With the deregulation of the gaming industry,Government revenues increase dramatically. In 2007, Macau’sGDP hit MOP 149.46 billion (about USD 18.68 billion) andper capita GDP is MOP 289,153 (about USD 36,144).10 Withsuch strong financial backup, the Government should formulateobjectives and policies which foster the constructive developmentof private schooling.This paper will first discuss the different roles of publicand private education. It will then trace the historical developmentof private education in Macau and will suggest that althoughthe local private school sector is far from perfect, it has beenextremely important for the territory. Finally, it will discussthe developments of schooling after the political transition andargue that the Government needs to formulate policies, particularlythe need to develop an effective school assessment policy,which enhances a more balanced development of private andpublic education in Macau.2. The Roles of Public and Private EducationThe question whether education should be provided bythe Government or by the private sector cannot be easilyanswered because education does not exist in a vacuum.In the real world, education relates strongly to politics, economyand culture. It is not an entity which can be observed individually.Any educational outcome derives from a combination of complexfactors which are interdependent in a non-linear fashion.In addition, the definition of private education varies. Insome regions, private schools are operated by independentorganizations and receive little assistance from governments.In other areas, private schools may be heavily subsidizedby the state.Public and private education co-exist because they playdifferent roles that are equally important. The emphasis, therefore,should be on establishing a well-balanced partnership betweenthe two sectors, which serve the students at their best.
133《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8Colclough11 notes that there are seven reasons whichsupport the public provision of education. They are listedas follows:Some of the benefits of education accrue not onlyto its direct recipients, but also to society at large;Education is often treated as goods with special merit,but which might be undersupplied if left to the market;Investment in education has a long gestation period;Scale economies may lead to monopoly;The private purchase of schooling is beyond the meansof most poor families;The relevant decision-making unit for matters to dowith school attendance is the parents, and not the child;In some countries, there are cultural biases againstthe enrollment of minority groups;On the other hand, there are reasons that support marketprovision.Governments may not be willing or able to put thingsright;Resources for expansion may not be available fromthe public sector;Existing resources may be misallocated;Private schools are often related to the provision of higher-quality education for those who can afford it. The availabilityof religious bodies plays a significant part in this aspect.According to an on-line article12, about 11% of Americanelementary and secondary school students attend private schoolsand 24% of all schools are private. About 85% of all privateschools are affiliated with religious bodies. The article notesthat American private schools share four characteristics, whichdistinguish them from public schools. These are a decentralizedsystem of governance, high academic expectations, smallenrollment and class size, and shared values.In Hong Kong, mass education has been well-developedwith the introduction of compulsory primary education in 1971and compulsory education up to 15 years of age in 1978.13But there were complaints about the public sector. There werethree major causes: the centralized control over secondaryschools have deprived them of their competition and inventiveto improve and innovate; there are serious defects in thesecondary curriculum; the 9-year compulsory education haskept a number of underachievers inside the classroom.14 Thedissatisfaction of the people has driven the Hong KongGovernment to introduce the Direct Subsidy Scheme forsecondary schools. The purpose of this scheme is to developan innovative private education sector. A school joining thescheme will be subsidized by the Government according tothe number of students. The Education Department will notsupply students to the school. In other words, the schoolhas to look for its own students. At the same time, the schoolwill have greater freedom in terms of curriculum and policies.Similar to the United States, private education provision inHong Kong seems to be an answer for people who lookfor more decentralized and higher-quality education.Although private schools provide more choices for studentsin terms of diversity, an over dependence on the private sectormay create adverse consequences. In Haiti, 75% and 82%of primary and secondary students respectively are enrolledin private schools. However, Salmi15 argues that the cost tofamilies and the degree of social injustice have been high.Education is also a tool, which delivers and maintainsthe political ideology of the ruling Government. When thepolitical condition changes, the education sector will likelychange. After the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in Centraland Eastern Europe, there has been a growth of private educationin Poland.16 Public education during the communist period wascriticized on several grounds: the curriculum was highlydescriptive and centrally determined, teaching was too muchteacher-centered, children in rural areas were disadvantagedand there was an over-emphasis on collective goals. Manypeople see private education as a source of innovation.However, in practice, the private sector exhibited problemswhich are similar to the public sector. For example, theexpectations that private schools will be better-resourced areover-optimistic. Many of them experienced difficulties inintroducing innovations. Parents only see private education asa supplement, not an alternative, to the public sector model.The failure of the Government to introduce an effective systemto monitor and evaluate the quality of teaching and learningalso contributes to the undermining of the sector.In China, there was an emergence of private schoolsin the 1980s. Kwong argues that these schools not only meet
Development of Private Schooling Political Transition of Macau: Opportunities and Threats澳門研究134第53期educational demands of the people, they also resonate withthe political development of the country and provide profitsto the owners. She notes that “Private schools…areentrepreneurial institutions selling marketable skills.” The growthof private schools and the way they are tolerated are similarto that of the private enterprises; and they are indicators ofthe country’s development direction.17The above discussion shows that what is important isnot an argument over the nature of sponsorship but thedevelopment of an education system which can provide fairaccess as well as high-quality teaching and learning.3. The Political Development of MacauMacau is located on the southeast coast of China tothe west of the Pearl River Delta. It is a city of politicalcuriosity.18 The Portuguese claimed the year 1557 as theirtime of settlement in the territory.19 In 1573, the ChineseGovernment built the Barrier Gate, which separated Macaufrom the rest of the mainland. The Portuguese then beganto pay ground rent to the Chinese Government and obtainedrights to administer the city. Nevertheless, the ChineseGovernment continued to exert strong influences over manyissues. Pereira20 notes that “Since Macau’s origin as aPortuguese settlement, a dualism had been apparent, sometimesstrikingly, in all aspects of life: in the exercise of politicalpower, administration of justice, religious structures, trade affairsand even in the administration of the city itself.”In 1783, the Portuguese Government promulgated theRoyal Provisions which asserted more rights over the city.In 1822, the Portuguese constitution declared Macau an integralpart of Portuguese territory and proclaimed Macau a free port.In 1888, the Treaty of Beijing was signed and ratified. Itwas the first time that the Chinese Government recognizedthe Portuguese sovereignty over Macau.During the early 20th century, both China and Portugalexperienced revolutions. In 1911, the Qing Dynasty wasoverthrown and the Republic of China was founded. In 1928,António de Oliveira Salazar overthrew the Portuguese monarchyand established the authoritarian Corporative Unitary Republic.In 1949, the Chinese Communist Party liberated the countryand founded the People’s Republic of China. In 1974, Salazarwas overthrown by a group of officers who were led byGeneral Spinola. The new Portuguese Government determinedto grant independence to its colonies.After the ten-year cultural revolution, China began to restoresocial stability in 1970s and diplomatic relation was re-establishedbetween China and Portugal. The Joint Declaration of theGovernment of the People’s Republic of China and theGovernment of the Republic of Portugal was signed in 1987.This document stated that China would resume exercise ofsovereignty over Macau with effect from 20th December 1999.From this date onwards, Macau would be a special administrativeregion of China. The region would enjoy a high degree ofautonomy and China would govern Macau by the “one country,two systems” policy. The Joint Declaration eventually clarifiedthe status of the territory.This historical background has great impact on the overalldevelopment of Macau. First, many local Chinese residentswere indifferent towards the development of local politics. Yee21notes theat “after centuries of political apathy, few local Chineseaspired to participate in the elections or to run for legislatureseas.” Second, since the 1960s, the Chinese community hasbeen dominated by pro-China organizations. Third, the colonialGovernment played minimal role in providing welfare andeducation. Religions groups and private organizations becamesubstantial givers of various social services. Fourth, manylocal Chinese were not interested in learning the Portugueselanguage and culture. This created a gap between the colonialgovernment and the people. Lam22 argues that Macau is aminimally-integrated social political system.Because of the separation between the Portugueseadministration and the society, education provision in Macauhas depended heavily on the private sector.4. The Development of Private Schooling inMacauThe educational development of Macau has always beenaffected by changes in mainland China. During the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1911) Dynasties, there were some smallprivate schools which taught traditional Chinese texts. The arrivalof the Jesuit missionaries led to the beginning of Westerneducation. One of the biggest achievements of the Church
135《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8was the set up of the St. Paul’s College, which was theearliest tertiary institution in East Asia. The Church has sinceplayed an active role in Macau’s educational development.In 1911, the overthrowing of the feudal Qing Dynastygave rise to the modernization of Chinese education. Duringthis period many schools which were sponsored by Chineseorganizations were established in Macau. In 1923, there werealtogether 97 primary and secondary schools and 7953students.23In the 1930s, Japan invade China. Many people fledthe mainland and settled in Macau. Some schools wererelocated. After the war, some teachers and administratorsdetermined to stay in Macau and they became a criticaldevelopmental force in the education sector.After the establishment of the People’s Republic of Chinain 1949, there was a patriotic movement in Macau. Manypro-communist organizations involved in education. They setup many schools in the 1950s. Due to the political orientationof these schools, they were labeled “patriotic schools” bythe local people.After the collapse of the Gang of Four, China implementedits open-door policy. This policy triggered the economic growthof Macau as well as an influx of immigrants, both legal andillegal, from the mainland. The demand for schooling wasbigger than the supply. For more than a decade, there wasan undersupply of schooling opportunities.The signing of the Sino-Portuguese Declaration clarifiedthe status of Macau and the Portuguese administration beganto participate more in educational provision from the late 1980s.The implementation of free compulsory education was an exampleof positive Government intervention.After four and a half centuries of development, privateeducation in Macau possesses some interesting features.Liu24 argues that there are 6 main points:The system reflects the ethnic characteristic of Macau;The system exhibits a high degree of flexibility;There is a high level of participation from the community;Some units in the system are excel but most arebackward;There is competition between the well-resourced andthe poorly resourced;There is high level of autonomy;The most prominent feature of Macau’s private educationsector is its diversity. Since the sponsors have high degreeof autonomy to determine policies and practices, schools inMacau have different philosophical and political orientations,curriculum, teaching methods and standards.Although the system is disorganized, its benefits to Macaushould never be under-estimated. Private schools providechoices for the people. After years of competition, they hadestablished their own positions and serve different students.For example, some schools are supported by missionary groupsand local charities. They aim at serving less fortunate childrenand they only demand minimal tuition. Some schools useEnglish as the medium of instruction and some use Chinese.Some have religious backgrounds and some are pro-Communist.Some provide academic training and some offer more vocationalcourses.Diversity is the most critical advantage of Macau’s systemand should not be disrupted. The Government needs to maintaindiversity and improve transparency of the private sector.Transparency allows parents and students to make their decisionsunder better informed circumstances and can opt for the schoolsthat they find most suitable for their needs.5. The Current Situation of Private Schoolingin MacauThe structure of the education system was legitimizedby Law No. 11/91/M in 1991. Primary and lower secondaryeducation have been unified to 6 and 3 years accordingly.For higher secondary education, either 2 or 3 years are allowed.At the time of writing this paper, the Government is reviewingthis structure and proposes to align all upper secondary to3 years.According to the span of educational provision, there arefive types of schools which offer primary and/or secondaryeducation. They are: (Type I) primary only, (Type II) kindergartenand primary, (Type III) primary and secondary, (Type IV)kindergarten, primary and secondary, and (Type V) secondaryonly. The following five tables present the change in quantityof these five types of schools from academic year 1996/1997 to 2007/2008. The figures are compiled from the official
Development of Private Schooling Political Transition of Macau: Opportunities and Threats澳門研究136第53期Table 1 Structure of the Macau Education System(excluding higher education)School Age Levels School YearsTechnical and15 – 16VocationalorHigherEducation2 or 315 – 17Secondary(HigherEducationSecondaryLevel)Technical andVocationalBasicLowerEducation3Education12 – 14 Secondary(Lower(Free andEducationSecondaryCompulsory) Level)6 – 11 Primary Education 65 Pre-Primary Education 13 – 4 Pre-School EducationSource: Education and Youth Affairs Bureau, Government of Macau, DSEJ, http://www.dsej.gov.mo/~webdsej/www/dsejnews/edu-pics.htm.statistics provided by the Education and Youth Affairs Bureau,Government of Macau.The tables show that after the change of sovereignty,the proportion of private schools has not declined. In fact,the number of private schools in Type IV has increasedsignificantly since 2000/2001. This implies that the Governmenthas no intention to reduce the importance of private schools.There are several possible reasons. First, Government wantsto minimize any form of discontinuity after the political transition.Second, the private sector has been contributing a lot to thecommunity. The Government prefers enhancing its developmentto downplaying its role. Third, it is a global trend to shiftcertain educational responsibilities to private schools. Even inChina, the influence of private schools is increasing.25 Fourth,many private schools are run by the Catholic Church. Therelationship between the Church and the mainland has alwaysbeen sensitive. However, But the diocese of Macau and Chinaseems to have a more positive relationship than that of otherregions. The level of autonomy has been maintained afterthe transition. Fifth, the implementation of the free and compulsoryeducation policy means that equity in private education hasTable 2 Quantity of Type I Schools, 1996/1997–2007/2008Primary only 1996–1997 1997–1998 1998–1999 1999–2000 2000–2001 2001–2002 2002–2003 2003–2004 2004–2005 2005–2006 2006–2007 2007–2008Public 5 7 8 8 7 7 7 4 3 2 1 1Private 2 3 3 3 4 3 3 4 3 4 2 2Total number 7 10 11 11 11 10 10 8 6 6 3 3Private % 28.6 30.0 27.3 27.3 36.4 30.0 30.0 50.0 50.0 66.7 66.7 66.7Public % 71.4 70.0 72.7 72.7 63.6 70.0 70.0 50.0 50.0 33.3 33.3 33.3Table 3 Quantity of Type II Schools, 1996/1997–2007/2008Kindergartenand primary1996–1997 1997–1998 1998–1999 1999–2000 2000–2001 2001–2002 2002–2003 2003–2004 2004–2005 2005–2006 2006–2007 2007–2008Public 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 2 3 4 5 5Private 31 29 29 29 36 21 22 22 20 17 18 16Total number 33 29 29 29 37 22 22 24 23 21 23 21Private % 93.9 100.0 100.0 100.0 97.3 95.5 100.0 91.7 87.0 81.0 78.3 76.2Public % 6.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.7 4.5 0.0 8.3 13.0 19.0 21.7 23.8Table 4 Quantity of Type III Schools, 1996/1997–2007/2008Primary andsecondary1996–1997 1997–1998 1998–1999 1999–2000 2000–2001 2001–2002 2002–2003 2003–2004 2004–2005 2005–2006 2006–2007 2007–2008Public 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0Private 9 10 11 9 12 9 9 10 9 9 9 9Total number 10 11 11 9 12 9 9 10 9 9 9 9Private % 90.0 90.9 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0Public % 10.0 9.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
137《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8Table 7 Quantity of Schools Integrated in Public SchoolNetwork, 2003/2004–2006/2007Academic Year 2003/2004 2004/2005 2005/2006 2006/2007Government Schools 13 13 12 12Private Schools (integrated inpublic school network)59 57 55 55Private Schools (not integratedin publ ic school network)15 13 13 13Total 87 83 80 80Source: The above figures are compiled from DSEJ education statistics (2003/2004-2006/2007),http://appl/dsej.gov.mo/edustat/edu/stat_d/mainpage.jsp?lang=c. The number of special education schools has been deductedfrom the total to generate the above figures.Table 5 Quantity of Type IV Schools, 1996/1997–2007/2008Kindergarten,primary and 1996–1997 1997–1998 1998–1999 1999–2000 2000–2001 2001–2002 2002–2003 2003–2004 2004–2005 2005–2006 2006–2007 2007–2008secondaryPublic 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0Private 19 20 20 20 17 25 25 27 28 28 29 29Total number 19 20 20 20 17 25 26 27 28 28 29 20Private % 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 96.2 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0Public % 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0Table 6 Quantity of Type V Schools, 1996/1997–2007/2008Secondaryonly1996–1997 1997–1998 1998–1999 1999–2000 2000–2001 2001–2002 2002–2003 2003–2004 2004–2005 2005–2006 2006–2007 2007–2008Public 1 2 1 3 2 2 2 3 3 4 4 4Private 2 2 3 4 11 6 6 7 6 6 6 6Total number 3 4 4 7 13 8 8 10 9 10 10 10Private % 66.7 50.0 75.0 57.1 84.6 75.0 75.0 70.0 66.7 60.0 60.0 60.0Public % 33.3 50.0 25.0 42.9 15.4 25.0 25.0 30.0 33.3 40.0 40.0 40.0been increased. Therefore, the public and private sectors cancomplement one another in educational provision.Table 7 illustrates the quantity of private schools whichhave joined the free and compulsory education policy. It isimportant to note that there is a discrepancy between the figuresin Table 7 and Tables 2 to 5. Table 7 counts the numberof educational licences issued by the Government. For example,a school which has day and evening sections will generallyhave two licences.Table 7 shows that most private schools have alreadybeen integrated in the public school network. They receivefinancial assistance from the Government and are obliged bylaw to perform duties, such as submitting budget to theGovernment accordingly and controlling class size.The free and compulsory education policy lifts the financialburdens of parents while at the same time allows schoolsto maintain high-level autonomy. Nevertheless, when privateschools are receiving financial support from the Government,they should be more accountable to the taxpayers.Tang and Morrison26 argue that the combination of laissez-faire marketization and minimal state intervention has led tolow standards of education in Macau. But since there is noinformation indicating the performance of schools, this judgementis sketchy. Macau participated in the Programme for InternationalStudent Assessment (PISA) organized by the Organization forEconomic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 2003.Among 41 participating regions, Macau ranked between 6thand 12th in mathematics, between 5th and 9th in problem solving,between 12th and 19th in reading and between 5th and 10thin science.27 Except for reading, Macau’s rankings werestatistically significantly above the OECD average. This showsthat the standard of education, in fact, is not low.The more forefront question is the degree of accountabilitythat private schools, particularly those that are integrated inthe public school network, should take. The failure to developan effective legal framework to control the private educationsector is a problem shared by many regions. Klus-Stanskaand Olek28 argue that the sheer profusion of non-state schools
Development of Private Schooling Political Transition of Macau: Opportunities and Threats澳門研究138第53期gives the impression of disorganisation. But private schoolsdo have the advantages of having greater flexibility. Thechallenge is how to maintain the prevailing benefits of privateschools while demanding more proper structure and highertransparency.In the United Kingdom, about half of all independent schoolsare regulated by the Independent Schools Council.29 All ISCschools are inspected under a framework approved by Ofstedand the DfES. This practice not only assures the quality ofeducation but also allows the public to access objectiveinformation about independent schools. In the United States,private schools are subject to state regulations. The degreeof intervention varies. Some states may require schools toteach a particular subject while others may control the healthand safety of students as well as the number of staffrequired.30In 2003, the Macau Government decided to establish themechanism for school assessment. Preliminary assessmentexercises have been carried out since May 2003 and theactual assessment started in academic year 2006/2007.31 Thepurpose of the assessment exercise is to truly reflect theoperation of schools and to improve their quality.The implementation of the assessment policy is abreakthrough in Macau’s educational development. If this policyis effective, the diverse characteristics of schools can bemaintained, the quality of schools can be improved and thepublic can acquire more objective information about privateschools. Nevertheless, the execution of such policy may facemany possible problems due to Macau’s limit land resources.Bray and Packer32 argue that small states face sixdistinctive challenges: the limited supply of natural resources;the over-dependence on external aid and monetary input;the closeness of interpersonal relationships; the lack ofspecializations; the limited capacity to conduct research; andthe difficulty to develop cultural identity. Macau is no exceptionwhen considering its limitations.It is a typical Asian society where “face” is somethingthat matters a lot. When private schools are obliged to disclosetheir information, many administrators and teachers will bethreatened by the thought that they will have to expose theirweaknesses to the public.Official assessment may also create intense burdens onteachers when their career development is affected by theresults of the assessment. It is possible that the assessmentwill become a means of punishment rather than improvementfor the teachers.To ensure that the assessment policy can be executedsuccessfully, the Government has to set up a legal frameworkwhich specifies the mechanism of the policy and addressesthe authority, responsibility and accountability of each involvedparty. The practice of school assessment is a golden opportunity,which can lead Macau’s education development to a higher,more internationally recognized level. The Government needsto seize this policy with careful and comprehensive planning,determined execution and systematic review.6. ConclusionDuring the four and a half centuries of Portugueseadministration, the Government has played a limited role inthe provision of education in Macau. The Catholic Churchand many local organizations helped to fill in this void. Thelaissez-faire approach of the Government and the high levelof community participation created a system which was diversein nature. Private schools were diverse in terms of philosophicalideologies, structures, curriculum development and pedagogies.On the one hand, this phenomenon enabled parents and studentsto choose the type of schooling that they found most appropriate.On the other hand, parents needed to bear financial burdensfor tuition; the schools were highly non-transparent, and thestandards of teaching and learning were questionable.During the last decade of the Portuguese rule, theGovernment determined to take a more active role. One ofthe policies was the implementation of the free and compulsoryeducation. This orientation has been extended after the politicaltransition. The Government of the Special Administrative Regioncontinued to increase its assistance for private schools. In2005/06, 60 private schools joined this scheme. Only 13 schoolsare not integrated in the public school network. This policylifts the financial burdens from parents and ensures that allchildren will have formal schooling experiences.When private schools are now taking financial resourcesfrom the government, they should be accountable to the public.
139《澳門研究》第53期2009. 8The introduction of the assessment exercise is a critical stepforward in opening up the black boxes of private schoolsand allowing the public to assess more objective information.However, school assessment has to be carried out cautiouslydue to Macau’s social and cultural uniqueness. Schools donot exist in a vacuum. They interact with the political, economicand cultural dimensions. What the government needs now,with its abundant financial resource, is to set up a legalframework, and to devise an effective mechanism for schoolassessment. Hopefully with the piloting of the assessment policyand the reviewing of the school system, which is currentlyunderway, the complement of the public and private sectorscan lead to higher standards and fairer access to education.Notes:1 Klus-Stanska, D. and Olek, H., “Private Education in Poland:Breaking the Mould?” International Review of Education, Vol.44, No. 2–3 (1998), pp. 235–249.2 Kwong, J., “The Reemergence of Private Schools in SocialistChina,” Comparative Education Review, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1997),pp. 244-259; Mok, K., “Retreat of the State: Marketization ofEducation in the Pearl River Delta,” Comparative EducationReview, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1997), pp. 260–276.3 Public vs. Private Schools, website: www.cybercollege.com/plume7.htm, accessed 11th Jul, 2006.4 Rangel, J. A. H., “Prospects and Directions for Education,” InR. D. Cremer (Ed.), Macau, City of Commerce and Culture,2nd Edition: Continuity and Change (Hong Kong: API Press,1991).5 Bray, M. and Hui, P., “Structure and Content of Education:Evolution and Reform in the Transitional Period,” In R. D.Cremer (Ed.), Macau, City of Commerce and Culture, 2ndEdition: Continuity and Change (Hong Kong: API Press, 1991).6 Bray, M. and Hui, P., “The Implications of Size for EducationalDevelopment in Small Terr itor ies: The Case of Macau,”International Review of Education, Vol. 35, No. 2 (1989).7 Tang, F. H. and Morrison, K., “When Marketisation Does NotImprove Schooling: The Case of Macau,” Compare, Vol. 28,No. 3 (1998), pp. 245–262.8 Education and Youth Affairs Bureau, “Educational Statistic,”website: http://www.dsej.gov.mo, 2005.9 Bray, M. and Hui, P., “Structure and Content of Education:Evolution and Reform in the Transitional Period,” In R. D.Cremer (Ed.), Macau, City of Commerce and Culture, 2ndEdition: Continuity and Change (Hong Kong: API Press, 1991).1 0 Government of Macau, “Economic Development,” website:http://www.gov.mo, 2008.1 1 Colclough, C., “Education and the Market: Which Parts of theNeoliberal Solution are Correct?” World Development, Vol. 24,No. 4 (1996), pp. 589–610.1 2 Private Education in the United States, “Microsoft EncartaOnline Encyclopedia 2006,” website: http://encarta.msn.com,1997–2006 Microsoft Corporation, 2006.1 3 Hong Kong SAR: Education and Research (2005), “Primary,Secondary Education,” website: http://www.asianphilanthropy.org/countries/hongkong/education.html, accessed 11 th July,2006.1 4 Lo, W., “Education in Hong Kong,” Hong Kong DemocraticFoundation, website:http://www.hkdf.org/pr.asp?func=show&pr=11,accessed 11th July, 2006.1 5 Salmi, J., “Equity and Quality in Private Education: The HaitianParadox,” Compare, Vol. 30, No. 2 (2000), pp. 163–178.1 6 Klus-Stanska, D. and Olek, H., “Private Education in Poland:Breaking the Mould?” International Review of Education, Vol.44, No.2-3 (1998), pp. 235–249.1 7 Kwong, J., “The Reemergence of Private Schools in SocialistChina,” Comparative Education Review, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1997),pp. 244–259.1 8 Cremer, R. D., “Introduction,” In R. D. Cremer (Ed.), Macau,City of Commerce and Culture, 2nd Edition: Continuity andChange (Hong Kong: API Press, 1991).1 9 Pires, B. V., “Origins and Early History of Macau,” In R. D.Cremer (Ed.), Macau, City of Commerce and Culture, 2ndEdition: Continuity and Change (Hong Kong: API Press, 1991).2 0 Pereira, F. G., “Towards 1999: The Political Status of Macauin the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” In R. D. Cremer(Ed.), Macau, City of Commerce and Culture, 2nd Edition:Continuity and Change (Hong Kong: API Press, 1991).2 1 Yee, H. S., Macau in Transition: From Colony to AutonomousRegion (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001).2 2 Lam, T. C., “Administration and Publ ic Service System inMacau,” In R. D. Cremer (Ed.), Macau, City of Commerce andCulture, 2nd Edition: Continuity and Change (Hong Kong: APIPress, 1991).2 3 Liu, X. B., Aomen Jiaoyushi (The Educational History ofMacau) (Beijing: People’s Education Press, 2002).2 4 Ibid.2 5 Kwong, J., “The Reemergence of Private Schools in SocialistChina,” Comparative Education Review, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1997),pp. 244–259.2 6 Tang, F. H. and Morrison, K., “When Marketisation Does NotImprove Schooling: The Case of Macau,” Compare, Vol. 28,No. 3 (1998), pp. 245–262.2 7 OECD, First Results from PISA 2003: Executive Summary(website: h ttp: / /www.pisa.oecd.org, 2003).2 8 Klus-Stanska, D. and Olek, H., “Private Education in Poland:Breaking the Mould?” International Review of Education, Vol.44, No.2-3 (1998), pp. 235–249.2 9 Independent Schools Council (2006)., “Facts and Figures,”website: http:/ /www.isc.co.hk/ index.php/5, accessed 11 thJuly, 2006.3 0 Private Education in the United States, “Microsoft EncartaOnline Encyclopedia 2006,” website: http://encarta.msn.com,1997–2006 Microsoft Corporation, 2006.3 1 Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Juventude, BreveIntrodução à Avaliação Escolar Global (Governo de Macau,2005).3 2 Bray, M. and Packer , S. , Educat ion in Smal l Sta tes:Concepts, Challenges and Strategies (Oxford: PergamonPress, 1993).
澳門現代政治行政制度部分法規選擇（1955–1976）(上)澳門研究146第53期Matos Antunes Varela──António Manuel Pinto Barbosa──Afonso Magalhães de Almeida Fernandes──Macel loGo nç a l v es N u nes D ua r t e M a t h i a s ── Edu a r do deArantes e Ol ivei ra──歐維士──Francisco de PaulaLeite Pinto──José do Nascimento Ferreira Dias Júnior──Car los Gomes da Si lva Ribei ro──Henr ique Veiga deMacedo──Henr ique de Miranda Vasconcelos Mart insde Carvalho公佈於所有海外省之《政府公報》。──歐維士三、 1963 年《澳門省政治行政章程》海外部部長辦公室第45377號國令1963年6月24日第2119號法律（《海外組織法》）第87綱第1目第e項規定，海外省之政治行政章程應予修訂。基於此，經聽取總督及澳門省政務委員會常設委員會以及海外委員會之意見；海外部部長行使《憲法》第150條第3款賦予之職權，制定本國令，並由本人頒佈：第1條──核准經海外部部長簽署，並附於本國令之《澳門省政治行政章程》。第2條──本章程於1964年1月1日於全省實施。第3條── 總督須採取措施，使新組成之立法委員會及政務委員會於1964年4月開始運作，無需遵守本章程確立之期限； 立法委員會及政務委員會選舉須於1964年3月31日前舉行。為此，須按照屆時生效之法律規定，重新辦理選民登記。命令公佈並實施本國令之規定。1963年11月22日於共和國政府大樓──托馬斯──薩拉沙──高利亞公佈於《澳門政府公報》。──高利亞澳門省政治行政章程第一章一般規定第1條── 根據葡萄牙之權利及與中國於1887年12月1日簽訂之條約，澳門省包括天主之名之城澳門及其附屬領地； 省會為天主之名之城澳門。第2條──澳門省為一公法人，並根據《政治憲法》、《海外組織法》及本章程之規定，享有行政及財政自治權。第3條──代表省之權限屬總督，或對於特定之行為，由其委託人士代表。總督於法院由以下人士代表： 根據其等級，檢察院人員； 於特別法院，依法指定之代表。第二章省之行政第一節管理機關第4條── 省專屬之管理機關為總督、立法委員會及政務委員會； 總督得根據《海外組織法》第31綱第2目9之規定，建議委任一名政務司，以定期委任方式執行職務。第5條──行政職能由總督行使，得通過訓令並於其認為適當時，將此等職能授予倘有之政務司及部門首長，但財政管理事宜除外。第6條──省立法機關之權限，僅為國民大會、中央政府及海外部部長依其權限所規限者。第二節總督第一分節一般規定第7條── 總督於全省為葡萄牙國家之最高代表，並享有共和國政府部長之榮譽；除共和國總統、部長會議主席、國民大會主席、職團代表大會主席、部長、國務秘書及部次外，於省內服務之所有文武官員中居先； 總督府具一常設軍事衛隊。國旗須按照法律規定之時間，每天隆重升掛及降下。於總督主持之儀式，如有樂隊在場，須演奏國歌； 總督之制服及識別，由法律規定； 當總督或其代任人被法院傳召，以證人、原告或被告身份於省內作供或作證時，該等行為須於其官邸內作出。第8條──總督未經海外部部長事先許可，不得離開本省。第9條──總督須有一名秘書長、一名副官及一名秘書。副官之軍階不得高於陸軍上尉或海軍上尉。第二分節總督之立法職能第 10 條──總督於下列情況行使立法職能：於立法委員會休會期間； 於立法委員會會期進行
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