目錄調 整發展思維，共創互利共贏合作新局面—— “澳珠發展論壇”首次會議記要 ………………………………………………《澳門研究》編輯部 1論CE PA框架下港澳居民參與內地律師業務的規則及其意義…………………………………范劍虹 、陳 捷 11Applicabil i ty of Part l l of the Marine Law of the Macau SAR……………………………………………SZE Ping Fat 20“惡法非法”與“惡法亦法”辨析……………………………………………………………………李寒霖 26澳門的知識產權海關保護政策研究……………………………………………………………………黃志勇 31令民意表達更加暢通—— 參與式民主與澳門政府諮詢機制建設構想……………………………………婁勝華 37澳門政府的最優規模………………………………………………………………………………………傅桂娥 48論“澳門居民綜合生活素質”的評估 ………………………………………………………………張 毅 54發展思維的調整與強勢合作體系的建立…………………………………………………………………楊允中 57尋找橫琴開發的利益契合點……………………………………………………………………………鄭偉聰 63內地與港澳貨幣合作的目標方位：單一貨幣區…………………………………………………………陳章喜 69The Deficiency of Macau’s Over－re l iance Economy on Gaming lndus t r y……………………………… SO HangTa i 74心理賬戶、預算約束與賭徒行為………………………………………………………………………黃俊立 84基於 I F E 和 E F E 矩 陣的 兩岸 關係 剖 析………………………………………………………………程 成 89論澳門房地產發展因素的實證方程………………………………………………………………………柯慶耀 96Anticipation on theNumber of Doctors in Macau SAR in 2005－2015……………………NG Weng Man，BIAN Ying 1 01香港旅客對澳門民間節慶與廟宇的觀賞 ——來自一次問捲調查的分析……………………陳國成、陳傳錢 107澳門松山公園休閒旅遊人數調查…………………………………………………………………李金平、王志石 112三文四語中的澳門法律公文翻譯探討……………………………………………………………………林 巍 117論發展學前教育的長遠意義………………………………………………………………………………張媛芬 125澳門歷史教育回顧…………………………………………………………………………………………鄭潤培 130從文化交錯的觀點審視澳門後殖民建築文化……………………………………………………………童喬慧 138流散於葡萄牙的明清瓷器………………………………………………………………………金國平、吳志良 142書評：一本族群社會研究的重要著作 ——廖楊著《港澳臺族群社會與文化研究》介評………………錢宗范 1502005年澳門所舉辦各類研討會擇輯………………………………………………………《澳門研究》編輯部 153
CONTENTS Adjust the Thinking for Development to Create a Mutual Beneficial Situation— "Forum on Macau SAR and Zhuhai SEZ Development"........................Editorial Department of Journal of Macau Studies 1 The Regulations for Hong Hong and Macau Residents Involving in Legal Business in Mainland China and Its Implications Under CEPA ....................................................................................... FAN Jianhong, CHEN Jie 11 Applicability of Part II of the Marine Law of the Macau SAR ..................................................................... SZE Ping Fat 20 The Difference of Good and Bad Laws...........................................................................................................LI Hanlin 26 A Research in the Customs Policy for Intellectual Property .................................................................... WONG Chi long 31 The Development of Participatory Democracy and Macau Government Consultative Body............ ...............LOU Shenghua 37 An Investigation on the Optimal Scale of Macau Government ............................................................................ FU Guie 48 An Evaluation of "The Quality of Life of Macau Residents"....................................................................... CHEONG Ngai 54 Adjustment of the Thinking for Development and Creation of the Strong Cooperation System .................... IEONG Wan Chong 57 The Juncture of Developing Hengqin Island ..................................................................................CHEANG Wai Chong 63 The Orientation of Unitary Currency Union for Mainland, Hong Kong and Macau.........................................CHEN Zhangxi 69 The Deficiency of Macau's Over-reliance Economy on Gaming Industry.........................................................SO Hang Tai 74 Mental Accounting, Budget Constraint and Gambler's Behaviour ...............................................................HUANG Junlin 84 Cross-Strait Relations Analysis from IFE and EFE Matrix ...................................................................... CHENG Cheng 89 The Investigation of Macau Real Estate Development ...................................................................... KWAH Kheng Yeow 96 Anticipation on the Number of Doctors in Macau SAR in 2005-2015 ...........................................NG Weng Man, BIAN Ying 101 A Survey on Hong Kong Tourists' Interest in Chinese Festivals and Temples in Macau.................................................................CHAN Kwok Shing, CHAN Chun Chin 107 A Survey on the Number of People Touring and Relaxing in the Park of Nossa Senhora da Guia..........................................................................................LEI Kam Peng, WANG Zhishi 112 An Exploration of Macau's Legal and Official Documentary Translation in the "Three-Written-Languageand Four-Spoken Language" Environment.............................................................. LIN Wei 117 The Significance of Developing Pre-Primary Education .......................................................................... ZHANG Yuanfen 125 A Review of History Education in Macau.........................................................................................CHEANG Ian Pui 130 An Investigation of Macau Construction Characteristics in the Post-colonial Period from the Point of Cultural Intersection .............................................................TONG Qiaohui 138 Ming-Qing Porcelain Scattered in Portugal ............................................................................. JIN Guoping, WU Zhiliang 142 Book Review: The Study of Clan Society of Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan and their Cultures ........................QIAN Zongfan 150 Brief of Macau Symposiums in 2005.......................................................Editorial Department of Journal of Macau Studies 153
Vgl ：Konr adZwei ger t /Hei nKoet z，Ei nf uehr ungi ndi eRecht sver gl ei chung，3．行 。6 《司法部關於修改〈香港、澳門特別行政區律師事務所駐內地代表機構管理辦法〉的決定》中華人民共和國司法部令第84號。20 03年1 1 月27日部務會議審議通過，自2004年1 月1 日起施行。7 同上 註 。8 《香港、澳門特別行政區律師事務所駐內地代表機構管理辦法》司法部令第70號。2002年2月20日司法部部長辦公會議通過，自20 0 2年4月1 日起施行。9Aufl．，J．C．B.Mohr（Paul Siebeck）Tuebingen1996，§4l，S．47．10 lbid．11 茨威格（Konrad Zweiger t）/克茨（Hein Kö t z），aaO（An mer kung．Nr．14），Sei te5 f ．大木雅夫著，范愉譯：《比較法》，法律出版社，1 9 9 9 年，第67頁。12 Schr i ftenⅢ（Hrsg．Minor，Jena1907）45，Fragment 229．
Applicability of Part II of the Marine Law of the Macau SAR Sze Ping Fat* At a time when the Macau Special Administrative Region (Macau) is positioning itself as an entrepot and a logistics centre in the Pearl River Delta, a discussion of its shipping legislation may appear topical if not also overdue. Immediately before the handover of the territory on 20th December 1999, the Portuguese administration passed a decree-law (No. 109/99/M) in an attempt to modernize its maritime law and practice in line with the international conventions that Portugal had signed up for Macau.1 This law (hereinafter referred to as the Marine Law) is made up of the following parts: Part I (definition, building, sale, hire and mortgage of ship; rights and obligations of ship-operator and ship-master); Part II (carriage of goods by sea and charterparties); Part III (carriage of passengers by sea); Part IV (towage); Part V (marine insurance); Part VI (general average); Part VII (collision) and Part VIII (salvage). This article does not aim at a detailed analysis of all the provisions of the Marine Law; rather, it focuses on the applica-bility of Part II to the carriage of goods by sea.2It should be noted, at the outset, that Portugal ratified for Macau the International Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules of Law Relating to Bills of Lading 1924 (the Hague Rules) on 2nd February 1952 and according to both the International Law Office of Macau and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, the Hague Rules continue to apply to Macau. Interestingly, though, Part II of the Marine Law makes provisions along the lines of the Hague-Visby Rules (that is, the Hague Rules as substantially amended by the Brussels Protocol 1968). Notably, neither Portugal nor China has ever acceded to (or ratified) these Rules.31. Practical Issues Most sea-borne cargoes are carried by river vessels from/ to the Inner Harbour, the Outer Harbour and Ka-ho Harbour of Macau. They have to be trans-shipped in Hong Kong partly because sea-going vessels may not enter the shallow waters of Macau.4 The voyage between Hong Kong and Macau takes a couple of hours and more often than not, the cargoes have to be warehoused in Hong Kong for a day or two before loading onto, or after unloading from, the sea-going vessel. A number of issues thus emanate from such arrangements. First, where, for example, the cargo is imported from abroad (and trans-shipped in Hong Kong), any bill of lading that may have been issued abroad will cover only the voyage between that foreign port and Hong Kong.5 This is particularly so because the river vessel responsible for the voyage between Hong Kong and Macau is neither owned nor operated by the carrier responsible for the sea-going segment. Where the latter nonetheless undertakes to arrange for the voyage between Hong Kong and Macau, he does so merely as agent for the cargo-owner. In any event, however, the identity of the river vessel (or the local operator) is not even mentioned in the bill of lading issued at the foreign port. Nor does the local operator (or his agent in Hong Kong) issue a bill of lading for this voyage in light of its short duration (inter alia). In practice, seldom is a * Associate Professor of Faculty of Law, University of Macau
《澳門研究》第32期 transport document (or a written contract of carriage) rendered to the cargo-owner. 2. Legal Issues A number of legal problems arise if the cargo is lost or damaged during the voyage between Macau and Hong Kong. It is very doubtful, for example, if the Hague or Hague-Visby Rules apply where no bill of lading has ever been issued for this voyage. At this juncture, it is relevant to recall that these Rules only apply where the contract of carriage is "covered by a bill of lading or any similar document of title".62.1 Bill of lading The common law concept of a "bill of lading" serving as evidence of the carriage contract, receipt of the cargo and docu-ment of title had been widely recognized and well settled in international trade even before the time when the Hague Rules were formulated.7 In a nutshell, a bill of lading (on which the consignor provides details and only the carrier's or his agent's signature appears) is not itself the carriage contract which is concluded when the forwarding agent makes a booking for and on behalf of the consignor, or when the cargo is accepted for carriage or loaded aboard.8 Its function as receipt of the cargo described therein means that the carrier will be prima facie responsible for any discrepancy in the cargo upon discharge.9 Above all, as a document of title, the bill represents the goods and hence, the possession of the bill produces the same effect as if its holder had possession of the goods themselves.10 This particular aspect is explained by Bowen LJ in Sandersv MacLean (1883) 11 QBD 327 at 341 in the following terms:- "A cargo at sea while in the hands of the carrier is neces-sarily incapable of physical delivery. During this period of transit and voyage the bill of lading by the law merchant is universally recognized as its symbol, and the endorsement and delivery of the bill of lading operates as a symbolical delivery of the cargo. Property in the goods passes by such endorsement and delivery of the bill of lading, whenever it is the intention of the parties that the property should pass, just as under similar circumstances, the property would pass by an actual delivery of the goods. And for the purpose of passing such property in the goods and completing the title of the endorsee to full possession thereof, the bill of lading, until complete delivery of the cargo has been made on shore to someone rightfully claiming under it, remains in force as a symbol." The cargo (whilst in the carrier's custody) is disposed of by transferring the bill of lading and the rightful holder of the document (whether he be the original holder or a transferee) is entitled to delivery of the cargo from the carrier upon its presentation (subject to equities).11 This is made possible insofar as the transfer of property at common law depends solely upon the intention of the parties.12From the foregoing discussion, it is reasonably clear that a bill of lading which is not "transferable" (for example, made out to "consignee" only) is not a "document of title". Nor is a bill of lading marked "received for shipment" (as distinct from "shipped"),13 a "house" bill of lading, a "through" bill of lading, a consignment note (發貨通知單),a delivery order (交貨單), a waybill (海運單，託運單 ) or any other transport document whose presentation is not required for taking delivery from the carrier.14The common law concept of a "document of title" (物權憑證) is, however, alien to civil law jurisdictions. For one thing, Roman law generally required two conditions to be fulfilled for the transfer of property, namely, the legal ground (iustus tituius) and the method of acquiring the thing (modus acquirendi) - that is, the sale contract and delivery of the goods. This approach is followed, for instance, in Germany15 which additionally recognizes the transfer of the bill of lading as having the effect of delivering the goods - so much so, that both property and possession are transferred at the same time.16A different approach may apply in some other civil law jurisdictions. In France, for example, property in the goods passes when both the seller and buyer have agreed on the goods and price (solo consensu), notwithstanding that the goods have not been delivered (or the price not paid).17 Hence, the transfer of the bill of lading serves to transfer merely the possession of the goods.18Despite the aforesaid differences among civil law jurisdictions, it seems clear that bills of lading are regarded as nothing more than "documents of credit" (for example, Wertpapiere in German law, titres de creance in French law and titoli di credito in Italian law) entitling their holders to certain (personal) 2006.2
Applicability of Part II of the Marine Law of the Macau SAR rights.192.2 Document of Credit It does appear that a bill of lading is also treated as a "document of credit" in Macau law. Article 93 of the Marine Law defines a bill of lading (提單) as "representing the cargo and the right to obtain delivery of the cargo at the port of destination".20 Article 124 adds that the expression "contract of carriage" is limited to a contract of carriage evidenced by "a bill of lading or similar document" (omitting any reference to a "document of title"). Indeed, article 93 of the Marine Law makes clear that the document, which may be issued to the order of a named person, to order, or to bearer, is transferable in the same manner as a document of credit (債權證券). Although there is no mention of the Commercial Code (or which part of the Code should apply), it seems clear that the transfer procedure in Book IV (Title I) of the Code is pertinent to documents of credit at large.21 Bearer bills may thus be transferred by mere delivery whereas order bills will have to be endorsed and delivered. That said, nevertheless, it is questionable how far the other requirements (for example, payment, registration and provision of additional details) as set out in Book IV (Title I) may rationally apply to the transfer of bills of lading.22The equation of a bill of lading with a "document of credit" as opposed to a "document of title" becomes doubtful in light of article 1080 of the Commercial Code which reads: "Instruments representing a title to merchandise grant to the holder a right to take delivery of the merchandise specified in it, the possession of such merchandise, and the power to dispose of it by transferring the instrument".23 Clearly, the right of such holder is not limited to delivery of the merchandise and arguably, the instrument in question functions as a "document of title". Unfortunately, however, this proposition may not sit comfortably with article 929 of the Civil Code which reads: "Where delivery in a sale is to be effected by document, the delivery of the goods is effected by the delivery of the document representing the goods and other documents required by the contract and if the contract does not require the delivery of other documents, then, the delivery of the goods should be effected by the delivery of the document representing the goods and such other documents as custom may require". Simpty put, the tender of the bill of lading alone is not sufficient to effect even the delivery of the goods.24On the other hand, pursuant to article 104 of the Marine Law, the rights and liabilities created by the underlying contract of carriage are automatically vested in the transferee or holder (not being the consignor) of a bill of lading.25 This concept (imported from the common law) may sound alien to civil lawyers insofar as different and separate rules apply to the transfer (or assignation) of rights, liabilities as well as the title to sue (legitimidade).26 The legal position is further complicated by Book IV (Title I) of the Commercial Code which accords a "document of credit" a life-span of its own - so much so, that a transferee or holder of the bill is usually protected unless he acquired it in bad faith (male fide) or acted with gross negligence (culpa lata).27 Nevertheless, this proposition may not sit well with the rationale behind article 104, and furthermore, both articles 92(5) and 128(4) of the Marine Law limiting protection to third parties acting in good faith (bona fide).28With respect, the aforesaid inconsistencies in approach over virtually the same issue (so categorically made out) are not easy to reconcile. Indeed, it is very doubtful how far the general presumption of lex specialis prevailing over "general law",29 for example, may help resolve these inconsistencies (if not also absurdities). For one thing, the Civil Code, the Commercial Code and the Marine Law were enacted by the same authority (as decree-laws) within the same period.30 Besides, the relevance of such presumption depends very much on whether or not, the drafter of the Marine Law, for example, was at the time cognizant of the relevant (but different) provisions in both the Civil and Commercial Codes.312.3 International Aspects It is attractive to argue, in the alternative, that the provi-sions in the Hague or Hague-Visby Rules should prevail over "general law" in light of article 1 (3) of Book I (Title I Chapter 1) of the Civil Code. However, apart from the question of whether the provisions in the Civil Code are meant to supplement— or rather, have been displaced by - the provisions in a special law32, the relevance and applicability of either of these international conventions is puzzling. 澳門研究 第32期
As noted before, it is the Hague Rules that Portugal signed up for Macau in 1952.33 Theoretically speaking, these Rules became part of the law of Macau (upon publication), incidentally, without any need for internal legislation.34 But nowhere in the Marine Law is any mention of the denunciation of the Hague Rules in favour of the Hague-Visby Rules (on which Part II is apparently founded).35Indeed, if and as an international convention became applicable in Macau upon accession or ratification, the rationale (if any) behind enacting Part II of the Marine Law (inter alia) must be most surprising.36 One viable explanation may perhaps be that, in so doing, Macau was making its own law over the carriage of goods by sea—that is, without any regard to, or recognition of, any international convention (notwithstanding that the provisions so enacted appeared to be substantially the same as those in the Hague-Visby Rules). In fairness to the drafter, nowhere in the Marine Law is any mention of Part II being enacted for the purpose of giving due recognition and effect to either convention in Macau.37 However, such a line of contention might render the acceding or ratifying State-party liable for having failed to carry out its obligations pursuant to the Hague Rules especially as this convention did not (and still, does not) provide for such derogation or reservation. Leaving this problem aside and assuming that Part II of the Marine Law should apply to the carriage of goods by sea in all events, it is again difficult to see how this objective could be accomplished. For one thing, article 83(1) of the Marine Law affords a free choice of law to parties to a carriage contract.38 In practice, most bills of lading issued for the sea-going segment are expressly governed by foreign law39, or contain a clause rendering the provisions in the Hague/Hague-Visby Rules applicable as contractual terms of the carriage.40 Support for the latter device may also be found in article 565 of the Commercial Code which renders a usage applicable by knowledge and consent.412.4 Commercial Code That said, nevertheless, the relationship between Part II of the Marine Law and Title XI of Book III of the Commercial Code is not always clear, the latter providing for rights and obligations in carriage contracts at large. By virtue of article 750, the provisions in Part II of the Marine Law prima facie apply to the carriage of goods by sea in preference to Title XI of Book III of the Commercial Code.42 Where the carriage is other than under a bill of lading, arguably, the relevant provisions of the Commercial Code should prevail.43 Unfortunately, however, Title XI of Book III makes frequent references to "bills of lading" and thus ex facie overlaps Part II of the Marine Law.44Articles 762 (English version), for example, requires the consignor at the carrier's request to issue a signed "bill of lading"45 containing the particulars specified in article 761, or the carrier at the instance of the consignor to provide the latter with a duplicate of the "bill of lading" or a "shipping receipt".46 Article 763 (English version) mentions the right to dispose of the cargo by the consignor or the holder of a duplicate of the "bill of lading" or a "shipping receipt" whereas article 768 (English version) provides for the transfer of "the rights arising from the carriage" by endorsement or delivery of the duplicate of the "bill of lading" or the shipping receipt47 and furthermore, the surrender of either document to obtain delivery of the cargo from the carrier.48These provisions are confusing and insofar as both the Chinese and Portuguese versions are authentic according to article 9 of the Basic Law, it is difficult to see how such confusion could be resolved satisfactorily. Nevertheless, assuming that the Portuguese version best demonstrates the intention of the drafter, it is respectfully submitted that the term "bill of lading" is a misnomer and further, that a "cargo receipt" (or "shipping receipt") is in no way equated to a "bill of lading"49 which additionally evidences the carriage contract and functions as a document of title.50 Consequently, it is inconceivable how Title XI may bear upon the carriage of goods under a bill of lading. 3. Conclusion There is a general misconception within the business and legal communities that cargoes are necessarily carried under a bill of lading between Macau and Hong Kong so that either Chapter II of the Marine Law or the Hague/Hague-Visby Rules apply. As noted above, the sea-going voyage starts or finishes in Hong Kong and furthermore, as far as the Marine Law is concerned, the "bill of lading" therein enshrined is not 2006.2 《澳門研究》第32期
Applicability of Part II of the Marine Law of the Macau SAR necessarily a "document of title" as specified by the Hague/ Hague-Visby Rules.51 The Marine Law purports to improve the shipping law and practice of Macau in light of relevant developments in both mainland China and the Hong Kong SAR.52 It is not at all clear how far this declared goal has been achieved. Indeed, from the foregoing analysis, it does seem that an overhaul of the existing regime is not only desirable but also indispensable if Macau is so determined to establish itself as a leading entrepot and logistics centre in the Pearl River Delta.53Notes: 1 See generally, Pinheiro, Localização e Adaptação da Legislação Respeitante ao Direito Comercial Maritimo (Macau undated). 2 Charterparties are not dealt with in this article. For a discussion of the Marine Law, see author's monograph on Macau in The International Encyclopedia of Transport Law (Kluwer Law International, 2006). In this article, all citations from the Marine Law, the Civil Code and the Commercial Code are citations from their Chinese version absent any provision to the contrary. 3 A similar discrepancy is found in Part I (6) of the Marine Law which virtually reproduces the provisions of the Convention on Limitation of Liability for Maritime Claims 1976 (the London Convention) whereas, according to both the International Law Office and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the International Convention Relating to the Limitation of the Liability of Owners of Sea-going Ships 1957 (the Brussels Convention) continues to apply to Macau. It is also worth noting that only States qualify as parties to all these conventions which apply in principle to sea-going as opposed to river vessels. 4 Also, the volume of trade may not be large enough to support a direct liner service. Some cargoes are trans-shipped in Shenzhen. This option is, however, not explored in this article. 5 "Carriage of goods" covers the period from the time when the goods are loaded on to the time they are discharged from the ship: Hague/ Hague-Visby Rules, art 1 (e). 6 Art 1(b); cf Marine Law, art 124. Both the Hague and Hague-Visby Rules apply in principle to sea-going vessels: see eg art 8. 7 See eg Lickbarrow v Mason (1794) 5 TR 683; D'Arcy et alia, Schmitthoff's Export Trade (Sweet & Maxwell, 2000), pp 284 ff. 8 See eg Todd, Contracts for the Carriage of Goods by Sea (BSP Professional Books, 1988), p. 8; see also Marine Law, art 85. 9 See eg Debattista, Sale of Goods Carried by Sea (Butterworths 1990), ch 5; see also Marine Law, art 92. 10 See eg Debattista, op cit, ch 2; cf Marine Law, art 93. 11 The party claiming delivery is not required to produce any identification, still less acknowledge receipt of the delivery. Nor does the carrier require to be notified of the transfer. 12 The property is transferred at the moment the bill of lading is left with the buyer (or his agent): Lickbarrow v Mason (1 794) 5 TR 683. 13 See Marine Law, art 128(8); Hague/Hague-Visby Rules, art 3(7). 14 See eg Boyd Burrows & Foxton, Scrutton on Charterparties (Sweet & Maxwell, 1996), art 182; D'Arcy et alia, Schmitthoff's Export Trade (Sweet & Maxwell, 2000), p. 277; Todd, Modern Bills of Lading (Blackwell, 1990), ch 17. Their acceptance under UCP500 as good tender is inconclusive. 15 Civil Code, art 929. 16 Commercial Code, art 650. The transfer of possession amounts to a condition of the transfer of property. 17 Civil Code, art 1584. 18 See eg Lyon-Caenet Renault, Traite de droit commercial (Paris, 1931), Vol. V, No. 713; Ripert, Droit maritime (Paris, 1950), Vol. 9 (II), No. 453. 19 Such as the right to obtain delivery or payment. 20 The reference to the port of destination may be misleading as it is not necessarily the port of discharge. 221 The term "negotiable instruments" is used by Godinho in the English (unofficial) translation published by the Government of Macau. 22 Indeed, these additional requirements are quite unknown to the transfer of bills of lading in many other jurisdictions. 23 English (unofficial) translation by Godinho (emphasis added). 24 Quaere what other types of document are contemplated by this article. It is tentatively suggested that a warehouse receipt falls within art 929 but see Commercial Code, arts 788 & 790. 25 Cf Commercial Code, art 766(1): "The rights arising from a carriage contract can be exercised by the consignee from the moment at which the goods arrive at the agreed destination ...". Seemingly, such exercise is not necessarily conditional on the issue of a "bill of lading" or "shipping receipt" (infra). 26 Civil Code, arts 571 ff. See also De Wit, Multimodal Transport (London, 1995), p. 245. 27 See arts 1072 ff. Bills of lading are thus "negotiable" - that is, not merely "transferable" as in the common law system. They operate like bills of exchange under the principle of "autonomy of credit"; see De Wit, op cit, p. 267. 28 "Good faith" is not the same as the absence of "bad faith" or "gross negligence". Cf the Hague/Hague-Visby Rules, art 3(4); the Hamburg Rules, art 16(3). See also Sze, Carrier's Liability under the Hague, Hague-Visby and Hamburg Rules (Kluwer Law International, 2002), ch VII(ll). 29 See Machado, Introdução ao Direito e ao Discurso Legitimador (translated into Chinese by Tou & Vong, Macau, 1998), p. 127; Mendes, Introdução ao Estudo do Direiio (translated into Chinese by Vong, Macau 1998), pp. 117 & 130. 30 Both the Civil and Commercial Codes were enacted on 2nd August 1999 whereas the Marine Law was promulgated on 9th December 1999. 31 Travaux preparatoires relating to pre-handover decree-laws (as distinct from laws passed by the Legislative Assembly) is scantily documented. 32 The problem lies in the drafter of the Marine Law occasionally making references to specific provisions of the Civil Code; see eg arts 63(6), 68(3), 73(1), 80(3), 81(2) & 98(4). The references to "custom" eg in arts 90(1), 91(1), 109(2) & 208(2) may be out of step with the general exclusion of (or, as the case may be, the very limited consideration accorded to) "custom" as a source of law pursuant to art 2 of Book I (Title I Chapter 1) of the Civil Code. 33 China assumed its commitment to the Hague Rules for Macau following the handover. 34 Mendes, Introdução ao Estudo do Direito (translated into Chinese by Vong, Macau, 1998), pp. 58-59. 35 Part 9 annuls Book III of the Portuguese Commercial Code 1888, the Law No. 1505 (7/12/1923), the Decree-law No. 37748 (1/2/1950) and the Decree-law No. 51/89/M. 36 No similar legislative step has ever been taken to render the Warsaw Convention applicable in the field of air carriage although Macau is bound thereby. 37 It appears to be the practice of the drafter of the Marine Law to make specific references whenever the provisions of an international convention were intended to apply as part of the law of Macau: see eg arts 7, 12, 32, 35 & 44. 38 Art 125(2)(b) rendering Part II (Chapter 4) applicable where the cargo is to be delivered in Macau is absurd inasmuch as the carriage contract must have been concluded at, and according to the law of, the foreign port of loading. A similar problem is posed by the 澳門研究 第32期
《澳門研究》第32期 reference to carriage starting overseas in the Commercial Code, art 756(2). 39 Popular choices include Hong Kong and the UK inasmuch as most cargoes are trans-shipped in Hong Kong. The Hague-Visby Rules are given the force of law in Hong Kong and the UK: see the Schedule to the HK Carriage of Goods by Sea Ordinance 1994 or the UK Carriage of Goods by Sea Act 1971. 40 Quaere whether the legal effect of a bill of lading tendered or transferred in Macau should be decided according to the Marine Law despite an express choice of foreign law incorporating the Hague/ Hague-Visby Rules. 41 The Civil Code accords very limited recognition to usage/custom as a source of law: art 2 (Book I, Title I, Chapter 1). 42 Interestingly, notwithstanding the general presumption of lex specialis taking precedence, the drafter nonetheless deemed it necessary to make provision in art 750 for the application of Title XI only if not incompatible with "legal rules directly applicable ... as a result of the means of transport used". 43 Quaere whether the same reasoning also applies to air carriage. It is a moot point as to whether the Warsaw Convention is deemed "the legal rules directly applicable to it ... as a result of the means of transport used". 44 Title XI of Book III also applies to overseas carriage: see eg art 756 (2). 45 The term "託運單" is used in the Chinese version and "guia de transporte" in the Portuguese version. 46 The term "提單" is used in the Chinese version and "recibo de carga" in the Portuguese version. 47 Cf art 766(1). 48 See also art 765 requiring the carrier to produce a "bill of lading". 49 That is, "conhecimento de carga" in Portuguese. 50 See also Boyd Burrows & Foxton, op cit, art 91. The meaning of "transport document" (guia de transporte) has to be refined if it is to serve a clear and useful purpose in international business. 51 The prevailing practice to put Macau in the bill of lading as the port of loading or discharge is improper if not also fraudulent. One explanation offered by the business community lies in the need to comply with the terms of letters of credit (and insurance policies) which always insist on the cargo being carried at one go. 52 See preamble to the Marine Law. Whereas the HK Carriage of Goods by Sea Ordinance 1994 renders the Hague-Visby Rules applicable by force of law, Chapter IV of the PRC Maritime Code 1992 follows the lines of both the Hague-Visby and Hamburg Rules. 53 Also, no international convention on road transport (eg the CMR) Sapplies in Macau despite its relevance to multi-modal transport.
5 Georg ios Karras，“The Opt imal G overnment Size：Fur t her l nternati ona lE v i dence on the Pro duc t i v i ty of Gov ernmen t S e r v i ces”，EconomicInqu iry，Vol．34，Is su e2（1996），pp．193－203．6 Georg ios Karras，“Employmen t and Ou tput E ffects o f G ov e rnmentSpend ing：Is G ov ernmen t S ize lmpor t ant？”，Economic I nqui ry，Vol ．31，I ssue3（1993），pp．354－369．7 Georgios Karras，“ The Opt imal Government S i ze：Fur ther I n t e rnati onEvidence on the Produc ti vi ty of G ov ernment Servi ces ”，EconomicI nquiry，Vol．34，Issue2 （1996），pp．193－203．8 Dowri ck，Steve，“ Es timating the lmpact of Government Consumptionon Growth：Growth Accoun t i ng and Endogenous Growth Model s”，Empiri ca／Economics，Vo1 ．21 ，No．1，1996，pp．163－186．作用，而要優化澳門財政收支結構，促進澳門經濟結構的轉型是很重要的。另外，由於澳門社會的特殊性（葡國政府管制、過渡時期到回歸祖國），這些因素對財政支出結構會產生一定的影響，也會對本文的實證分析結果產生一定的影響。本文的實證分析只是嘗試性的。註釋：1 歐 陽 志 剛 ： 《 我 國 政 府 支 出 對 經 濟 增 長 貢 獻 的 經 驗 研 究 》 ，載 於 《 數 量 經 濟 技 術 經 濟 研 究 》 ， 第 5期 ， 2 0 0 4年 。2 馬 拴 友 ： 《 財 政 政 策 與 經 濟 增 長 》 ， 經 濟 科 學 出 版 社 ， 第 7 0頁 。3 吳 健 雄 ： 《 公 共 支 出 經 濟 增 長 效 應 》 ， 湖 南 大 學 碩 士 論 文 ，第 2 5 頁 。4 馬栓 友： 《 財 政 政 策 與 經 濟 增 長 》 ， 經 濟 科 學 出 版 社 ， 2003年 ， 第 7 1 頁 。al9 郭 健 青 ： 《 過 渡 期 的 澳 門 財 政 博 彩 稅 》 ， 廈 門 大 學 出 版 社 ，2002年 1 2月， 第1 02－ 1 03頁 。10 魏 莉 ： 《澳們經濟2 0 0 4 年回顧與2 0 0 5 年展望》，中國銀行澳門分行發展規劃部，ht t p： ／／www．bocmacau．com／b5／finance／6c／6c_5_ con t en t ．h tm。11 《 已是 到了 設立財 政儲 備制 度的適 當時 候了 》，載 於《 新華 日報 》 ， 2 0 0 4 年 1 1 月 2 2日 。
The Deficiency of Macau's Over-reliance Economy on Gaming Industry So Hang Tai* 1. Introduction Along with the liberalization process in Hong Kong society, attitude towards gambling legalization or building casino seems to have changed significantly over the years. The many negative impacts of gambling in particular continue to increase during the past decade in Hong Kong, especially after the authorization of soccer betting in 2003, which has created anew many problems along with serious negative consequences. In recent years, budget deficit has become a major concern for Chinese central as well as for Hong Kong government. These two independent issues have been tied together by those gambling proponents who argue that building casino is the stone that could kill two birds, on the one way that is to reduce citizens' money draining out to Macau's economy and on the other way that brings government revenue from the bets of both local citizens and tourists. As a result, "building casino reduces capital outflow and illegal gambling" and "building casino brings revenues and prosperity" are probably the two arguments that have been most often brought up by gambling proponents. In past few years, we have witnessed several waves of heated debates among legislators, government officials and interest groups. Government has been faced the pressure from pro-business party leaders to do research on this issue. And the success of Macau's economy also proves that building casinos would have great contributions to the society as a whole. Negative consequences seem to be rarely an issue in Macau's society, and therefore, hardly ever been tackled. In facts, the case of Macau is obviously in conflict with those of the recent studies done by foreign (the US in particular) scholars. Enough evidences have revealed that gambling legal-ization or building casino could neither reduce illegal gambling and capital outflow nor could it revitalize local economy, which definitely need to be addressed more thoroughly. The question left to be answered is that Macau enjoys its prosperity, especially after the issuance of 3 gambling licenses and implementation of "individual traveling policy" by Chinese central government, and seems that building casinos may be effective in revitalizing local economy, but what makes the dif-ference in Macau? The main purpose of this study is to carry out a critical analysis on issues associated with the prosperity of Macau's gaming industry, as a way to project the potential crisis of Macau's economy. Hoping that this would provide insights lead-ing to a better quality of tourism industry in Macau, and eventually, persuade Hong Kong party leaders as well as the public to understand that building casino may not be an undefeatable formula to bring economic success. 2. Reasons for Macau's Prosperity With the excitement of gaming and motor sports, Macau has long been known as "Morte Carlo of Orient". After the handover of Macau, Chief Executive, Mr. Edmund Ho, was determined to end the monopoly of gaming industry in Macau, as a result, the government issued three new casino licenses in February 2002, the companies suceeded in bidding the licenses * Project Officer (Gambling Studies), The Society for Truth and Light, Hong Kong
《澳門研究》第32期 are Sociadade de Jogos de Macau (the company running monopoly for over 40 years in Macau before), Wynn Resorts and Galaxy Holdings (both have strong connections with Las Vegas Casinos). Table 1 Investment Projects of Gaming ConcessionairesUnder the new contracts, effective April 2002 (for SJM) and June 2002 (for the others), the gaming operators were required to pay a special gaming tax equivalent to 35.0% of their gross revenue. In addition, the operators also agreed to pay 1.6% of their gross revenue to the Macao Foundation for social, cultural, and economic development, 1.4% (for SJM) and 2.4% (for the others) of the gross revenue for the development of urban construction, tourism and the Social Security Fund. Moreover, the new licensees are obligated to execute their projected investment of MOP17.5 billion (Table 1). If testing projects are proven to be success, there would be a dramatic increase in investments flowing into the territory in the coming years. Some of the investment has already been realized as new casinos have been operating and the renovation of existing ones has been finished.1Besides the huge sum investment projects by the three licensing companies contribute to Macau's miracle, the "Individual Traveling Policy" introduced by the Chinese central government also takes a crucial role. After the massive demonstration in Hong Kong in 1st July 2003, the central government announced the policy, which allowed mainland citizens traveling to Hong Kong and Macau without any restriction. As a result, the newly constructed gaming facilities provide plenty capacities for massive number of mainland visitors, which contribute to Macau's prosperity. The visitor profile has undergone significant change recently. Since the implementation of "Individual Traveling Policy", the number of mainland visitors increased by nearly 4 millions in 2004, and mainland visitors replace Hong Kong visi-tors becoming the major source of income to Macau's economy, as Mainland visitors occupies 57% in total, while the share of Hong Kong visitors drops to 30%. (Table 2) It is expected that the continued relaxation by central government would promote further rapid increase of Mainland Chinese visitors in the coming years. The contribution of mainland visitors is not restricted to numbers only, but rather, their purchasing power is far more Source: Macao Gaming Yearbook 2002, extracted from Pao, Jay W. (2004). "Recent Developments and Prospects of Macau's Tourism Industry". AMCM Quarterly Bulletin. Iss. 13. Page 88. significant to Macau's economy. The average non-gambling consumption of tourists is $1590, while the average non-gambling consumption of mainland visitors is $3290, which is more than triple of Hong Kong visitors. (Table 3) Since the number of mainland visitors is nearly the double of Hong Kong visitors, we can imagine that how significant mainland visitors contribute to the local economy.
The Deficiency of Macau's Over-reliance Economy on Gaming Industry Tourism plays a significant role in Macau's economy. The Macau Statistics and Census Bureau concludes that the GDP growth rate in 2004 is 30.1%2, which is much higher than 15.6% in 2003 and 10% in 2002. Table 4 shows the contribution of tourist receipts to the GDP from the year 1995 to 2004. During the decade, the percentage of tourists receipts contribution (including gambling expenditure) to GDP has been increased from 47% to 77%, especially after the opening the Sands Casino in May 2004, more and more money are pumping in Macau's casinos. This shows how both issuance of three gambling licenses and "Individual Traveling Policy" contributes to the prosperity of Macau's economy. 3. Bathtub Model of Casino Economy To understand the economic effects of casinos towards the local economy, we need a model. Now I would like to borrow the model created by William N. Thompson to analyze the economic impacts of casinos, the model is simply the operation of a bathtub.3He states that "Water comes into a bathtub, and water runs out of a bathtub. If the water comes in at a faster rate than it leaves the tub, the water level rises; if the water comes in at a slower rate than it leaves, the water level decreases. A local economy attracts money. A local economy discards money. Money comes and money goes. If as a result of the presence of Table 2 Distribution of Tourists by Places of Residence Table 4 Contribution of Tourist Receipts to Real GDP Growth casinos more money comes into an economy than leaves the economy, the casinos create a positive monetary effect".4 This implies that if the presence of casinos excess money comes into an economy than leaves the economy, the casino economy or even the local economy would be saturated eventually. For this reason, we understand that money comes in because of the bet people's loss from gambling, visitors may also contribute to the local economy because of their consump-tion on food, accommodation, transportation and other entertainments. In short run, casinos may help boost up the local economy; however, the construction money may balance out because the money must be taken out of casino revenues.5 So we can perceive that if the casinos are operated by foreign companies, the revenues gained may not be fully re-invested in the local economy. Macau is surely in this case. Money leaves the economy for several reasons. First, the money brought to the casinos by local residents can not be counted, unless it proves those money would be spent on other communities or kept it under the pillows, otherwise those money can not be counted as a contribution to the local economy.6 The Vice President of Players International, Stephen P. Perskie, states that "The problem with this industry, and I'm now part of it, is that it doesn't create anything. It offers entertainment and leisure, which is obviously of great value, but it doesn't create anything in the long run." 7 Since gambling is simply a zero-sum game, just a wealth redistribution process from one's pocket to another's pocket, it is non-productive in nature and (2001-2004) (1995-2004) Source: Tourism Indicators and Gross Domestic Product Yearbook, Statistics and Census Service (DSEC), various Issues. Source: Macao Economic Services Table 3 Average Tourists' Non-gambling Consumptionby Places of Residences Source: Macau Statistics and Census Bureau
cannot create wealth to the society as a whole, so the money brought to the casinos by local residents can not be counted. And continuous participation of local citizens in gambling may cause panic to the society as a whole. The problem of pathological gambling is not a big issue in Macau before, because before the issuance of three licenses, the casino industry is dominated by Sociadade de Turismo e Diversões de Macau, whose Managing Director is Dr. Stanley Ho. He sets a regulation that all the employers are forbidden to place bets in his casinos. Since almost Macau people with the highest exposure in gambling are employed by Dr. Ho, that's why local people, relatively, seldom participate in gambling even though they are living in a very convenient environment. However, the story has been changed after the opening of casinos operated by other licensing companies. Since casinos are no longer monopolized by one company, it means that employers of one licensing company can place their bets in casinos operated by other licensing companies. As a result, more and more people take part in gambling, and more and more people become the pathological gamblers. It is expected that if the degree of the participation in gambling keeps on increasing, the healthiness of the economy would be threatened in long run. Macau's current situation is compatible with Ricardo Gazel's argument of Cannibalization effect of casinos towards the local economy.8 It means that the revenue gained by casinos operators may be shared by local gamblers' losses. Mr. Gazel further points out that cannibalization effect may deal with expenditures by non-local residents who would have visited the area even in the absence of the casino9, as the share of casino wins may be due to non-casino visitors' losses and even caused by their expenditures on food and beverages, or other extra services and consumption within the casinos. Second, casino economies also lose money due to the costs of government services that are not directly offset by casino contributions: extra costs in public security, social services and welfare, infrastructure and health. Casinos may also lead to mafia and criminal activity, resulting in police and judicial system costs as well as costs of victimization and insurance premiums for local citizens, especially for those who live near casinos areas.10 If people are not absent-minded, people would still remember that the uncontrollable mafia activities taken place in Macau years before handover. Some government officials who specialized in public security and gambling matters were even assassinated by mafia and criminals have not been arrested until recent times.11Table 5 shows the negative significant impacts on tourism industry of Macau by mafia and criminal activities; it shows that the number of visitors was decreased dramatically, especially in 1997, when was the year of handover of Hong Kong and the most disquieting period in Macau. Even 1999 was a year of Macau's handover, the total visitors' receipts still dropped by 2%. However, the situation was completely changed after handover, partly because of the leadership under Mr. Edmund Ho, partly the arrival of peoples' liberation army and partly the determination of SAR government in fighting crimes. The public security has been greatly improved. Visitors feel safe when they travel Macau, so both the number of visitors and receipts has been risen up at a rate of double digit after handover, from around 7.5 millions visitors and 21 billions in 1999 to 17 millions visitors and 69 billions in 2004. It is expected that the figure onwards would be far higher than last year. Table 5 Visitors Arrival and Receipts Changes (1995-2004) Source: Tourism Indicators and Yearbook of Statistics, Statistics and Census Service (DSEC), various Issues. Everything has cost, the efforts of the SAR government in improving the public security rises up the budget of the government in both police force and custom services. When Mr. Edmund Ho announced to end the monopoly of casino industry in 2000. He foresaw that the public security may be a big problem with the new issuance of casino licenses, so he
The Deficiency of Macau's Over-reliance Economy on Gaming Industry took actions in separating Customs Services and Unitary Police Force from Public Security Forces Bureau in 2001, as a preparation to get rid of the potential crimes after the announcement of new licensing companies in 2002. Table 6 shows the budgetary change in departments related to public security, it shows that how the public security budget breaks the record with the increasing number of visitors pumping in and efforts by the government in tackling crimes. Table 6 shows that the budget of Public Security Forces Bureau and Judiciary Polices was more or less the same before and after the separation of Customs Services and Unitary Police Forces. Even in 2001, the time of establishing two independent departments, the budget was still small. However, after the announcement of three new licensing companies and continuous increase in amount of visitors, the budget of two newly separated independent departments was increased from 50 millions in 2001 to 241 millions in 2004 for Customs Services and from 4.7 millions in 2001 to 19 millions in 2004 for Unitary Police Services. Because of the increasing number of visitors and the opening of different modernized casinos in financial year 2005, the government budget related to public security will be significantly increased by 6% for Customs Services, 49% for Unitary Police Services, 14% for Public Security Forces Bureau and 21% for Judiciary Police respectively. Table 6 SAR Government Expenditure in Public Security (1999-2004) social services or even health and hygiene would be increased during the development of casino economy. Since more visitors coming in the community, the government needs to improve the transportation and infrastructure for the tourism industry, so table 7 shows that the money spent on social services and public project has been increased by around 1.7 billions since the handover. Even though government expenditure in health and hygiene decreases from 955 millions (before handover) to 945 millions in 2004, it is expected that the budget in this aspect would be risen up again with the introduction of "Individual Traveling Policy", as the multiple increase in number of mainland visitors make them become the majority in the tourists' composition of Macau's tourism industry. Since their concept in public hygiene is "abnormal" (for example, their culture accepts spitting and littering on the street) to the usual practices of Hong Kong people, more resources is expected to pump in so as to keep the city's hygiene because of the increase in number of visitors, especially those from mainland China. Table 7 Government Expenditure in Other Gambling Derived Aspects (1999-2004) Source: Financial Services Bureau Third, negative externalities are generally omitted in most economic impact studies of casinos. Negative externalities almost exists in all economic activities, which is the cost borne by society whatever whether people involve in that particular activity or not.12 It includes the additional public expenditures on police, prosecution and court costs, corrections costs, private costs of protection such as alarms and guards and costs of crimes against persons and property. All these costs are implicit costs borne by the society through tax payment. Source: Financial Services Bureau Another negative externality deals with the problems of pathological or compulsive gamblers. There are abundant Table 7 again proves Gazel's argument can be withstood, as it shows that government budget spending on public projects,
studies showing that the prevalence of pathological gamblers is highly correlated with the degree of convenience of gambling participation in that region.13 Since the social cost caused by pathological gambling can be very significant, the government needs to spend a huge sum of dollars in getting rid of the problems aroused from citizens' excessive gambling. All these are costs associated with and paid by the society as a whole, and must be counted in a negative side when doing impacts analysis.14Having more casinos implies that people will gamble more, more people will get into trouble, and more families will suffer. The percentage of pathological gamblers is estimated to be around 4-6% of the adult population. Based on the percentage, the problem of pathological gamblers may not be a big issue. However, pathological gamblers would have different degrees of impacts on their social networks. According to Leiseur's estimation, between 10 to 17 other people are affected by one pathological or problem gambler15. If we try to multiply the affected people with the number of pathological gamblers, there may be half of the population in the city affected by gambling. This explains why the rehabilitation centers for problem gamblers, like the one provided by Hong Kong Industrial Evangelistic Fellowship in Macau, would not only provide counseling ser-vices to pathological gamblers themselves, but also take care of their families and people who have interweaving connections with them. What makes the question more complicated is the culture that treats gambling as a sole engine to boost up Macau's economy has been rooted in minds of the generations. Mr. Michael Chan, PhD candidate of the University of Hong Kong and an experienced guest speaker in delivering speeches on gambling prevention in secondary schools in Macau, said that before the opening of Sands Casino in May 2004, nearly half of the students dropped out because they are hired by the casino, Mr. Chan said that those students were good at academic, if they sat in public examination, they might promote to Macau University, but they still drop out. "Almost all the top students in Macau study Gambling Studies, Casino Management or hotel management in University. What reasons can we think of to convince the students to spend four more years to prepare themselves doing the job with similar nature?" said by Mr. Chan. Mr. Chan agrees that the culture makes our generations more short-sighted and ignore the importance of education, as they can not see the difference on the way forward even they receive higher education. Talents and professionals are the most important assets in every economy, if the generations do not care the importance of education; it would cause a panic to the society in near future, as human assets are most important for the competitiveness of all economies. If the supply of talents and professionals are retrenched and declined, how can the economy be sustained and excelled among the others? Cannibalization effect, additional public sector expenditures and negative externalities are all the costs derived in casino economy. However, most people would have a bi-ased impression that casino can bring prosperity without impos-ing any cost to the society as whole. This section attempts to examine why the myth is wrong, and, in the next section; the concentration of the paper will be put in analyzing the potential problems and threats of Macau's prosperous economy. 4. Threats of Macau's Prosperous Economy People may have conservation of my argument that Macau's economy would be in trouble, as Macau's GDP growth rate has been increasing at double digit since handover in 1999. However, I am not going to predict when is the "game over" of Macau's economy, instead I would like to point out the threats and potential problems of present Macau's economy during the time of prosperity, so that the government can formulate policies to mitigate the consequences to the local economy when its casinos are under series challenges caused by other factors. Table 8 is the income and expenditure account of Macau SAR government since handover, it shows that tax from gambling has increased more than triple from 1999's 4.9 billions to 2004's 15.3 billions, however there are only slightly increase in government's income other than gambling taxes. As a result, the total income has been increased double from 1999's 9.9 billions to 2004's 19.3 billions. In the meantime, government's total expenditure has been increased by 37% only, it means that the rate of increase in total income is far higher than the rate increase in total expenditure; as a result, government has experienced a huge sum of surplus, especially after the issuance of new casinos licenses in 2002.
The Deficiency of Macau's Over-reliance Economy on Gaming Industry Table 8 Income and Expenditure Account of Macau (1999-2004) Source: Macau Financial Services Bureau, Research Department However, the dramatic increase in government's income in gambling taxes implies that government relies on that income to sustain its operation. Table 9 is the percentage of gambling tax to total income and total expenditure. It shows that Macau SAR government tends to over rely on taxes from gambling, as the contribution of tax in government's income rises up from 50% in 1999 to 79% in 2004. The taxes from gambling can even cover the total expenditure of the government. If the casino economy can be sustained forever, the financial status of Macau SAR government is still healthy. However, if its casinos are suffered from keener competition from the outlying countries, its income may be seriously affected. In return, the government's income will be dramatically affected as well since gambling taxes is the major and only pillar to Macau SAR government. Table 9 Percentage of Gambling Tax (GT) to Total Income (Tl) and Total Expenditure (TE) (1999-2004) (%) not stay in Macau longer with the opening of more modernized casinos; nearly all visitors (excluding underage) would visit or even place bets in casinos, and they agree that they can only think of casinos when they travel to Macau, it means that nothing is special in Macau to most of the visitors. According to Visitors Analysis Report 2003 by Hong Kong Tourism Board, the average length of stay of visitors in Hong Kong is 3.5 days and most of the mainland visitors would spend more than $8000 on consumption in their trip.17 (Hong Kong Tourism Board, 2003) However, excluding gambling expenditures, mainland visitors only spend $3290 in Macau (Table 3). Table 10 further shows the distribution of visitors' distribution in consumption and non-consumption expenditure. It reflects that the purchasing power of mainland visitors is far higher than those from other regions. However if we split the expenditure into consumption and non-consumption expenditure, where accommodation occupies almost the whole part of non-consumption expenditure and consumption expenditure simply means costs on shopping and restaurant, we find that non-mainland visitors only spend around $200 in consumption. It proves that Macau has insufficient tourists attractions or facilities for visitors, that's why people consume less in their trip. Even the consumption expenditure of mainland visitors is far below from $8000 in Hong Kong. Table 10 Visitors' Consumption and Non-consumption Expenditure Source: Macau Financial Services Bureau, Research Department According to Macao Statistics and Census Bureau, the average stay of visitors is around 1.1 day to 1.3 day in past decade and half of them are one day return visitors, especially those from mainland China.16 The figure tells us that visitors do Source: Macau Statistics and Census Bureau If Macau's government does not take action to divert visitors' expenditure from casinos, not all people in the society as a whole can enjoy benefits and prosperity brought by casinos, so the government should build more tourists facilities for visitors. Just like in Las Vegas, revenue from visitors' loss in casino only occupies 25% of the total income, the remaining is from visitors' expenditure in theatres, convention and exhibition,
shopping malls, restaurants, amusement parks and other entertainments.18Table 12 Import and Export Figures(1st Quarter of 2004 and 2005 Comparison)But Macau SAR government faces a structural problem in developing its tourism, since the territory is only 27.3 km2 in size, consisting Macau Peninsula, Taipa Island and Coloane Island, as large as a down town district in Hong Kong. Unfortunately, the tourist's areas are already very crowded, especially during the public holidays, and there are no spaces nearby for further development. Apart from over reliance of Macau's government in casinos industry and the quality of tourism industry in Macau, the unhealthy composition of Macau's economy may also cause panic in the future. According to Macao Economic Services, the tertiary industry dominates the whole economy, as more than 90% economic activities are in this sector.19 Since the development of casino industry hinders the domestic production, Macau's society relies on import to sustain its daily needs and various demands. This explains why the trade deficit has been risen up from 697 millions in 2001 (before the issuance of new gambling licenses) to 5.3 billions in 2004, as more and more economic activities are shifting to services sector. It means that there tends to be absence of productive industry in Macau. The reliance of casino industry in sustaining Macau's economy would become stronger. Table 11 Trade Deficit in Macau (2001-2004) Source: Macau Economic Services What is worrisome is that while the trend of trade deficit becomes larger, total export drops at a significant rate. Table 12 compares the import and export figures in the first quarter of 2004 and 2005. It shows that total export has been dropped by 18.1 % in the first quarter of 2005 (a rate much faster than in the past) and trade deficit has been increased by 1.1 billion MOP. As a result, we can foresee that the export and import ratio will have been declining, the latest ratio is only 58.4%, it shows how serious of the problem is. Source: Macau Economic Services As a way to earn foreign exchange to support its huge trade deficit, the government has no choice to incline to casino industry, as it is the only industry which can provide sufficient foreign exchange to satisfy the domestic needs in various demands. Since casino industry is important to Macau's tourism industry and which is the only pillar of Macau's economy, the government should take measures to diversify the society's reliance on casinos, at least should diversify its services sector. 5. Conclusion: The Way Forward for Macau's Economy Till this moment, the success of Macau's economy is the "policy prosperity". Policy here not only means the gambling policy adopted by Macau, but also the "Individual Traveling Policy" by Central government of China and the restricted gambling policy in other outlying countries. Since Macau is the only city in China where gambling is legal, people who want to participate in gambling in the region have no choice - they must go to Macau, however, the success of Macau initiate the governments of other countries in the region to build casinos, as a way to attract foreign capital and stop the capital outflow from their countries. The Prime Minister of Singapore, Mr. Lee Hsien Loong announced that Singapore government will issue two casino licenses for bidders to build integrated resort in Sentosa (famous tourist's area) and Bayfront (the business hub in the country) respectively in April 2005. Following Singapore, both Thailand and Taiwan government are under serious consideration of the feasibility of building casinos. The legalization of casinos in the region may have serious
The Deficiency of Macau's Over-reliance Economy on Gaming Industry impacts on Macau's casino industry. As mentioned before, the existing tourist facilities are strictly limited and land resources for further development is absent, so when other countries legalize the building of casinos in their countries, Macau would be in a big trouble, as Macau needs to face competition. Also, China is under the international pressure by allowing their citizens traveling to other countries without restriction, as it commits the details of human right character. If China opens its border by allowing its citizens traveling freely, Macau and Hong Kong may not be their first choice, as they will have more choices at that time. Macau would be in a poorer position than Hong Kong too, as Hong Kong's tourism industry is more diversified. Hong Kong still has its own competitive power. But if other countries also have casinos, the unique attractiveness of Macau would be disappeared. What is the reason for mainland visitors to travel Macau, especially for those who have been there before? Macau SAR government should find out the advantage over other countries, so as to excel among Us competitors. Macau SAR government's formula of building more casinos to attract money may only be effective in short run, but not in long run, especially after the opening of casinos in other countries. The government should, instead, diversify its tourism industry and upgrade the quality of its services, otherwise Macau will become the loser eventually. What the government needs to do is to enlarge the Bathtub, instead of tolerating the water pumping in the bathtub, as the economy in this format would be saturated. Besides diversifying its tourism industry, the government should invest in education, especially, the generations can not see the correlation between their future and study. Legislator Mr. Au Kam Sun, recently proposes free high school education20, as a way to increase the opportunity cost of early school leaver and competitiveness of Macau. To be fair, Mr. Edmund Ho has discovered the problems, so he tries to solve the problem of limited land resources. Recently, Macau has engaged in a close-door discussion to study the feasibility of cooperating with Zhu Hai local government to develop Heng Qin island, a place with territory 80 square km and 4 times larger than Macau territory. However, Guangdong provincial government recently interferes the issue and proposes to develop Heng Qin island with other provinces under the " '9+2' agreement". The arrangement of Guangdong government probably leads to hot debates in Macau's society. It is expected that Macau government would directly bargain (or has already bargained) with both Guangdong and Central government in future. Before the problem of limited land resources to be resolved, the government may be better to form a close-tie coalition with Hong Kong, as both cities are similar in their cultural and historical backgrounds, but different in positioning. If both cities can jointly promote their tourism overseas, synergy effect would be created. Actually, it is not a strange idea, as one of the famous tourist's guide, Lonely Planet, published an edition by combining these two cities together. So forming a coalition with Hong Kong is the instant method to rectify Macau's over-reliance economy on casino industry. Notes: 1 Pao, Jay W., "Recent Developments and Prospects of Macau's Tourism Industry," Macau: AMCM Quarterly Bulletin, Issue 13(2004), pp. 79-95. 2 Figure is subject to revision later on. 3 Thompson, William N, "Casinos in Las Vegas: Where impacts are not the issue," in Cathy H.C. Hsu (eds.), Legalized Casino Gaming in the United States, (New York: The Haworth Hospitality Press, 1999), pp. 107-109. 4 Ibid. 5 Goodman, Robert, The New Gambling Economy: Convenient Gambling, Inconvenient Results (New York:The Luck Business, The Free Press, 1995), pp. 15-35. 6 Borden, George W. & Fletcher, Robert R., "Economic Impact of Casino Expansion in the Reno Area," in William R. Eadington and Judy A. Cornelius (eds.), The Business of Gaming: Economic and Management Issues, (University of Nevada Press, 1999), pp. 431 -444. 7 Extracted from: Letter to Michael K. Hooker, President, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, from James E. Ritchie, Executive Vice President, Corporate Development, Mirage Resorts, Las Vegas, NV (24 May 1994). 8 Gazel, Ricardo, "The Economic Impacts of Casino Gambling at the State and Local Levels," in James H. Frey (eds.), Gambling: Socioeconomic Impacts and Public Policy (London: Sage Periodicals Press, 1998), pp. 71-73. 9 Ibid. 10 Gazel, Ricardo, "The Economic Impacts of Casino Gambling at the State and Local Levels," in James H. Frey (eds.), Gambling: Socioeconomic Impacts and Public Policy (London: Sage Periodicals Press, 1998), pp. 71-73. 11 Leong, Angela, "Macau Casinos and Organized Crime," Journal of Money Laundering Control, Vol.7, lssue.4(2004), pp. 298-307. 12 Gazel, Ricardo, "The Economic Impacts of Casino Gambling at the State and Local Levels," in James H. Frey (eds.) Gambling: Socioeconomic Impacts and Public Policy (London: Sage Periodicals Press, 1998), pp. 71-73. 13 Goodman, Robert, The New Gambling Economy: Convenient Gambling, Inconvenient results (New York: The Free Press, 1995), pp. 15-35. 14 Moran, Emanuel, "The Growing presence of Pathological Gambling in Society: What We Know Now," in William R. Eadington, Judy A Cornelius (eds.), Gambling Behavior and Problem Gambling(University of Nevada Press, 1993), pp. 135-142.
15 Leiseur, H., The Chase: Career of the Compulsive Gambler (Cambridge: Schenkman Books,1984). 16 Macau Statistics and Census Bureau, Tourism Statistics (2004). 17 Hong Kong Tourism Board, Visitors Analysis Report 2003 (2003). 18 Thompson, William N., "Casinos in Las Vegas: Where impacts are not the issue", in Cathy H.C. Hsu (eds.), Legalized Casino Gaming in the United States, (New York: The Haworth Hospitality Press, 1999), pp. 96-97. 19 Macau Statistics and Census Bureau , Estimates of Gross Domestic Product 2004. 20 “投資教育提升澳門競爭力關鍵問題”，見《訊報》， 2 0 0 5年 4 月2日。
9 Shef r i n，H．＆R．Thal er，“TheBehavi oral Li f e－Cycl eHypot hesi s，”Economi cI nqu i r y ，Vo l．26，No．4（1988），pp．609－643．1 0 Shef r i n，H．＆M．St at man，“Expai ni ngl nvest or Pr ef er encef or CashD i vidends，”Jou rnal of F i nanc ial Economics，Vol ．13，No．2（1984），pp．253－282．1 1 Sh e f r i n ，H．＆ M．Sta tman，“B ehavioral Cap ital Asse t P r i cing Theor y”，Journalof Financial and Quan ti ta ti v e Anal ysi s ，Vo1．29，NO ．3（1994），p p．323－349．1 2 Fr i edman，M．＆L．J．Savage，“TheUt i l i t yAnal ysi sof Choi cesl nvol vi ngR i s k，”Jou rna l o f Po l i t ica l Economy，vo l ．56（1948），pp．279－304．1 3 Shef r i n，H．，BeyondGr eedandFear：Under st andi ngBehavi or al F i nanceandt hePs y chol ogyof l nv es t ing（L ondon：Oxf or dUnv er s i t y Pr es s，I nc．2002．）1 4 Thal er ，Ri char d，“Ment al Ac count i ngMat t er s，”J our nal of Behavi or alDeci si onMaki ng，Vol ．12，No．3（ 1999），pp．183－206．1 5 Lopes，Lol a，“Bet weenHopeandFear：t hePsychol ogyof Ri sk，”Advancesi nExper i ment al Soci al Psychol ogy，Vol ．20（ 1987），pp．255－295．gamble r），他 們 對 自 己的 行 為 已 經沒 有 自 制 的 能力 。上述討論也有助於我們對賭場的借貸制度進行評價。從自我約束的意義上看，賭場借貸行為對普通的賭徒並不是一個好的制度安排，因為這種制度會讓賭徒的自我約束弱化，有可能會誘發一些問題 。我們知道，根據前景理論的討論，人們在贏錢的時候，是風險迴避的，而在輸錢的情況下則會變成一個風險愛好者，會傾向於追求更大的風險，借錢的動機一般會很大。如果沒有賭場借貸行為，賭徒的行為會自動受到約束，即把自己所攜帶的錢輸光為止，而如果存在借貸行為，則自我約束機制的作用就會變小。在賭場中，輸了錢的賭徒情緒往往會失去控制，而一旦可以借債，就會使其賭博行為會繼續下去，從而放大賭博的危害。（四）私房錢效應（House Money E ffe c t）Thaler 和 Johnson 發現，如果人們的錢很容易得到或者獲得的是預期之外的錢，那麼他們一般會傾向於從事冒險的活動。這種效應被稱作是私房錢效應。1 8私房 錢 效應 是 心 理賬 戶 作 用的 體 現 。對一個賭徒來說，這種效應尤為明顯，研究發現，絕大多數賭徒在贏錢之後，會積極參與他在正常狀態下不會參與的賭局，即很少有見好就收的 ；在輸錢之後，則拒絕在他正常狀態下可以接受的賭局 。（五）賭徒贏錢後，消費活動為甚麼會變得“異常 ” ？我們經常聽到“賭徒的口袋裏永遠沒錢”這樣的說法。如果賭徒賭博輸了，那麼他的口袋裏肯定沒錢；如果賭徒贏了的話呢？通過心理賬戶的理論我們很容易知道，賭徒會覺得這贏來的錢來得容易，所以會很容易花掉，即購買一些他平時可能捨不得買的商品。我們可以從澳門的商業圈分佈看到這一點。澳門的賭場周圍聚集 着很多的金店、珠寶店 、名表店，這些商店中的很多顧客都是剛在賭場中贏了錢的 賭徒 。在現實中我們可以看到其他類似的例子。例如，一個人在股票市場上發了橫財，或者得到了一筆意想不到的遺產，或者得到公司發放的一筆獎金，那麼這部分貨幣的價值往往會被低估，他在花這部分錢的時候表現得比較輕率和隨意。19註釋 ：1 Tha l er，Ri chard，“Toward a Posi ti ve Theory of Consumer Choice，”Jou r na lof Economic Behavio r and Organi za tion，Vo l．1（1980），pp．39－60．2 Tv ers ky ，Amos ＆Daniel Kahneman，“The Framing of De ci s ions and thePsychology of Choi ce，”Sci ence，Vol ．21 1，No．4481（1981），pp．453－458．其中 ，Dan i e l Kahneman 為 美 國 普 林 斯 頓 大 學 心 理 系 的 教 授 。20 0 2年， 他 與 美 國喬 治 梅 森大 學 的 Ve rnon Smi th 一 起 分 享 了該 年 度 的 諾 貝 爾 經 濟 學 獎 。3 Thaler，Ri chard，“Menta l Account i ng and Consumer Choice，”MarketingSc i ence，Vo l．4，No．3（1985），pp．199－214．在行為經濟學領域，心理 賬 戶 被 認 為 是 和 前 景 理 論 同 樣 重 要 的 一 個 概 念 。4 羅 馬 皇 帝 韋 斯 帕 西 安 因 為 兒 子 不 同 意 徵 收 廁 所 税，脱 口 便 説“貨 幣 沒 有 臭 味 ” 。 馬 克 思 在 《 資 本 論 》 第 一 卷 討 論 商 品 流 通公 式 時 引 用 了 這 個 典 故 ， 說 的 是 貨 幣 作 為 一 般 等 價 物 和 流 通手段 的 特點 （ 馬克 思 ：《 資 本 論》 （ 第一 卷 ）， 北 京： 人 民 出版 社 ， 1 9 7 5年 ， 第 1 2 8頁 ） 。 但 心 理 賬 戶 卻 告 訴 我 們 ， 錢 是怎 麼 來 的 ， 並 非 無 關 宏 旨 ， 而 是 一 件 十 分 重 要 的 事 情 。5 例 如，投 資 者 通 常 對 於 放 入 保 值 心 理 賬 戶 的 資 金 具 有 較 強 的風 險 厭 惡 特 點 ， 而 對 放 入 升 值 心 理 賬 戶 的 資 金 具 有 較 弱 的 風險 厭 惡 特 點 ， 有 時 候 甚 至 主 動 去 尋 求 風 險 。6 參見Thaler，R i chard ，“Men ta l A ccoun ti ng and Consumer Choi c e ，”Mar keti ng S c i e nce ，Vo l．4，No．3（1985），pp．199－214．後來，很多學者 把 這 種 情 形 當 作 一 種 特 例 。 例 如 ， 在 投 資 研 究 中 ，Sh e f r i n和 Sta tman把 投 資 者 這 種 只 有 一 個 預 算 約 束 函 數 的 情 形 叫 做“單一心理賬戶”（Sh e fr i n，H．＆ M ．Statman，“Behavio ral P ort fol i oTheor y ，”Journal of F inancial and Quanti tati ve Anal y s i s，Vol ．35，No．2（2002），pp．1 27－1 51 ．），並以期望效用理論和L opes在1 987的一篇 文章 為 基礎 發 展出 單 一賬 戶 的行 為 投資 組 合理 論 （ Lopes，Lola，“Between Hope and Fear：the Ps y chology of Ri sk，”Advance s inExper i ment al Soci al Psy chol ogy，Vol ．20（ 1987），pp．255－295）。7 可 以 按 照 “ 類 別 ” 來 劃 分 ， 比 如 旅 遊 、 娛 樂 、 買 衣 服 等 等 ，為 了 簡 化 ， 這 裏 假 定 一 種 商 品 就 是 消 費 者 心 目 中 的 “ 類 ” 。8 參 見 註 釋 2 。1 6 參 見 註 釋 2 。1 7 Thaler，Ri chard ＆ Er i c Johnson，“Gambl i ng wi t h the H ouse Moneyand Tr y ing to B reak E v en：The E f f e c t s of Pr i or Ou t comes in RiskyCho i c e，”Managemen t Sc i e nce，Vo l ．36，No．6（1990），pp．643－660．1 8 參見註 釋1 6。也 有人 把 house money e f f e c t 翻譯為 賭場 贏錢 效應 ， 參 見 ： 周 占 強 ： 《 行 為 金 融 ： 理 論 與 應 用 》 ， 北 京 ： 清華 大 學 出 版 社 ， 2 0 0 4年 ， 第 1 8 2頁 。1 9 由 此 我 們 知 道 ， 為 甚 麼 會 有 一 些 敗 家 子 或 者 有 “ 富 不 過 三代 ” 一 説 。 所 以 ， 從 這 個 意 義 上 講 ， 徵 收 遺 產 稅 是 有 利 於 社會 進 步 的 。 另 外 ， 在 現 實 中 我 們 也 看 到 ， 很 多 中 大 獎 的 人 ，並 沒 有 很 好 的 結 局 。
基於 IFE 和 EFE 矩陣的兩岸關係剖析程 成 ＊台灣問題自產生之日起就處於一種不斷演化的動態過程之中，不難預見未來兩岸關係的發展仍存在諸多變數。在本文中，筆者將大陸看作一個系統，大陸以外國家或地區看作其外部環境，運用內部要素評價矩陣（Internal Factor Eva luat ion（I F E）Matr i x）和外部要素評價矩陣（ Ex terna l Fac tor Evalu a t i o r（E F E）Mat r i x ），深入剖析大陸內部及其外部環境，探尋關係兩岸統一的諸要素，從而明晰在兩岸關係佔主導地位的大陸應如何利用其中的有利要素，遏制不利要素作用的發揮進而化不利為有利，最後對若干具體策略進行了探討。一、系統內部剖析首先，筆者冷靜分析了大陸內部在兩岸關係上存在哪些優勢和劣勢，優勢要素匯集成“優勢要素集合”，記為 S＝｛s1，s2，s3，s4｝；劣勢要 素匯集 成“ 劣勢要素集合”，記為W＝｛w1，w2，w3，w4｝。第二， 給每 個要素 賦以 權重 ，其數 值範 圍由 0（不重要）到1 （重要）。無論該要素是優勢還是劣勢，只要對兩岸統一的成敗有較大影響的要素就應當得到較高的權重。所有權重之和等於1 。第三，為各要素進行評分。劣勢的評分必須為1或2：“1 ”代表重要劣勢，“2”代表次要劣勢。優勢的評分必須為3或4：“3”代表次要優勢，“4”代表重要 優勢 。第四，用每個要素的權重乘以它的評分，即得到每個要素的加權分數。第五，將所有要素的加權分數相加，得到系統的總 加 權 分 數 。1完成上述步驟，即可得到如表1 所示的大陸內部要素評價（I F E ）矩陣，它充分彰顯出大陸在兩岸關係上的內部優勢和劣勢。不可否認，在建立此 I F E 矩陣時，很多是靠筆者的直覺性判斷。（一）優勢要素集合（S）1 ．基因方面：在 DNA識別上，大家均是“中國人”（S1 ）無論是大陸人、香港人、澳門人還是台灣人，在DNA識別上，大家均是“中國人”。這是基因原理，誰也無法否認，誰也無法推翻。正如陶在朴先生在其《吸引子理論與台澳關係》一文中寫道，在一切可能吸引子中，基因是最根本的、最穩定的吸引子。2此 優 勢 要 素 的 權 重 為0．08，評分為3，加權分數為0．24。2．文化方面：同根同源（S2）台灣東吳大學歷史系曾祥鐸教授在接受中央電視台記者採訪時表示，文化是一種非常強大的力量，政治力量很難消滅文化的影響力量。他說：“歷史上，中國的魏晉南北朝，分裂了三四百年，到後來隋文帝統一中國，立即變成了隋唐大帝國。就是因為大家讀一家書、寫一家字、説一家話，當然容易結合了。”如今，儘管“台獨”分子在修改教科書，但他們只能修改一小段，就是關於近代史、現代史方面的動了一點，可是整個歷史還是漢唐宋元明清的歷史。兩岸未來的統一必定建立在文化上。此優勢要素的權重為 0．1 2，評分為4，加權分數為0．48。3．經濟方面：大陸的綜合國力不斷提升（S3 ）澳·門科技大學管理學博士研究生
Anticipation on the Number of Doctors in Macau SAR in 2005-2015 Ng Weng Man & Bian Ying* 1. Background Macau is a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China with a population of 465,333.1 With the return of Macau to the mother country since 20th December 1999, Macau benefits from the principle of "one country, two systems". Macau had been a colony of Portugal for more than four hundred years. In 2003, there was an outbreak of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS). Despite the occurrence of successive SARS cases in neighbouring regions such as Hong Kong, Guangdong, etc, there was merely one imported case in Macau and had not led to the widespread of the disease. The achievement made during the SARS outbreak had been confirmed and appreciated by the experts of World Health Organization (WHO). At that time, Macau was said to be one of the thirty-seven countries and regions in Asian Pacific Region possessing the highest health standards.2 Moreover, experts from WHO suggested that Macau was competitive enough to apply for the WHO Awards for Healthy Cities. A Healthy City is defined as one that is continually creating and improving those physical and social environments and expanding those community resources that enable people to mutually support each other in performing all functions of l i fe and in developing their maximum potential.3 In 2004, Macau had joined the Alliance for Healthy Cities and created an interdepartmental task force called the "Healthy City Committee" to carry out a plan of action. In order to become a Healthy City, there are still numerous health problems necessary to be solved in Macau. The health problems are mainly classified into six categories: health services, health promotion, urban planning, community environment, community security and food safety. For instance, although the Department of Health in Macau has been providing primary health care to all citizens, the quality of medical services and long waiting time for health services have been criticized and require further improvement. Smoking in public places is still very common in Macau. Promotion campaigns and setting up laws to prohibit smoking are necessary. In Macau, the leading death causes are cancers, heart diseases, cerebrovascular diseases and respiratory diseases. Health promotion plans and activities should be carried out to reduce morbidities of the above diseases and achieve primary prevention. Moreover, health conditions in old urban areas, narrow streets and northern part of Macau are not optimistic. Sustainable and detailed urban planning in creating Macau a safer and cleaner city to live is essential. Nevertheless, laws and regulation on products and food safety should be established to protect the rights of citizens and tourists in Macau. Doctors are the most important inputs of the health system. They are essential providers of health services, too. In Macau, there are altogether two hospitals as well as approximately 409 private clinics and 209 Chinese medical institutes.4 The former includes a government hospital which is called Centro Hospitalar Conde de São Januário and a private hospital which is called Kiang Wu Hospital. They are responsible for providing intensive health care to the public. The latter includes doctors who have established their clinics by themselves. They can * Ng Weng Man is the Master of Medicinal Administration, Institute of Chinese Medical Sciences, University of Macau; Bian Ying is the assistant professor of the Institute of Chinese Medical Sciences, University of Macau 2006.2
Anticipation on the Number of Doctors in Macau SAR in 2005-2015 provide primary health care and Chinese medical therapy to Macau residents. There has not been any western or Chinese medical training course available in Macau until in 2000. Some universities started to provide Chinese medical training course since 2000. Because of this, senior secondary graduates who want to specialize in medicine must further their studies in other foreign countries such as Portugal, Australia, United States of America, United Kingdom, China, Taiwan, etc. Having finished their studies, Macau medical graduates have to apply for the academic approval in the Higher Education Bureau. Generally speaking, there are three choices for medical graduates to choose for their careers. Firstly, they can join the general intern training course which is held by the Department of Health every 3 years. They first have to pass the enrollment examination before they can join the training course. The duration of the course is about 1.5 years. Secondly, they can apply for job vacancies available in some private clinics. Lastly, they can establish their own private clinics. In Macau, doctors can apply for their medical licenses easily provided that they are medical graduates with at least a bachelor degree and have a site for the establishment of a clinic. During the reign of the Portuguese government, most of the doctors were employed from Portugal and some cities in China such as Shanghai. After the return of Macau to China in 1999, localization occurred. Macau doctors gradually replaced foreign doctors. With the rapid development of Macau economy in these recent years, the population is increasing, too. This leads to the increase in the demand for health services. However, a more critical phenomenon has occurred, that is, there are more and more doctors in Macau. This is mainly due to the lack of anticipation and careful planning on the human resources of doctors in Macau. 2.Methodologies Doctors play a very important role in the provision of medical services in the health system of a country or a region. There are different methodologies which can be used to antici-pate the number of doctors in a country or a region in the future. Four methodologies are employed to predict the number of doctors in Macau in 2005-2015 in this study. Firstly, the number of doctors can be anticipated by the predictions on the health demand on total services in the next ten years, Through the calculation of the linear regression equation of the total services and number of doctors, the number of total services and number of doctors in the next ten years can be predicted. Secondly, the theoretical number of doctors in Macau in the next ten years can also be predicted by using the annual increase rate of the total services. The annual increase rate of the total services reveals the actual increase in the need for health services every year. In order to obtain a better concept on how the annual increase rate of the total services affects the number of doctors in Macau, two models, which are the one phase model and the two phase model are used. Thirdly, by anticipating the population in 2005-2015, the ratio of residents to doctors can be predicted. The population is anticipated by the application of the linear regression equation. Lastly, through predicting the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in Macau in 2005-2015, the number of doctors can be anticipated, too. This can be done by finding countries with equivalent standard of GDP per capita and corresponds the existing number of doctors per 1,000 population in these countries with Macau in the future. 3.Results Planning on the human resource management of doctors in a country or a region is important. Predictions on the number of doctors in Macau in the next ten years are made. This can be used as a reference on policy formulation or a guide in facilitating measures in the human resource management of doctors in Macau. The results of the above four methodologies which can be used on the planning of health manpower are as follows: a. Seeing patients by doctors in a country or a region can be illustrated by the evaluation of health output, that is, the number of outpatients and number of days of inpatients. The intensity of health service per doctor can also be analyzed. Table 1 shows the number of doctors, total number of outpatients, number of outpatients per doctor, number of days of inpatients, number of days of inpatients per doctor in Centro Hospitalar Conde de São Januário and its health centres in 1995-2003. Though there was a gradual increase in both total number of
outpatients and number of days of inpatients in 1995-2003, there was not a directly proportional relationship between the total number of outpatients, number of days of inpatients and the intensity of health service per doctor. Despite the increase of the former, the intensity of health service of doctor also depends on the number of doctors at a certain period of time. With the increase in both total number of outpatients and number of days of inpatients, since in 1995-1997, there was an increase in the number of doctors working in the Department of Health, as a result, the number of outpatients and number of days of inpatients per doctor decreased. On the contrary, in 1998-2002, there was a gradual decrease in the number of doctors, therefore, the intensity of health service per doctor increased with the increase in the total number of outpatients and number of days of inpatients. While in 2003, though the number of doctors working in the Department of Health increased, the total number of outpatients and number of days of inpatients decreased, as a result, the intensity of health service per doctor decreased, too. The number of doctors can be anticipated by the predictions on the health demand on the total services in the next ten years. Table 2 shows the predictions on the total services and number of doctors in Macau in 2005-2015. By calculating the linear regression equation of the total services and number of doctors, the number of total services and number of doctors in the next ten years can be predicted. Since the total services = number of outpatients x 2.5 + number of inpatient discharges, the two linear regression equations of the number of outpatients and number of inpatient discharges should be assumed first before using the predicted data to calculate the number of total services in the next ten years. The linear regression equations of the number of outpatients, number of inpatient discharge and num-ber of doctors are y=-60475918.29+30505.1575x, y=-278449. 0278+145.75x and y=-55773.55556+208.35x respectively. Then finally, by using the above equations, the total services and number of doctors in 2005-2015 can be predicted. b. By using the annual increase rate of the total services, the theoretical number of doctors in the next ten years in Macau can be predicted. In order to obtain a better concept on how the annual increase rate of the total services affects the number of doctors in Macau, two models are used. Table 3 shows the theoretical number of doctors in 1996-2015. The first one is the Table 1 The Statistics on Number of Doctors and Relative Data (1995-2003) Source: Government of Macau SAR, Department of Health: http://www.ssm.gov.mo/design/statistic/c_statistic_fs.htm (12/10/2004) Table 2 The Predictions on the Total Services andthe Number of Doctors in Macau (2005-2015) Source: Government of Macau SAR, Department of Health: http://www.ssm.gov. mo/design/statistic/c_statistic_fs.htm (12/10/2004); Government of Macau SAR, Statistics and Census Service: http://www. dsec.gov.mo/index.asp?src=/chinese/pub/c_sau_pub.html (31/10/2005)two phase model, the studied time is divided into two phases: 1996-2004 and 2004-2015. The annual increase rates of the total
Anticipation on the Number of Doctors in Macau SAR in 2005-2015 services of these two phases are calculated, which are 0.92% and 0.93% respectively. Then the theoretical number of doctors in each year can be predicted. For the one phase model, the studied time is 1996-2015. The annual increase rate of the total services in this phase is 1.01 %. Then the theoretical number of doctors in this phase can also be predicted. From the results obtained by this methodology, it can be observed that the theoretical number of doctors is less than the number of doctors predicted from the linear regression equation. 0.92% and 0.97% respectively. From the results shown in the table, although there is a general increasing trend in both population and doctors, the number of doctors increases at a greater rate than population, leading to the decreasing ratio of residents to doctors. Table 4 The Predictions on the Population, Number of Doctors, Ratio of Residents to Doctors, Number of Doctors per 1,000 Population and GDP per capita (MOP) (2004-2015) Table 3 The Theoretical Number of Doctors in Macau (1996-2015) c. By anticipating the population in 2004-2015, the ratio of residents to doctors can be predicted. Table 4 shows the predictions on the population, number of doctors, ratio of residents to doctors, number of doctors per 1,000 population and GDP per capita (MOP) in 2004-2015. By assuming the linear regression equation of the population which is y= -9518871.778+4978.1x, the population in 2005-2015 can be predicted. Then the ratio of residents to doctors in Macau in the next ten years can also be calculated. The annual increase rates of population and number of doctors in 1996-2015 are Source: Government of Macau SAR, Statistics and Census Service: http://www. dsec.gov.mo/index.asp?src=/chinese/pub/c_sau_pub.html(31/10/2005); Government of Macau SAR, Statistics and Census Service: http://www. dsec.gov.mo/index.asp?src=/chinese/indicator/c_pib_indicator.html(30/ 09/2005) d. Nevertheless, by predicting the GDP per capita in Macau in 2004-2015, the number of doctors can also be anticipated. This can be done by finding countries with equivalent standard of GDP per capita and corresponds the existing number of doctors per 1,000 population in these countries with Macau in the future. Table 5 shows the predictions on the number of doctors per 1,000 population in 2004-2015 using this methodology. From the results shown in the table, it can be observed with similar
Source: Global Atlas of the Health Workforce World Health Organization: http://www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/Data Query/browse.asp? catlD=180100000000&lev=3 (18/05/2005) 4.Discussion Comparing the results obtained from these four different methodologies, despite the fact that there will be an increasing number of doctors in Macau in the next ten years, it is obvious that the predicted number of doctors in each methodology is not the same. The number of doctors predicted by using the annual increase rate of the total services is less than the number of doctors predicted by using the linear regression equation of doctors. Although in the second methodology, two models, which are the one phase model and the two phase model, are used, they show similar results despite that the theoretical number of doctors calculated is less than the number of doctors using the linear regression equation. This is due to the fact that doctors are increasing at a greater rate than total services. Therefore, when the annual increase rate of total services is utilized to estimate the number of doctors needed, the theoretical number of doctors obtained is less. In other words, the actual number of doctors needed in accordance with the increase in the need for health services is less than the demand for doctors. Nevertheless, there must be fitness error when using linear regression for prediction. This is regarded as a normal phenomenon. Therefore, the predicted population in 2005 decreases and then increases gradually in 2006. Moreover, when the population in Macau in 2005-2015 is predicted by the linear regression equation of population, the ratio of residents to doctors can also be calculated. From the results obtained by this methodology, although both population and the number of doctors in Macau in the next ten years are increasing, the ratio of residents to doctors is decreasing. This is due to the unbalanced increase between the population and the number of doctors. The annual increase rate of population is 0.92% while that of the number of doctors is 0.97%. Since the former is greater than the latter, as a result, it can be concluded that the number of doctors is increasing at a greater rate than the population, leading to the gradual decrease in the ratio of residents to doctors. Standard of GDP per capita, the number of doctors per 1,000 population is maintained at a range of 2.09-3.47.Table 5 The Predictions on the Number of Doctorsper 1,000 Population in Macau (2004-2015)The number of doctors per 1,000 population means the number of doctors serving every 1,000 population in a country or a region. It is a common international standard to illustrate the health manpower supply in a certain country or region. Until now, there is not an uniform standard to state the appropriate number of doctors that is necessary to serve every 1,000 population in a country or a region. Despite this, from the results obtained by the third methodology, it is obvious that the number of doctors per 1,000 population in Macau in the next ten years is increasing. Its annual increase rate is 0.94% which is also higher than the annual increase rate of population. In other words, there will be more and more doctors in Macau in the future. Comparing the number of doctors per 1,000 population obtained by the last methodology with the predicted number of doctors from other three methodologies, the number of doctors per 1,000 population is not increasing in the next ten years despite that the GDP per capita is increasing. This is because the GDP per capita does not have direct proportional relationship with the number of doctors in a country or a region. In other words, even there is a rapid economic growth in a country or a region which leads to the increase in its GDP per capita, the number of doctors will not increase spontaneously. Thus, it is concluded that the number of doctors per 1,000 population does not increase definitely with the GDP per capita. 5.Conclusion Since this study only aims to make anticipation on the
Anticipation on the Number of Doctors in Macau SAR in 2005-2015 number of doctors in Macau in the next ten years, the actual demand and supply of professional doctors is not analyzed. Despite this, according to experts from WHO, aging population and increase in the waiting time for health services, three types of professional doctors should be increased. They are doctors who are specialized in chronic and cardiovascular diseases, psychiatrists as well as general practitioners. On the other hand, doctors in minor departments such as dermatologists and otolaryngologists, should be reduced. This is due to the small population in Macau and the minor need for health services in these fields. Although four different methodologies are employed to anticipate the number of doctors in Macau in the next ten years, the results show that there will be an increasing number of doctors in the future. Despite this fact, a more critical phenomenon can also be revealed from the outcome of this study, that is, there will be more and more doctors in Macau in the next ten years. Actually, the problem of having too many doctors has been existing for a long period of time. If this problem were still left unattended, it could have been predicted that the number of doctors would keep on rising. Hopefully, careful and detailed planning on the human resources of doctors can be facilitated in Macau in the future. Notes: 1 Government of Macau ASR, Statistics and Census Service: http://www.dsec.gov.mo/index.asp?src=/chinese/pub/c_sau_pub.html(31/10/ 2005) 2 http://health.enorth.com.cn/system/2003/12/03/000678600.shtml(13/01/2005) 3 World Health Organization: http://www.who.int(12/11/2005)
三文四語中的澳門法律公文翻譯探討林 巍＊翻開 澳 門 的 法 律 及 政 府 公 文 （ 廣 義 的 法 律 公文），往往讓人不知所云，難以卒讀；其表達之不中不西、不古不今、不倫不類，令人歎觀。究其原因，常歸結為：從葡文翻譯過來的結果。澳門目前的官方語言是中文和葡文，隨着其博彩業開放、經濟搞活、日漸成為國際化的都市，英語日顯其重要性 —— 現在許多情況下是三文並列出現，大有三足鼎立之勢。而佔當地人口95％以上的中國人在日常生活中主要使用廣東話，這樣便形成了中、葡、英3種文字和廣東話、普通話、葡語、英語4種語言同時並用的局面，即通常所説的“三文四語”的特殊語言環境。在此條件下形成的澳門法律公文翻譯，自然就特點突出，使命不凡。一、多 元語 境與 規範 化由於澳門特殊的地理位置和歷史淵源，四、五百年以來在作為中西方文化交彙地的同時，也形成了其異常獨特而複雜的多元語境。主要語種包括粵方言、閩方言、吳方言、客 家話、潮洲話、普通話 、英語、葡語、菲律賓語、泰語等等，隨着歷史的浮沉，這當中逐漸成為主導語言因素的是粵方言、普通話 、 葡 語和 英 語 ，而 它 們 之間 又 相 互混 雜 、 融合 。概括來講，這種混合方式主要反映在兩個方面：一是辭彙層次（Lex ical Leve l）。 在日常生活中，英語辭彙在許多場合已以各種方式取代或“偷換”了漢語的地位和形式，如“去shoppi ng（買東西）”、“用cash（現金）”、“找不到full t i me（全職工）就找partt i me（兼職工）啦”、“喂，可唔可以hol d（留）住個電話number（號碼）？”、“呢度的學生唔fr i end l y（友好）”。而且，不只一般居民這樣講，政府官員也如是。與葡語有關的，如將“放假”説成葡語的“f o l g a ”（與廣東話音相似），將“沒有”説成葡語的“nã o tem ”，將“統統”説葡語的“tu do ”等等。同時，中英葡三種語言之間又互相影響。如口語中流行的“l a t apa n”一詞，原本出於英文的“pa n”（平底鍋），後來作為詞根構成“花藍pan”（鐵皮水桶）、“飯pan”（加蓋的、可提的飯盒）等新詞。而土生葡人亦會像華人一樣，使用“ pan”一詞，同時又仿照“ 花 藍 p a n ” 、“飯 p an ” 的結 構 方式 ， 合成 新 詞l an tapan，lanta 是葡語， pa n是英語，整詞為“馬口鐵或 鋅 片 製成 的 盛 器” ， 富 有三 語 混 合的 地 方 色彩 。 1二是語意層次（Semantic Level ），即更具造詞意義上 的 語言 現 象。 方 式 之一 ， 是將 外 文詞 拆 開 音節，然後又有機地融化於母語之中。例如，“你而今ha唔happy？”、“佢or 佐der 未？”、“肥（ f a i）唔肥佬（f a i l ）考試，重未知”。又如，一地方電視節目名稱為《天天一百f un》，其中“fun”取自英文“fun”（有趣），而同時又增加了“分”的音譯與涵義。由此，以一種特殊的構造，豐富了漢語的辭彙和表達形式，而隨之也造成了一些“扭曲現象”。例如，漢語通常説的“你去過嗎？”在澳門方言則為“你有去過咩？”。顯然是受了英葡語中完成時態的影響 。英語的相應句式為“Have you been to there？”葡語為“Tem ido？”（問在過去一段時間是否經常去，意＊ 澳 門 理 工 學 院 語 言 暨 翻 譯 高 等 學 校 副 敎 授
思與英文有所差異）。又如普通話“你真漂亮”，通常不帶“是”，但澳門的粵語受到外語的影響，常説成“你真係靚”；英語和葡語自然要加“是”動詞的，分別為“You are beaut iful”和“É boni ta ”。而澳 門 人 常 說 的 “ 聯 絡 我 ” ， 其 中 又 可 見 英 語 的“contac tme”和葡語的“contac te －me”的影子。2在某種意義上，這種語言的融合，豐富了地方語言色彩，有着積極的一面，但同時也會出現偏差，導致語言的濫用和不規範化。例如，混用廣東話和普通話的書寫體；二者雖都屬中文，但在口語上，不僅在發音而且在辭彙、語法方面，都有許多不同 。如 ： 動 、 副 詞 詞 序 的 顛 倒 ， 普 通 話 講 “ 我 先 走了”，廣東話説“我走先了”；又如：直接賓語與間接 賓 語語 序 的差 異 ， 普通 話 講“ 他 送我 了 那 本書”，廣東話則為“佢送呢本書俾我”。在澳門政府公文及傳媒中，可見到許多這種例子，如“提升澳門青少年參與社會意識之見意”，實則應為“提高澳門青少年參與社會意識的建議”；電視節目“懷舊澳門街”，實則應為“澳門街懷舊”，因後者才是普通話的書寫體，符合現代漢語的規範。但澳門人（包括澳門文字、新聞和法律工作者）的這種區分意識是相當淡薄的。自然，這些從各個方面影響着澳門法律公文翻譯用語的質量。概括而言，澳門人群的語言運用模式大致如此：在家庭中，以方言（粵、閩、吳、北方等）為主；在社會活動中，以粵語為主；在政府公務中，以葡語為主；在國際活動（如國際會議、葡語國家平台等）中，以英、葡、普通話為主；而在公務與職業書面來往中，則以葡、英文為主。按理，這種多元化語境是造就“多語人才”的良好土壤；但實際效果是，這種“樣樣通”帶來的卻是“樣樣鬆”（用澳門人自己話講，“樣樣都嘛嘛地”），特別是中文根基的異常薄弱。原因就在於，這種多元化缺乏基本的規範化 。在人們一般交往中，這種不規範的亂用也許構不成大問題。但是在法律公文的施行中，由於對於原語、譯語、轉述等理解、表達的偏差和誤解，就會帶來嚴重後果。這類事例在澳門已發生過多次。3澳門著名語言學 家張卓夫在分 析了葡語結構 、葡語語序以及葡文公文文種對於中文公文的影響之後，得出結論：“負責翻譯或撰寫公文的人員習慣於受葡文公文語言的影響以及迎合對中文認識不足的上司的喜好而忽略甚至根本不懂中文公文語言的規範性，這必然妨礙澳門公文的素質和公務活動的正常 發 展 ” 。 4所以，要提高澳門法律公文翻譯質量，就應當從建立基本的規範入手。除了基礎教育外，在法律公文翻譯領域可以做到的，首要是要突破葡文束縛，排除粵語干擾，明確標準的現代漢語的法律公文表述 方 式 。二、“硬譯”與規範化然而，探討澳門法律公文翻譯的規範化，必然面臨這樣一種局面：為確保“忠實原文”，澳門法律翻譯界 歷 來 的 傳統 是 要 做 到最 大 限 度 上的 “ 字 字 對應”，於是形成了一種獨特的“硬譯”模式，一種不規範的“規範” 。鑑於澳門的6部基本法典及許多政府公文仍是以葡文起草的，而中文是其翻譯本，故翻譯的質量就尋常重要。然而，這種“硬譯”的結果，往往導致連篇累牘的錯誤，不準確、不恰當。例如，《澳門民法典》第63條第3款，葡文原文為：“ A tu tela dapersonali dade，desde que preenchida a condiç ã o donúmero anter i or ，abrange as lesÕ es provocadas nofe t o ”，準確而清晰，但譯文為“人格之保護範圍包括 對 胎 兒 造 成 之 損 害 ， 但 以 符 合 上 款 之 條 件 為限”，在前一句中出現嚴重表達錯誤。照此而言，“保護範圍包括……損害”；換言之，“損害”是在“保護範圍”之內的，即法律保護的是這種“損害”，這不但不符合原文的意思，而且是荒謬的。原因出在兩種語言的表達差異，而譯文未能作出有效的調整。正可謂“字字忠實”而“整句失實”。對此，至少可有兩種“加譯”的處理辦法：①在“包括對胎兒造成之損害”後面加上“所要承擔的法律責任”，即為“人格之保護範圍包括對胎兒造成之損害所要承擔的法律責任”；②在“對胎兒造成之損害”的前面加上“是否”，即為“人格之保護範圍包括是否對胎兒造 成 之 損 害 ”。 這 種 對 於 原 文表 面 上 的 “ 不 忠實”、“不規範”，卻恰恰是實質上的忠實。而此句相應的英文，不妨譯為“ W hether there is a harm tofetus falls into the protect ion for personality based on theconditions specified by the previous ar ticle 。”
“A convi v★nci a em soci edade t raduz-se na ent r e-aj uda,na sol i dar i edade, na di vi s★o do t rabal ho ; e t udo i st o s★★ possi vel havendo padr ★es est abel eci dos de condut a,r egar as que assegurem a harmoni za★★o das act i vi dadesent r e s i . Como necessar i o se t or na a r esol u★★o deconf l i t os que a vi da soci al i nevi t avel ment e susci t a. O又如，在《澳門政府公告》的首頁上赫赫地印有這樣 一 段 話 ：“ 所 有 澳 門政 府 公 報 內文 字 以 葡 文 華文頒行者遇有辯論之處仍以葡文為正也。”（葡文原文 ：“Quando se susci tem dú vidas sob r e ainterpretaç ã o das maté r ias publicadas nas duas linguas，Port u g u e sa e Ch i n e sa ，p reva lence a da ve rs ã oPo r t u g u e sa ．”）（此段話於1 993年7月改版時删除）。短短 一 句 譯 文， 佶 屈 聱 牙， 破 綻 百 出， 距 規 範 的 現代漢語相去甚遠。首先，“華文”一般是海外華人對於中 文 的 稱 謂， 而 位 於 澳門 的 中 國 法律 翻 譯 者 ， 仍沿襲着這種思維定勢，刻板地“硬用”此詞，顯然不妥。在《澳門基本法》裏，凡涉及到澳門的語文時 ，從來用的是“中文”而非“華文”。其次，“頒行者”譯語不妥。其原文為“publicadas”（publicador ）即公佈 的 、 頒 佈 的 ， 其 動 詞 形 式 為 “ pub l i c a r ”， 如“Pu b l i c a r uma le i ”（公佈一部法律）。故這裏譯為“公佈” 或 “ 頒 佈 ” 為宜 。 再 次 ， 關 於“ 辯 論 ” ， 其 原文為“dù vida ”， 原意釋為“incerteza”，“ i rresolucao”，即不 確 定 、 未決 、 可 辯 論之 事 ， 但 卻不 宜 一 味 地 硬譯為“ 辯論 ”。 據《 實用 漢語字 典》 解釋 ，“ 辯論 ”為申 述 理 由 、說 明 見 解 ，揭 露 對 方 的矛 盾 ， 以 便 最後在認 識上取 勝或取 得共 識。 5 顯然， 該詞義 在此 是不恰當的。故應考慮譯為有“歧義”、“疑義”或“爭議”。最後，“正”的葡文為“ prevalencer ”，原意為“ leva r vantagem ”，即佔有某些優勢，而這裏刻板地以“正”來表示“正確”，顯然不合規範的現代漢語 表 達 ， 而應 譯 為 “ 準” 。 此 外 ，就 其 他 文 字 而言，（澳門政府公告）“內”不妥，應為“上”；而後的“ 文字 ”亦為 誤譯 ，應為 “內 容”。 同時 “正 ”字後的“也”屬非古非今 的表達，應當刪去。故此 ，可將此句改譯為：“凡在《澳門政府公報》上以葡文和 中 文 頒 佈 的 內 容 ， 如 有 歧 義 ， 應 以 葡 文 為 準 ” 。英文 可譯 為“ In c ase t h e re is any in c o ns i s t e n c yconcerning the contents publ ished in the Offic ia l Bullet i nof Macao，the Po rt u g u e se v ers ion s h a l l p re v a i l ”。“硬譯 ”或“ 死譯” ，是上 個世紀 30年 代在大 陸翻譯 界 出 現過 的 一 種翻 譯 主 張和 現 象 ，由 於 其 逐 字生硬 地 加 以 翻譯 ， 因 而 往往 會 產 生 語義 不 切 、 意 思含混 、 有 語 法錯 誤 、 違 反目 的 語 常 規表 達 習 慣 的 譯文。6 所 以，“ 硬譯” 並不等 於準確 和恰當 ，有時 倒是適 得 其 反 。然 而 ， 這 種譯 法 在 現 今澳 門 法 律 公 文的翻 譯 中 卻 仍佔 據 主 導 地位 。 隨 着 澳門 與 內 地 的 經貿、 社 會 及文 化 各 方面 關 係 的日 益 緊 密， 逐 漸 實 現法律 本 地 化及 法 律 公文 起 草 的中 文 化 ，應 當 說 ， 現在大 有 必 要突 破 這 種格 局 ， 建立 起 真 正意 義 上 的 規範 化 。三 、規範化與專業化進一 步 而 言 ， 澳門 法 律 公 文 翻譯 的 規 範 化 ， 主要體 現 在 兩 個專 業 方 面 ：一 是 語 言 方面 。 法 律 同 語言有着特殊的內在關係，在法學界流傳一句話，“欲治法 學 ， 必 先治 語 言 學 ”。 具 體 到 澳門 現 實 ， 如 上所述 ， 就 是如 何 在 複雜 的 語 言環 境 中 ，逐 漸 走 向 規範的 現 代 漢語 表 達 ；二 是 法 律方 面 。 澳門 目 前 的 法律體 系 是 建築 在 葡 萄牙 的 主 要法 典 框 架之 上 的 ， 其實與 中 國 內 地法 律 體 系 同屬 大 陸 法 系， 即 都 以 成 文法為 主 要 法 律淵 源 。 二 者在 本 質 上 並不 難 接 軌 ， 但經葡 一 中 轉 述之 後 ， 生 出了 許 多 “ 異樣 ” ， 不 但 讓一 般 人 望 而 生 畏 ， 就 是 法 律 專 業 人 士 也 常 為 此 瞠目。這對於澳門法律的本地化（《澳門基本法》中提出 的 三 大 核 心 任 務 之 一 ） ， 極 為 不 利 。就存 在 的 問 題 而 言 ， 在前 一 方 面 ， 由 於 多 種 語言因 素 的 影響 及 中 文根 基 的 淺薄 ， 主 要體 現 在 句 子結構 混 亂 、 語 法 錯誤 百 出 、 用 語 修辭 失 當 等 ； 在 後一方 面 ， 由於 其 獨 特的 法 律 傳統 ， 主 要表 現 在 杜 撰的法 律 概 念和 不 規 範的 法 律 用語 。 自 然， 這 些 問 題通常交織在一起，往往是“剪不斷，理還亂”，形成了一 種 複 雜 的 法 律 翻 譯 現 象 。對此 ， 不 妨 就具 體 事 例 ， 作些 綜 合 分 析 。例如 ， 在 《 法 律研 究 概 述 》 （中 譯 本 ） 這 部 澳門 高 等 院 校 法 律 教 材 中 ， 有 這 樣 一 段 ： “ 在 社 會中， 共 同 生 活的 體 現 就 是互 助 、 同 舟共 濟 及 分 工 ，而這 些 均 存有 既 定 的行 為 準 則及 確 保 各項 活 動 能 和諧 進 行 的 規 則 方 能 實 現 。 故 此 ， 必 須 解 決 社 會 生活中 無 可 避 免的 衝 突 ， 而法 律 就 是 促進 各 利 益 的 團結 及 解 決 利 益 衝 突 的 必 要 工 具 。 ” 7 （ 葡 文 原 文 ：
omonecessár i oset or naar es ol u★ á odec on f l i t os queav i das oc i a li nevi t av el ment esusc i t a．Odi r ei t oénecessár i opar apr omover asol i dar i edadedei nt er esses，epar ar esol verosconf l i t osdei nt er esses．”“Communal l i f e i n a soci et y r equi r es mut ual hel p, shar edbenef i t s and cooper at i on of var i ous sect or s. Al l of whi chare regul at ed by est abl i shi ng r egul at i ons and coor di nat -i ng act i vi t i es. Ther ef or e, l aw has become a necessi t y f ort he sake of r esol vi ng conf l i ct s and adj ust i ng i nt er est s ofdi f f erent peopl e.”f undada，quer emact oi l íci t o，quer nor i scoouemqual quercondut al íci t a，ér egul adapel al ei dol ugar ondedecor r euapr i nci pal ac t i vi dadecausador adopr ej uízo；emcasoder esponsabi l i dadepor omi ss★o，éapl i cável al ei dol ugarondeor esponsável dever i at er agi do．”）caused by i l l egal act i on, r i sks or behavi or f ol l owi ng t hecont ract i s l i abl e t o t he l aw of a l ocat i on wher e t he maj oract i on was t aken pl ace r esul t i ng i n t he damage; whereasl i abi l i t y caused by omi ssi on i s l i abl e t o t he l aw of al ocat i on wher e t he act i on occur r ed. ”i ndependent ement e da sua f ont e, s★ se t orna obr i gat ★r i adepoi s de publ i cada no Bol et i m Of i c i al de Macau. ”"Ent re a publ i ca★★o e a vi g★nci a da l ei decor rer★ o tempoque a pr ★pri a l ei f i xar; na f al ta de f i xa★★o, a l ei ent ra emvi gor no sext o di a post er i or ao da publ i ca★★o. ”“Adirei to é necessá r io para promover a solidar iedade deinteresses，epara resolver os conf li tos de interesses．”）8分析起來，原文“em soc iedade”（在社會中），大可 不 必 照 原文 譯 為 狀 語， 而 可 納 入“ 社 會 共 同 生活體現為……”一整句之中。“而這些均存有既定的行為 準 則 及確 保 各 項活 動 能 和諧 進 行 的規 則 方 能 實現”為語法病句，因其試圖將兩句話的意思（“而這些均 存 有 既定 的 行 為準 則 及 確保 各 項 活動 能 和 諧 進行的規則”和“方能實現”）合併為一句，因而造成了 句 中 主 、 謂 、 賓 語 的 混 亂 ， 且 語 言 囉 嗦 （ 如“能” 、“ 方能” 等） 、不合 法律 語言規 範（ 如“ 均存”、“方能”等）。“無可”應為“不可”（此句顯然受到廣東話的影響）。“法律就是促進各利益的團結”為病句：“利益”怎麼能夠“團結”？只有“人”能講“團結”。原文最後兩句“ C主要講處理“衝突”與“利益” 的關 係， 且重 複出 現“ interesses（利 益） ” 及“ resoluç á o ，r esolver （分解、解決）”。葡文如此行文， 自 有 其 道 理 ，但 譯 成 中 文 ， 則可 不 必 “ 對 號 入座”，而應採取“濃縮”譯法，以簡馭繁（即以簡約的 語 言 形 式 來 駕 馭 繁 多 的 語 言 信 息 量 ） 地 加 以 處理。同時，其中的“promover … interesses ”不應按字面意思譯為“促進……利益”，而為“協調……利益。 ”所以，不妨將此段改譯為：“社會共同生活體現為相 互 幫 助、 利 益 共存 、 分 工合 作 ； 而這 些 是 通 過建立 規 則 、 將 各 種活 動 協 調 一 致 來實 現 的 。 因 此 ，為了 解 決 不 可避 免 的 衝 突、 協 調 各 方面 的 利 益 ， 法律 就 成 為 必 需 。 ” 而 相 應 的 英 文 ， 可 譯 為 ：再如，《澳門民法典》第44條第一款：“基於不法行 為 、 風 險或 任 何 合 規範 之 行 為 而產 生 之 非 合 同責 任 ， 受 引 致 損 失 之 主 要 行 為 發 生 地 之 法 律 規 範 ；因 不 作 為 而 產 生 責 任 時 ， 適 用 責 任 人 應 為 行 為 地法。”（葡文原文：“A responsabil idade extracontratual分析起來，將“causador a（do prejuí zo ） ” 譯 為“引致 ”（ 損失） ，為 譯者根 據廣 東話習 慣而 來的 杜撰 ， 規 範 的 現 代 漢 語 中 並 無 此 詞 ， 實 則 應 為 “ 導致”。而“é aplicá vel a lei do lugar onde o responsá veldever i a ter agido ”的譯文“適用責任人應為行為地法”，為病句：如果“責任人”是主語，“為”是謂語，“法”是賓語，那麼“人”怎麼成為“法”了呢？如果將“適用責任人”看作是一動賓結構作主語，也同 樣 講 不 通 。 這 種 病 句 在 法 典 裏 是 絕 對 應 當 杜 絕的。 這 裏 不 妨 根 據前 面 的 意 思 ， 譯為 “ … … 則 適 用於行 為 發 生 地 的 法 律 ” ，此 句 為 被 動 語 態 ， 而 亦 可為主 動 語 態 的“ … … 由 行為 發 生 地 法律 所 規 範 ” 。故此條法典不妨重譯為：“由於不法行為、風險或任 何 符 合 規 定 而產 生 的 非 合 同 責任 ， 則 受 導 致 損失的 主 要 行 為發 生 地 的 法律 所 規 範 ；而 由 於 不 作 為而產 生 的 責 任 ， 則 適 用 於行 為 發 生 地 的 法 律 。 ” 而其 相 應 的 英 文 ， 不 妨 譯 為：“Nonc ontr ac tual liabili ty又如 ，《 澳門 民法 典》 第 4條 第一 、二 款及 第 5條：“ 法律 不管其 淵源 為何， 僅在 《澳門 政府 公報 》上公佈後，方具約束力。”“法律自公佈至生效所經過之 期 間 由 法律 本 身 定 出； 無 此 定 出者 ， 自 公 佈 後第六日開始生效。”“任何人對法律之不知或錯誤解釋， 不 構 成 其不 遵 守 法 律之 合 理 理 由， 且 不 免 除 其承 受 法 律 所 規 定 之 制 裁 。 ” （ 葡 文 原 文 ：“ A lei ，
t he Of f i ci al Bul l et i n o/Macao. ”“The dat e of becomi ngef f ect i ve f or a l aw af t er i t has been promul gat ed shoul dbe pr escr i bed on i t . I n case of no dat e ment i oned, i t wi l lbe execut ed on t he si xt h day af t er i t s pr omul gat i on. ”“Any i gnorance and mi sunder st andi ng of t he l aw shoul dnot be consi dered as l egi t i mat e r easons f or vi ol at i ng al aw, nor ar e t hey bases f or exempt i on f r om l egalpuni shment . ”especi al ment e regul ar : a capaci dade da pessoa col ect i va;a const i t ui ★★o, f unci onament o e compet ênci a dos seusór g?os; os modos de aqui si ★★o e perda da qual i dade deassoci ado e os cor r espondent es di rei t os e dever es; ar esponsabi l i dade da pessoa col ect i va, bem como a dosr espect i vos órg?os e t i t ul ares, per ant e t er cei ros; at r ansf or ma★★o, di ssol u★★o e ext i n??o da pessoacol ect i va. ”“A t ransf erênci a da sede da pessoa col ect i vapar a um l ugar suj ei t o a um ordenament o j ur ídi co di st i nt on?o ext i ngue a per sonal i dade j ur ídi ca dest a, se ni ssoconvi er em as l ei s de uma e out r a sede. ”“A f us?o deent i dades com l ei pessoal di f erent e é apreci ada em f acede ambas as l ei s pessoai s. ” )ig norâ ncia ou má interpret aç ã o da lei nã o just if ica a faltado seu cumprimento nem isenta as pessoas das sanç õ esnela estabelecidas．”）分析起來，葡 文“ fonte ”原 意 為 “ 源 泉 ” ， 如“Trabalho é fonte de r iqueza ”（勞動是財富的源泉）。但在這裏不宜硬譯為“淵源”，而實則為“法源” ，葡文為“fonte de direi to ”，英文為“sources of law”。同時，“不管……為何”不是法律規範用語（顯然受廣 東 話 影 響 ） ， 應 為 “ 無 論 … … 如 何 ” 。 葡 文 的“ obrigató r ia ”原 以 為 “ 強 制 性 的 ” ， 如“ taxaobr igató ri a ”（必須交納的稅）。在這裏的實際意思為“法律效力”，英語為“force of law”，葡文為“ fo rç adelei ”等。葡文的“a vigê ncia de lei ”為“法律的生效”，“decor r erá o tempo”為“過去的時間”，但這裏不必刻意譯出，因其意已明。同樣的“pró pr i alei f ixar ”也不必死板地譯為“由法律本身定出”，而用“法律寫明”即可。而“na falta de fixaç ã o ”也 不必硬譯為“無此定出者”，而僅以“否則”即可。葡文“interpretaç ã o”，這 裏 似 乎 是“ e xp l ica ç ao ”的同義語，如：“Interpretaç ã o de um texto biblico ”（解釋一段經文）。“Tr e cho admite duas interpre tacõ es ”（這段 話有 兩種解 釋） 。但推 敲起 來，在 這裏 不宜 譯為“解釋”，因為它容易與“法律解釋”（cons tru c t io nof law） 混同起來。所 謂“法律解釋 ”，是指從執 法者的 角 度 ， 對法 律 文 本 意思 的 理 解 與説 明 ， 旨 在 探求適 用 法 律時 對 與 法律 規 範 意義 的 具 體落 實 。 而 這裏的“as pes s oas”是指任何人，即從任何一個公民角度而 言的 ，故應 譯為 “理解 ”或 “法律 認識 錯誤 ”（mistakes of legal comprehend ing ，與“事實認識錯誤”對稱）。將“ jus t i f i ca ”譯為“合理理由”，屬繁瑣；“理由”即可。而“不構成其不遵守……”可簡化為“不成其為……”。“Esta bel e c i das ”不必譯為“ 法 律 所 規 定 ”； “ 法 律 ” 即 可 。故此處法典，不妨重譯為：“所有法律，無論其法源如何，須在《澳門政府公報》上公佈之後，具有法律效力。”“法律應寫明其公佈後的生效日期；否則，該法於公佈後第六日起生效。”“任何人對法 的無知 或 對 法 的 理 解 錯 誤 ，均 不 成 其 為 違 法 的 理 由 ，亦不 可 因 此 而不 受 法 律 的制 裁 。 ” 相應 的 英 文 ， 不妨譯為：“All laws and regula t ions ，reg a rdless of theirresources，only come into force af ter being publ ished in又再 如 ， 《澳 門 民 法典 》 第 31 條 第 二、 三 、 四款： “ 屬 人 法尤 其 為 規 範下 列 事 宜 之準 據 法 ： 法 人之能 力 ； 法人 機 關 之設 立 、 運作 及 許 可權 ； 成 員 資格之 取 得 及喪 失 方 式， 以 及 成員 之 權 利及 義 務 ； 法人、 法 人 機關 及 其 據位 人 對 第三 人 之 責任 ； 法 人 之組織變更、解散及消滅。”“法人住所移至屬不同法律體 系 之 地 方時 ， 不 消 滅法 人 之 法 律人 格 ， 只 要 該兩住所地之法律均有如此規定。”“對具有不同屬人法 之 實 體 之 合 併 ， 須 按 雙 方 屬 人 法 之 規 定 作 出 判斷 。 ” （ 葡 文 原 文 ： “ A lei pessoa l compete分析起來，“準據法”是一種涉外民商事案件應使用的 法律 ，通 常用拉 丁文 來表 示， 如“ lex fo r i ”（法院地法）、“ lex domicil i i ”（住 所 地 法 ） 等 ， 但 在原文裏（A lei pessoal compete especialmente regular）並無此詞，是譯者畫蛇添足的“贅譯”。將“ titulares ’譯為“據位人”（等同於 titular delugar）是澳 門譯 員的 杜 撰 ， 而 非 法 律 通 用 語 ， 故 應 考 慮 譯 為 “ 任 職者”。而將“ pessoa colec tiva”譯為“法人之組織”屬法律專業失誤，因為“ 法人”本身就是一種組織 ，是 具 有 民 事 權 利 主 體 資 格 的 社 會 組 織 ， 故 應 譯 為
speci f i ed j ur i sdi ct i on: capaci t y of a l egal per son;est abl i shment , f unct i ons and compet ence of a cor por at i on;met hods of obt ai ni ng and l osi ng qual i f i cat i ons f or i t smember shi p; r espons i bi l i t i es of a l egal per son,or gani zat i on of a l egal person and t hei r l i abl e membersf or t hi rd par t y; t ransf ormat i on, di ssol ut i on and termi nat i onof a l egal person. ”“A l egal person wi l l not be di squal i f i edwhen i t shi f t s t o anot her l ocat i on wi t h a di f f er ent l egalsyst em, provi ded t here ar e r egul at i ons compar abl e t o oneanot her . ”“As regar ds amal gamat i on of di f f er ent l egalper sons , a j udgement shal l be based on t he r el evantper sonal l aws. ”“法 人”。 將“ ex tinç ã o ”譯為“消滅 ”，不確切（因沒有必要、也不可能將某“法人”“消滅”掉），而準確的表述應當是 “終止”，即英文 的 termi nat i on 。將“personalidade jurí dica ”譯成“法律人格”為錯譯，實則為“法人資格”（儘管二者在某種情況下可以互換）。而 狀語“se nisso conv ierem as leis de uma eoutra sede”譯為中文時，應在句子結構上作相應處理， 但 譯 者未 能 脱 開葡 文 結 構的 束 縛 ，而 是 生 搬 硬套， 使 其 完 全 不 符合 規 範 的 現 代 漢語 表 達 方 式 。 同時， “屬 人 法之 規定 ” 可簡 化為 “ 屬人 法” （ leispessoais ）。這裏的“aprec iada”不一定譯為“判斷”，而應酌情譯為“判定”。此外，原譯文中用了過多的“之” ，囉 嗦而晦 澀， 與規範 化現 代法律 用語 表述 相去 千 里 。故此條法典不妨重譯為：“屬人法規範下列具體許可 權 ： 法人 能 力 ，法 人 機 構的 設 立 、運 作 及 許 可權， 成 員 資格 獲 得 、喪 失 的 方式 以 及 成員 的 權 利 和義務 ， 法 人 、 法 人 機 關 及任 職 者 對 第 三 人 的 責 任 ，法人的變更、解散和終止。”“當法人住所遷移到某不同 法 律 體系 地 方 時， 在 兩 地具 有 相 應法 律 規 定 情況下，並不喪失原法人資格。”“對不同屬人法實體的合 併 ， 須 根 據 雙方 屬 人 法 作 出 判定 。 ” 其 相 應 的英文，不妨譯為 ：“A personal law defines following通過以上分析，又不難發現，澳門法律公文翻譯走向規 範化 的過程 ，實 際上也 是一 種走向 “雙 接軌 ”的過 程 。 對內 ， 主 要體 現 在 與規 範 的 現代 漢 語 及 規範的 法 律 概念 、 術 語表 述 的 吻合 ； 對 外， 主 要 體 現在與 世 界 上 其他 大 陸 法 系的 德 、 意 等及 普 通 法 系 的英語 術 語 進 行對 比 、 參 照， 從 而 有 效地 提 高 其 翻 譯的 專 業 化 水 平 。這種規範化的“雙接軌”其實並不深奧，完全可以從 日 常 一點 一 滴 的具 體 翻 譯做 起 。 例如 ， 在 澳 門法律 教科 書上 ，將 “義 務 ”（dever）依 據 葡 文 定 義 譯為“作出或不作出某種行為之精神上的必要性。”（anecessidade moral de praticar ou nã o praticar cer tosfac tos．） 這樣 似乎 是準 確 了， 但讀 起 來實 在讓 人 費解。參照葡文法律辭典，Dever ∶ obr igaç ao moral oujur idica，a primeira nã o sujeita senao avontade livre doindividuo e ã segrunda sejeita à sanç ã o das lei ． 9 同 時參照 英文 法律 辭典 對 dut y （ 義務 ）的 極其 相似 的 解釋，Dut y∶an act that is due by legal or moral obligation．A man is subjec t to a duty when the law commandsorforbids him todo an act …A duty is to act or not toact soas to produce certain consequences ．1 0 而 根 據 中 國 高等院 校 法 律 教材 的 解 釋 ，公 民 的 義 務， “ 是 指 憲 法和法 律 規 定的 公 民 應當 履 行 的某 種 責 任。 具 體 表 現為國 家 要 求公 民 必 須為 某 種 行為 或 禁 止公 民 為 某 種行 為”。 1 1 那麼， 綜合 三者 ，我們 是否 可以 達成 這樣的 共 識 （ 或許 可 以 通 行於 澳 門 的 法律 公 文 或 法 律教科書中）：“所謂‘義務’就是根據一定的道德或法律，人們所採取的有着某種實際效果的作為或不作為 。 ” 這 樣 ， 就 在 某 種 程 度 上 做 到 了 既 與 內 地 接軌 ， 又 與 國 際 接 軌 。再如， 關於“ 司法見 解” （Jurisprudê ncia），在中 國 內 地 和 國 外 其 他 大 陸 法 系 的 法 律 中 都 無 此 概念， 而 澳 門 同樣 的 法 律 教材 將 此 概 念的 後 半 部 分 譯為“ 除 此 之 外， 可 以 對 有關 論 據 的 效力 及 準 確 性 作遊 説 ， 但 別 無 其 他 者 ”。1 2 使 得 人 們 對 這 一 概 念 的理解 更 加 困難 。 查 對原 文 ， 發現 此 段 譯文 極 不 專 業化。原文：“Fora disso ，pode persuadir pela forç aeexatidã o dos argumentos ，nã o mais ．”主要問題有3個：① 將“persuadir ”譯為“遊説”，完全失去了法律用語的規範性，實則為“闡述”；②將“ argumentos ”譯為“有關論據的”不妥，應為“此案依據的”；③將“nã o mais”譯為“別無其他者”，屬含糊其詞，亦非規範 化 法 律 表 述 。 對 此 ，應 結 合 大 陸 法 系 來 理 解 ：在大陸法系裏，法院所判的案例（ 某 種 意 義 上 的 司法解 釋 ） 不 可 以 成為 一 種 法 律 淵 源， 即 對 其 他 案 例無法律效力。故此處應譯 為“不具其他法律效力” ，即英文的“without legal force for other cases”。
從文化交錯的觀點審視澳門後殖民建築文化童喬慧＊澳門從1 999年回歸祖國以後，正式結束了其長達一百多年的殖民歷史。站在21 世紀前端，回首澳門百年滄桑的殖民歷史，可以看出澳門城市呈現出多元文化交錯、層疊的現象。人們逐漸認識到澳門的文化地位的重要性，《文化雜誌》的創辦、世界文化遺產申報工作的進行，都表明人們開始加強對澳門城市個性的認知與肯定。這不僅僅是因為澳門曾經輝煌的歷史，它是中國最早向西方開放的港口城市，是西方新文化在中國最初的傳播中心，更重要的是如何恢復城市建築歷史與文化的“記憶原型”，讓澳門城市發展獲得歷史性的靈感以及新的空間 。優秀鮮明的澳門城市環境和城市個性是一種力量，也是歷史的堆積，它可以推動澳門城市的發展，使城市經得起現代化的劇烈競爭，令其脱穎而出。如何認識結束殖民統治後的澳門城市建築文化之特性呢？筆者認為澳門當前的建築文化是屬於現代主義、後現代主義與後殖民主義多種混雜而成為一種雜匯。後殖民主義具有抵中心，強調多元、差異等特質，一方面後現代主義論述有助於解構以歐洲為中心的主體，另一方面後殖民主義的論述則有助於重建以澳門為中心的主體。一 、從殖民主義到後殖民主義從1 9世紀到本世紀的中葉，地球上成立了不少新興或終於獨立的民族國家，邁入了所謂的“脫離殖民”（ de c o l o n i z a t i on）時 期。 “ 後殖 民主 義 ”（pos tcol on i a l i s m）需要與殖民主義一起才能被正確認識。殖民主義或舊殖民主義是指殖民關係的第一階段，在時間上被限定在第二次世界大戰以前，其特點是殖民宗主國在政治、軍事上對於殖民地國家的赤裸裸的直接統治，殖民地國家或徹底或部分地喪失了自己的國家主權；而在理論上對於殖民主義的分析與批判，在源頭上可以上溯至馬克思，而其成熟形態則是本世紀初列寧、盧森堡等人的帝國主義理 論 。 1後殖民主義話語是冷戰快結束的80年代開始從西方發端興盛而流向全球的時髦話語。“後殖民主義 ” 中 的 “ 後 殖 民 ” 的 定 義 ， 與 獨 立 後 （ pos t－independence）或殖民主義之後（after col oni al ism）不同，它是指殖民主義從開始那一刻到獨立之後的今日的殖民主義與帝國霸權 。2 如果說殖民主義與 新殖民主義主要關注的是西方宗主國與殖民地國家或第三世界國家的政治、經濟關係；那麼，後殖民主義理論則集中關注第三世界國家與民族與西方殖民主義國家的文化上的關係。故後殖民主義又稱“文化殖民主義”（cul tural colon ia l i sm）。在分類學和方法論上，殖民主義和新殖民主義都是政治話語，而後殖民主 義則是一 種學術話 語。3最具代表性的後殖民理論家包括出身巴勒斯坦的賽義德（Edward W．Said）、來自印度的史碧娃克（Gay a t r i C ．Spi vak）及巴巴（Homi K．Bhabha）。賽義德是當代最重要的後殖民導師，對破除西方帝國都會的迷思及發揮對峙抗爭的文化批評作用。史碧娃克是目前最具魅力的後殖民批評家。她因翻譯德希達的《論書寫學》而聞名歐美學界，她堅持以解構思想去重新界定馬克思的唯物辯證論，提出文化認＊ 武 漢 大 學 城 市 設 計 學 院 講 師
同的多元性。巴巴則以“雜匯”（h ybr i d i t y）的觀點，去詮釋底層、被殖民階級與統治、殖民者之間的互動 空 間 。用“後殖民狀況”來取代“後現代狀況”，這可以説是後殖民定義的主要特點。4 史碧娃克認為後殖民既不是一個地域區別的概念，也不是一種思想潮流，它是一種新的世界格局。從這個全球的角度來看，她認為全世界都是後殖民的。如果説後現代強調的是文化的多元性，強調解構中央集權式，而後殖民主義則在瓦解中心／邊緣雙元帝國殖民論述。後現 代 主 義 的 最 終 目 標 是 在 於 主 體 的 解 構（decons t ruc t i o n），而後殖民主義則在追求主體的重構 。 5二 、殖民 主 義與 後 殖 民 主義 在澳 門的異 質澳門城市的殖民歷程與後殖民歷程有着與眾不同的特質。首先，它與上海、香港不同，它沒有經歷前殖民化城市階段。可以說它是在兩大文明相遇後共同 創 造 的產 物 ， 並成 為 一 個殖 民 化 的葡 萄 牙 城市，它沒有純粹的前殖民化的本土成份在內。因而澳門城市開埠後一度是個戰略城堡，炮台與長長的防 禦 土 牆 城 牆 共 存 ， 這 點 與 印 度 的 加 爾 各 答 有着類似的城市格局。其次，澳門的非殖民化歷程表現得比香港要順利與平和，這點和理論學家的觀點不同：殖民化與征服同出一轍，非殖民化與革命一脈相承。6 再者， 葡萄牙人 華士古 ·達·伽 馬是打 着“我尋找基督徒和香料”的旗幟來進行宗教殖民與貿易擴張，范農稱其為殖民統治迷惑下進行經濟掠奪和政治控制的“白色面具”。澳門的殖民歷史掩飾在宗教擴張之下，1 9世紀末期到20世紀初期澳門的城市建 設 與 改 良運 動 將 澳 門變 成 一 個 美麗 誘 人 的 天堂，殖民建設者的心態只是在遠離本土之處仍然能夠認出自己身處殖民地環境而心安理得，他們認為這樣才沒有令他們自己在異鄉建立殖民地蒙羞。中國銀行大樓前亞馬留雕像的倒塌標示着澳門非殖民時期 的 提前 到 來。 7三、後殖民主義對澳門建築文化的啓示按照後殖民理論，非西方文化必然要被切割成兩段：一是現代性以前的分散世界史中自足的傳統的自我；二是進入統一世界史後，被西方他者話語主宰的 迷 失了 傳 統本 真 性 的混 雜 體。 按 自我 不 變 立論，傳統自我才是本質，才算自我，而進入現代性的自我，是自我的迷失，是受他者控制的自我，一句話， 是非我 。後殖民的問題在澳門無論在意義界定或概念運用上，都顯得格外錯綜複雜。一方面，澳門繁榮開放的國際都會形象，加上表面上葡萄牙殖民者友誼的面紗，實在難以揭示葡萄牙殖民主義長期施行的經濟掠奪與政治壓迫，也無法彰顯西方帝國主義一直進行的文化侵略。另一方面，澳門在解除英國殖民統治後，並未得到國家主權的獨立自主，而是變成中國的一個特別行政區，在北京中央政府的領導下享有“一國兩制”的高度自治。後殖民在澳門城市建築發展上是漸進的。（一）邊緣地位誠如洛楓形容香港處於邊緣的位置，夾纏在中國和香港這兩個強國之間。澳門城市亦是如此，澳門雖然已經由葡萄牙的殖民地轉變為中國的特別行政區，但不管從地緣政治或文化版圖的角度來看，這個城市始終是處於中心以外的邊緣地帶。在此種偏陲一隅的處境下，澳門的現代建築文化往往被不同的中心論述視為中西文化的緒餘；而安身立命於中國傳統與西方現代之間的澳門建築文化，其“邊緣性”（marg ina l i t y）的特點無庸贅述。在澳門這個彈丸之地 ， 從 過去 到 現 在都 一 直 存在 着 西 方殖 民 主 義與中國民族主義的衝突。澳門建築文化存在於夾縫之中，顯示出獨有的頑強生命力與堅韌精神。對於澳門特殊的後殖民情境而言，既然殖民地或附庸區的邊緣命運終究無法擺脱，本地的論述生產唯有依靠“解中心化”（decen t r i n g）的批評策略，如此方能在晚期資本主義的國際化趨勢中，確立自身文化的差異性與抗衡力。（二）雙重他者巴巴的後殖民論述精闢地指出，第三世界國家“混雜性”的文化身分，假若無法質疑支配性論述的等級制度與權威地位，那就只有繼續扮演帝國主義中心神話下“他者性”（otherne ss）的次等文化角色。從這種後殖民主義的觀點來看，澳門受到西方殖民主義和中國民族主義的前後夾制，本地的文化身分有可能變成“雙重他者”而遭納入中西方各自的中心
化研究者的共同理想。他提出，要實現在較為公平的基礎上進行跨文化交流，既需要準確地看待自己的文化，也需要公允地評價他人的文化。由於文化的交流無時無處不在，因此正確的態度是既保持本民族文化的特色，又在平等的基礎上和其他文化展開對 話 ，汲 取 他人 的 精 華， 剔 除本 民 族文 化 的 糟粕，這或許是賽義德後殖民理論對我們最重要的啟示 。後殖民理論認為，在加速全球化的時代中，我們已經很難想像甚麼是純粹的、絕對的、本真的族裔或認同，構成一些民族認同的一些基本要素，如語言、習俗等，實際上都已經全球化，已經與“他者”文化混合，從而呈現出不可避免的雜交性。我們只能以後殖民認同觀，在具體的歷史處境中，根據具體的語境建構自己的身份。未來澳門城市建築文化的研究應以後殖民主義的跨文化觀點，採取一種流動的主體、多重自我與複合身份的概念來化解文化認同的危機，只有這樣才能加強澳門城市的身份認同和獨有個性。註 釋 ：1 陶東風：《後殖民主義、後殖民理論與後殖民性》，2003年，轉引自文化研究網。2 朱崇科：《新“新”視角與後殖民解讀——試論王潤華〈華文後殖民文學——本土多元文化的思考〉》。3 張法：《論後殖民理論》。4 徐賁：《走向後現代與後殖民》，中國社會科學出版社，1 9 9 6年，第1 7 4頁。5 陳芳明：《後殖民台灣：文學史論及其周邊》，台北：麥田出版社，2002年。6 鄭妙冰：《澳門：殖民滄桑中的文化雙面神》，北京：中央文獻出版社，20 03年，第44頁。7 鄭妙冰：《澳門〈後殖民的前夜〉時期》，澳門歷史文化國際學術研討會，1 99 4年。8 Ackbar Abbas，H ong K o n g：Cu l t u r e an d t h e Po l i t i c s of D i s appe a r an c e（H ong K o n g：H ong Ko n g Un i v e r s i t y Pr e s s ，1 9 9 7）．參考書目：1 ． Ackbar Abbas，Hong Kong：Cul ture and the Pol i t i c s o fDis appear ance（Hong Kong：Hong Kong Universi ty Pre s s ，1997）．2 ． 艾勒克·博埃默著，盛寧、韓敏中譯：《殖民與後殖民文學》，遼寧教育出版社、牛津大學出版社，1998年 。3 ． ［美］愛德華·W·賽義德著，謝少波、韓剛等譯：《賽義德自選集》，中國社會科學出版社，1999年。4 ． 陳芳明：《後殖民台灣：文學史論及其周邊》，台北：麥田出版社，2002年。5 ． 徐賁：《走向後現代與後殖民》，中國社會科學出版社，19 96年 。6 ． 巴特·穆爾·吉爾伯特等編撰，楊乃喬等譯：《後殖民批評》，北京大學出版社，2001年。7 ． 《文化雜誌》，澳門：澳門文化司署，第36、37期，1998年。8 ． 鄭妙冰：《澳門：殖民滄桑中的文化雙面神》，北京：中央文獻出版社，2003年。
1 A．H．d e Ol i v ei r a Ma r q ue s （d i r ．），Hi s t ór i a do s p or t ug u e s e s n oEx t r e moOr i e n t e，Vol ．1，T omo 1 ：Emt o r no d eMa c au ：séc ul o s XVI －x v l l （Li s boa：FundaÇ â oOr i ent e，1998），p．476．2 西方英語紋章瓷研究的奠基之作是 D a v i S a n c t u r y H o w a r d ，Chi n es e Ar mor i a l Por c el a i n，Vol umel （Lo ndo n：F abe r ＆F abe r ，1974）a n d Ch i n e s e Ar mo r i a l Po r c e l a i n Vo l u me l l （L o n d o n ： He i r l o o m＆H o w a r d ，2003）。漢語書評，可見曾玲玲“西方紋章瓷研究成果推介《中國紋章瓷》第一、二卷”（ht t p：／／www．c c r news．c om．c n/t b s c ms/mo dul e－ wb/t u s h uVi ew．as p？i d ＝387）。英語書評，可瀏覽Ch i n e s ea r mo r i a l p or c e l a i n－ Bo ok Rev i e w，Apo l l o，Nov ，2003byRos eKer r （ht t p ：//www．f i n da r t i c l e s．c o m/p/ar t i c e s/mi －mOPAL /i s － 501－ 158/ai － 110735921）和Ch i ne s e ar mor i a l p o r c el a i n －Boo k saob a bo ut Ant i q ues －Bi b l i o gr aph y Mag az i ne An t i q ue s，Aug us t ，2003b yAlfred Mayor htt p：//www．fi ndart icles．com /p/art icles/mi－m10 2 6 /i s＿2＿1 64 ／ai ＿1 061 42 498 ）。葡語著 作有 José Roberto Tei xei raLei te，As Companhias das lndias e a Porcelana Chinesa deEncomenda，IntroduÇ ã o de Olívi a Gomes Ba r r ada se Prefáco de E ．F．Brancante（Sã oPaulo，1986）；NunodeCastro，A por cel anachine sae os brasÕ es do lmpéri o（Por t o：Ci vi l i zaÇ ã o，1987）和 Acerã micae a porc e l a na chi ne s a s （Port o：Civi l i zaÇ ã o， 1992），2 vol s ．3 Caminhosda porcelana，di nastias MingeQing＝ThePorcelainroute，Ming andQingDynasties（Lisboa，FundaÇ ã o Oriente，1999），p．129．4 比 較 突 出 的 是 宗 教 題 材 的 有 歐 洲 天 主 教 會 團 紋 章 的 瓷 器 。 它們 反 映 了 天 主 教 來 到 澳 門 和 中 國 大 陸 傳 播 教 義 而 衍 生 的 文 化特 色 。 耶 穌 會 定 製 的 瓷 器 上 上 有 I HS 題 款 。 它 是 拉 丁 語JESUS H OUI NUM SALVATOR的縮 寫 ， 意 即 “ 人類 救 主 耶 穌 ” 。（參 見 Ca mi n h o s d a p o r c e l a n a圖 4 及目 録 6 ， 7 ，8 和 9 ） 。 耶穌 會 一 樣 ， 其 他 會 團 ， 如 奧 古 斯 丁 派 ， 方 濟 各 派 ， 多 明 我 派也從中國定製了 禮器和日常用具 （Camin hos da p o r c e l a na 目 錄1 2 ， 2 5 和2 6 ） 。 澳 門仁 慈 堂 博 物館 收 藏 有 多 件此 類 瓷 器 。 葡萄牙舉辦 過專題 展覽，見 Ref l ex os，símbolos e imagens docr i st ianismo na porcelana chinesa＝Refl ect i ons，symbols anoimages of Chri st i ani ty onChinese porcelain，coordenaÇ ã ocientíf i cadePedro Dias，Santa Casa daMisericórdia de Lisboa，Comissã oNacional par aasComemoraÇ Õ es dos Descobrimentos Portugueses，1996and lmagens do cri st i anismo naporcelanadaChina＝Christ iani magesi nChi nesepor cel ai n，Jor geWel sh；t r ad．Al i ceSt i l wel l（Li sboa，London，J．Welsh，2003）。5 葉 文 程 ： 《 中 國 古 外 銷 瓷 研 究 論 文 集 》 ， 北 京 ： 紫 禁 城 出 版社 ， 1 9 8 8 年 ， 第 3 3 7 頁 。6 同 上 註 ， 第 2 頁 。7 文 德 泉 ： 《 中 葡 貿 易 中 的 瓷 器 》 ， 載 於 吳 志 良 編 ： 《 東 西 方文化 交 流 —— 國 際 學 術 研 討 會 論 文 選 》 ， 澳 門 基 金 會 ， 1 9 9 4年 ， 第 2 0 7 頁 。8 《澳 門 ： 從 地 圖繪 制 看 東 西 方 交匯 》 ， 紀 念 葡萄 牙 發 現 事 業 澳門 地 區 委 員 會 ， 第 2 9 頁 。9 漢名可 能是 “謝（ 許） 喇噠” 。“ 喇噠 ”是Ne c od a （船 長） 的對 音 。 因 此 在 漢 籍 中 ， 亦 稱 “ 哪 噠 ” 。 詳 細 考 證 ， 請 見 湯 開建： 《 平 托 〈 遊 記 〉 Li a mp o 記 事 考 實》 ， 載 於 《 澳 門 開 埠 初期史 研 究 》 ， 北 京 ： 中 華 書 局 ， 1 9 9 9 年 ， 第 4 5 － 4 7 頁 。10 關 於 此 地 的 考 證 ， 可 見 金 國 平 ： 《 Tumo n雜 考 》 ， 載 於 《 西力 東 漸—— 中 葡 早 期 接 觸 追 昔 》 ， 澳 門 基 金 會 ， 2 0 0 0 年 ， 第1 9 － 4 2 頁及金 國平 、吳志 良： 《從西 方航 海技術 資料 考Tumon之名 實》 ，載 於《 東西 望洋 》， 澳 門成 人教 育學 會， 2 0 0 2 年 ，第2 5 9 －2 7 4 頁。11 《印度公司登記簿（Regi sto da Casa da lndia）》，里 斯本， 1 5 1 5年 3 月 2 6 日 ， 第 1 卷 ， 第 1 0 號 ， 第 3 頁 。12 詳 見 《 重 建 汪 公 生 祠 記 》 ， 載 於 嘉 慶 《 新 安 縣 志 》 ， 中 國 方志 叢 書 華 南 地 方 第 1 7 2 號 ， 成 文 出 版 有 限 公 司 印 行 ， 第 5 8 1 －5 8 3 頁。 有關論 文可 見， 金國平 ：《 1 5 2 1 － 1 5 2 2 年 間中 葡軍 事衝 突—— “ 西 草 灣 ” 試 考 》 ， 載 於 《 西 力 東 漸 —— 中 葡 早 期接觸 追 昔 》 ， 第 1 － 1 8 頁 。13 吳 志 良 ： 《 澳 門 政 治 發 展 史 》 ， 上 海 社 會 科 學 院 出 版 社 ，1 9 9 9 年 ，第2 2 －4 3 頁。14 Caminhos da porcelana，p．22．15 l dem，p．126．16 l dem，p．23．17 l dem，p．23．18 l dem，p．127．19 Emtorno de Macau：séculosXVI －XVI I ，p．481．20 Caminhos da porcelana ，p．127．21 Emtorno de Macau：séculosXVI－ XVI I ，p．482．22 同上 註 ， 第 4 7 6 頁 上 的 彩 照 。23 Caminhos da porcelana，p．23 ．24 ldem，p．2 4 ．一套24 1 件的乾隆年間餐具，可見Hi st ó r i adosportuguesesno Ext r emo Oriente，Vol．2：Macau eTimor．Odeclíniodo mpér io，p．437．25 Caminhos da porcelana，p．24．26 同 上 註 。之來中國者，先至澳門，後則經越廣州。清中葉海舶雲集，商務繁盛，歐士重華瓷，我國商人投其所好，乃於景德鎮燒造白器，運至粵垣，另雇工匠，仿照西洋畫法，加以彩繪。於珠江南岸之河南，開爐烘染，製成彩瓷，然後售之西商。”4 9 由此而知，起初廣州並無燒製白瓷胚的窯口，是直接在景德鎮加工好後運來，再按西方的審美習慣加以彩繪燒製而成，然後通過水路銷往世界各地。可以相信，澳門在“廣彩”的製作及銷售過程中的作用很大。在乾隆之前，她獨佔了廣州的對外貿易。即使是其他國家的商人，也必須以澳門為基地進行對華貿易。“海通之初，西商之來中國者，先至澳門，後則經越廣州”是歷史的真實寫照。中國工匠仿照的“泰西”畫法，無疑也是通過澳門傳入的 。作為中國清代對外貿易的重要品種，廣彩可以説是東、西方商業、藝術、文化的成功結晶。它不僅豐富了中國的瓷器種類，而且影響了世界陶瓷藝術的發展，在中外貿易和文化交流中作出了不可估量的貢獻，而澳門是整個過程的最重要環節。總之，由葡萄牙人首先輸入歐洲的“紋章瓷”，是一種對外貿易發展中應運而生的瓷器新品種，中西合壁。它既是商品 £¬ 又是藝術品，是明末清初外銷瓷中最具特色的一種。它有過兩個高潮：一是明嘉、萬時期5 0 ，二是清康、雍、乾階段。在當時來說，外銷瓷的藝術價值不如內銷瓷高，但幾百年過後，其歷史和科研價值越來越高。如今存世不多的葡萄牙人在華定製的“紋章瓷”，是中葡關係的歷史見證。這既是中葡接觸範疇的課題，又是總體中西交流研究的一個要點。註釋 ：
2 7 Caminhos dapor ce lana，p．22．2 8 同上註，p．1 24．29 同上註，p．1 27．30 同上註。31 同上註。32 Macau e T imor．O dec línio do impér i o，p．436．33 同上註，p．437．34 （明）朱紈：《甓餘雜集》卷四《三報海洋捷音事》，參見《明清時期澳門問題檔案文獻匯編》，第5卷，中國第一歷史檔案館、澳門基金會、暨南大學古籍研究所合編，北京：人民出版社，1 9 99年，第271 頁。35 Caminhos da porcelana，圖3。36 同上註，目錄1 3 。37 同上註，目錄1 1 。38 同上註，第1 28頁。39 同上註，目錄2 6 ，3 6 。40 同上註，目錄3 7 至7 4 。41 同上註，目錄4 2 至7 4 。42 同上註，第1 29頁。43 同上註，第1 28頁。44 關於此次事件的始末，可見 Pe t e r B o r s ch b e r g ，Th e S an t a Ca t a r i n al n c i d en t o f 1 6 0 3 D u t c h F r e e bo o t in g ， th e P o r t u gu e s e E s t ad o da l n d i aan d l n t r a －A s i an T r ade a t t h e Dawn o f t h e 1 7 t hC e n t u r y （1603年“聖一卡塔琳娜號事件”：荷蘭海盜，印度的葡萄牙政體與1 7世紀初亞洲貿易），載於《文化雜誌》，國際版，第1 1 期，第1 2－25頁。另一篇關於1 7世紀荷蘭在遠東貿易大背景的論文是Erns t van Veen，Du t ch Trade and Nav egati on in t he Sou th Ch i naS ea D u r i ng the1 7 t h C ent u r y（17世紀荷蘭在南中國海的貿易與航行），同上，第1 1 4－1 35頁。45 栗建安：《SW AT OW與漳州窯》，載於《文化雜誌》，第3 4期，第1 52－1 58頁。46 金國平：《早期葡語文獻中的Chi nche o》，載於《西力東漸中葡早期接觸追昔》，第52－73頁。47 金國平：《南澳三考》，同上，第7 4 －8 2頁。48 金國平：《早期葡語文獻中的Chi nc heo》及楊國楨：《東南海域漳州時代的發端 明代倭亂前的海上閩南與葡萄牙（1 368－1 549）》，載於《文化雜誌》，第42期，第91－107頁。49 《中國古外銷瓷研究論文集》，第325頁。50 《明清時期澳門問題檔案文獻匯編》：“通番舶議 通番舶嘉靖三十年五月初六日，該都察院勘合二千六百八十五號，巡按福建字樣，勘議通海舶以資物貨一件，給事中題要將廣東、福建、浙江三省盡許開通，番舶照常抽稅，以資國用。……又有奸猾商人，將帶中土絲綿、段布、磁鐵貴貨到彼番國，不換貨物，止賣金銀。回還之時，將船燒燬，潛地逃歸，徒有開税之名而終無可稅之實，其出海即可税，不必待其歸也。勢所難禁者也。”（第5卷，湯開建主編，第22 5－226頁）“上潘大巡廣州事宜 近日閩浙有倭寇之擾，海防峻密，凡番夷市易皆趨廣州。番船到岸，非經抽分，不得發賣。而抽分經撫巡海道行移委官，動踰兩月，番人若必俟抽分迺得易貨，則餓死久矣。故令嚴則激變之禍生，令寬則接濟之奸長。近來多失之寬，恐侮敵玩寇，閩浙之禍將中於廣州也。廣東隔海不五里而近鄉名遊魚洲，其民專駕多櫓船隻，接濟番貨。每番船一到，則通同濠畔街，外省富商搬磁器、絲綿、私錢、火藥違禁等物，滿載而去，滿載而還，追星趕月，習以為常，官兵無敢誰何？比抽分官到，則番舶中之貨無幾矣。”（第5卷，湯開建主編，第29 0頁）“給事中傳元初論開洋禁疏：…… 萬曆年間，開洋市於漳州府海澄縣 之月港 ，一年 得税二 萬有餘 兩，以 充閩中 兵餉。……而歷稽往事，自王直作亂以至於今，海上故不能一日無盜，特有甚不甚耳。海濱之民惟利是視，走死地如騖，往往至島外區脱之地曰台灣者，與紅毛番為市。紅毛業據之，以為窟穴。自台灣兩日夜可至漳泉內港，而呂宋佛郎機之夷見我禁海，亦時時私至雞籠、淡水之地，與奸民闌出者市貨。其地一日可至台灣，官府即知之而不能禁，禁之而不能絕，徒使沿海將領奸民坐享洋利，有禁洋之名，未能盡禁洋之實，此皆臣鄉之大可憂者。即當事者譚海上事，亦未能詳悉。以生利彌害之計，告於我皇上。臣知而不言，誼所不敢出也。蓋海外之夷，有大西洋，有東洋。大西洋則暹羅、柬埔諸國、道其國，產蘇木 胡椒、犀角、象牙諸貨物，是皆中國所需。而東洋則呂宋，其夷佛郎機也。其國有銀山，夷人鑄作銀錢，獨盛中國。人若往販，大西洋則以其產物相抵，若販呂宋，則單得其銀錢。是兩夷者，皆好中國綾緞雜繒，其土不蠶，惟藉中國之絲，到彼能織精好緞疋服之，以為華好，是以中國湖絲百斤值銀百兩，若至彼得價二倍。而江西磁器、福建糖品果品諸物，皆所嗜好。佛郎機之夷，則我人百工技藝，有挾一技以往者，雖徒手無不得食，民趨趨之。永樂間，先後招徠東西二洋入貢之夷，恭謹信順，與北虜狡悍不同。至若紅毛番一種，其夷名加留巴，與佛郎機趨利，不相得。曩雖經撫臣大創，初未嘗我怨，一心通市，據在台灣，自明禁絕之，而利迺盡歸於奸民矣。夫利歸於奸民而使公家歲失二萬餘金之餉，猶可言也；利歸於奸民而使沿海將領不肖有司因以為奇貨。掩耳盜鈴，利權在下，將來且有不可言者。竊謂洋稅不開則有此害，若洋稅一開，除軍器、硫磺、焰硝違禁之物不許販賣外，聽閩人以其土物往，他如浙直絲客、江南陶人各趨之者，當莫可勝計，即可復萬曆初年二萬餘金之餉以餉兵，或有云可至五六萬，而即可省原額之兵餉，以解部助邊，一利也。沿海貧民多資以為生計，不至飢寒困窮，聚而為盜，二利也。沿海將領等官，不得因緣為奸，利而接濟，勾引之禍可杜，三利也。倘以此言可採，則今日開洋之議，洋税給引，或仍於海澄縣之月港，或開於同安縣之中左所，出有定引，歸有定澳，不許竄匿他泊。即使漳泉兩府海防官監督稽查，而該道為之考覈，歲報其餉，於撫臣有出二萬餘之外者，具冊報部，以憑支用。臣鄉弁鄭芝龍，屢立奇功，既受延世之賞，仍責以海上捕盜賊、詰奸細。使人與船無恙，計年量加陞賞。其麾下士卒，向聞係芝龍散金以養之，故所向有功，今其麾下之口口可就此酌給，無責令久出財力為公家幹事之理，是又一利也。竊考有宋之季，市舶司實置在泉州，載在舊制可考。其時郡守諸臣有為海舶祈風之詩，此亦前事之可據者。廣東香山澳亦見有税額，閩廣一體耳。此非臣一人之言，實閩省之公言也。伏乞敕下閩省撫按，查洋禁果否盡閉，開洋果否無害有利，廣詢漳泉士民，著為一定之規，庶奸利可杜，兵餉可裕矣。”（第5卷，湯開建主編，第376－378頁）
