CONTENTS Academic Interview: "The 2nd Chief Executive Election and the Path for Macau's Political Development"⋯⋯The Centre for Macau Studies 1 Who Has the Power to Abandon and Revise Laws-Decrees?⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯CHEANG Karn Io 12 Analyzing Two Types of Conflict Jurisdiction——Taking the Relationship of Jurisdiction on Commercial Affairs of the Court in the Mainland, Hong Kong and Macau for Explanation⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯LI Leiming 19 A Study on the Scale of Macau Government ⋯⋯⋯⋯by Project Group of Macau Development Strategy R/C 27 The Cooperation and Development of Tourism Industry in the Pearl River Delta⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯CHEN Zhangxi 45 An Investigation on the Establishment of an Offshore Financial Center in Macau⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯FENG Qing 52 The Present Situation of Regional Trade between China and ASEAN in 2003 and the Perspective Forecast⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯LI Hong 62 "Z+Z Intelligent Education Platform"—— A Breakthrough in Educational and Technological Development⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯IONG Hoi Sun, CHAO Pek Kei 70 The Population Census in Hong Kong and Macau⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯UNG Lai In, ZENG Wuyi 80 A Survey of Noise Characteristics of the Park of Nossa Senhora da Guia⋯⋯⋯LEI Kam Peng, KAN Chon Man, AO IEONG Kuok Hon 94 V
One Hundred Years of Awakening and Struggle for a National Salvation⋯⋯⋯CHANG Chak Io, IEONG Wan Chong 110 Guangzhou and Macau in Ancient Sino-Western Cultural Exchange—— Special Statues and Different Roles⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯PANG Shunsheng 156 The Forerunner Connecting Chinese and Portuguese Literature: Camilo de Almeida de Pessanha⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯CHAN Ip Tong 167 Lingnan-- the Center of the Spread of Western Medical Science in the East⋯⋯SHENG Yonghua, SUN Guanlong 178 The Hidden Cause of Wu Li's Failure in Leaving Macau for Europe⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯JIN Guoping, WU Zhiliang 187 Chen Zibao and Macau Education in Late Qing Dynasty and Early Republic Period⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯XIA Quan, XU Tianshu 208 The Delimitation Dispute of Xiangshan and Macau⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯HUANG Hongchao 220 Lei Heong lok and His Study on Saint Paul College of Macau⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯CHEN Caijun 256 An Investigation on the Portuguese "Failure in Zhangzhou"—— The Dialogue with Beatriz's Chronology of Macau's History⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯SHI Cunlong 264 Dialogue between the Cultures⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯⋯JIANG PENG 279 VI
One Hundred Years of Awakening and Struggle for a National Salvation Chang Chak lo & leong Wan Chong* In the long process of history, one hundred years is just a short flash. However, the period we are going to examine is engraved on one's bones and heart, especially for the Chinese. Having an understanding of this period of story and seeking some positive thoughts may be a great inspiration to all contemporary C 1. China Has Paid Too Dear a Price in Searching for a Way to National Salvation and Development The 100 years from the Opium War till the 1940's were a period during which the decadent Manchu Dynasty, feudal warlords, reactionary politicians and foreign imperialist powers ganged up for mutual benefit to ruin China. It was also an era witnessing the political awakening of the Chinese people, their consistent wave-upon-wave heroic struggle against oppression, their fast growing strength and enhanced maturity and the brilliant victory they won at the end of the day. In the course of this prolonged struggle against the imperialist invaders, the reigning Manchu Dynasty,the reactionary politicians and g historic victories.However, the iticisms of the age-old feudal ideology and Confucian ethics, which has influenced Chinese traditional culture for more than 2,000 years, have either e point or bordered on dogmatism. * ciation , Acting Director of Centre for Macau Studies and Senior Research Fellow, University of Macau hihinese people. their co-conspirators, the Chinese people suffered heavily, fought bravely and resolutely and won world-shakincrnot been to th Chang Chak lo—MA in Management and Director General of the Macao Assoof Economic Science. leong Wan Chong—Senior Advisor to Rector 110
Therefore, there is the unjustified negation of what should be retained and carried on to the later generations as a legacy of the quintessence of Chinese culture; on the other hand, there is a lack of unequivocal definition of and resolute opposition to the real dross like the "rule of man", "autocracy", notion of "imperial sovereign rights", etc., which should be discarded once and for all as scum. History, some people say, can be likened to a mirror, which reflects without mercy the detrimental consequences of the seclusion of a nation and the conservatism or the unwillingness to change of a society. It also unfolds before us the arduousness and great hardships encountered and sustained with fortitude by our forefathers in the search for a right path to advance our cause. Last but not least, it also mirrors the great wisdom and gigantic energy of the oriental nation with a brilliant civilization, as manifested in her political awakening, national solidarity and integration. The 20th century saw the outbreak of two world wars the mere mention of which causes people to turn pale. Nevertheless, few have thought about, let alone understood, that the era of continuous warfare between China and the encroaching foreign powers, beginning from the Sino-British Opium War in the 1840's up to the war with the Eight-Power Allied Forces in 1900, was, in essence, a period of real world war. This war was of the longest duration, with the widest participation of belligerents, and among the most cruel and most brutal ever seen in world history. Its not being recognized as a world war is only because the disparity in strength of the two sides was so great that one side was totally overwhelmed by the other. This war was also a great contest between the more advanced capitalist culture of the West and the backward conservative feudal culture of the East. It was a fierce international rivalry for dominance over the great oriental nation whose culture was once the most advanced in the world and for the shameless partitioning of her territory. It was a great fight between the two diametrically opposed entities in China—the upholding of civil and human rights, and the autocracy of the imperial sovereign and the Manchu ruling race. It was a struggle between reformers and conservatives. It was also a sustained battle between resolute resistance against oppression to win final victory and capitulation and appeasement to drag out an ignoble existence to survive only as the lackeys of foreign powers and flunkeys of internal oppressors. This was a process in which China's national sovereignty was being trampled underfoot, resources being ruthlessly exploited, and the whole country being reduced to a semi-feudal and semi-colonial political status. It was a time in which the awakening and political wisdom of the entire Chinese nation were raised to an unprecedented level, self-searching 111
and self-improvement efforts progres ng with ever accelerating tempo. On sithe surface, it seems that the"solid boats and fierce guns" of the West overwhelmed the "broadswords and long spikes" of the East. At the core, it wa al s in fact modern capitalism ultimately victorious over a declining feudtem. All in all, China has paid a very high price for entering into thple of modernization. ing lessons from their bitter experience, the Chinese peoplesys e temDraw marked time in periods of darkness, gathering strength and awaiting the break of dawn. They gained knowledge while knuckling under, fostered their will to fight in adve new epoch rse situations and soon succeeded in ushering in aof unprecedented national consciousness and renewed fighting. Born and baptized in blood and terror were generations upon generations of national fighters distinguished by their great wisdom and courage. They are the pride of the Chinese nation and models for the younger generation worthy of our eternal memory and highest esteem. To old China, the latter half of the 19th century proved to be a very important, critical historical period. Starting from the Opium War, Chinese modern hi . On this story slides down along a precipitously sloping curvend bewitching section of the historical picture scroll,dazzling a one can envisage the e lay between ntangled and intricate encountering and interpnew and old, goo ture and sadness, d and evil, resistance and capitulation, rap disappointment. All these come togethepherseverance and r to compose a ighly enriched and edifying historical textbook to be learned and remembered not only by the Chinese people but also by the people of the world. Professor Li Wenhai, a famous historian, once remarked: "Only the nations that can face up to their own history are the ones with self-confidence and vitality. Let us always remember the following: never refuse history because it gives us wisdom; never forget history lest we will be guilty of betrayal; never ignore history lest we will be punished thereby; never sever history because negation of the past also means losing the future."1 The Treaty of Nanking concluded between the Qing court and Britain was the first unequal treaty in modern Chinese history. The treaty provided the cession of Hong Kong, the opening of five trading ports namely Guangzhou, Xiamen, Fuzhou, Ningbo and Shanghai, and an indemnity of 21 million silver dollars. This humiliating treaty was signed on 29th August 1842 on oard the British warship "Cornwallis" on the Yb angtze River off Nanking. A week before that, that is, on 22 August, a certain English soldier ndclaiming to be a member of "The China Expedition" sent a letter from his acks in Nanking to his brother in Madras in India saying, "I am writing ll you that the war will soon end. The emperor promised to signbarrto te up and 112
honored all our demands.... I was told that the idiot on the throne was very shocked by the fall of Chenchiang which tells of our invincibility."He continued, "We will have an indemnity of 21 million silver dollars which is equivalent to 40 million Rupees. Hong Kong will be ceded to us as a souvenir and Chinese coastal ports like Shanghai, Canton and Ningpo will be opened for trading...." The "emperor" and "the idiot on the throne" actually refer to the Qing Emperor Dao Guang, and the cessation of territory, the indemnity and the five ports opened for trading mentioned in the letter are exactly the same in the Treaty of Nanking signed seven days later. This means that the Sino-British negotiation was only a mere formality; with Britain dictating all the terms beforehand and the Qing court signing them obediently. That was the way this unequal treaty was signed.2 Thus the Opium War represented the first breakthrough in the race for wholesale invasion and partition of China by the Western powers. Following the British invasion, France, the US, Germany, Japan, Italy, Austria and Russia fell on China like a pack of hungry wolves, plundering, killing, blackmailing and wreaking havoc up and down the gargantuan country. The Opium War, the Sino-French War, the Sino-Russian War, the Sino-Japanese War (the Jiawu War) and the war of invasion by the Eight-Power Allied Forces came one after the other, with China as the victim and the powers as the victors every time. In the 110 years from 1840 to 1949, the imperialist powers like Britain, France, Japan, the US and Russia had waged hundreds of wars of invasion on China, inflicting innumerable losses in life and resources on the Chinese people. The nine large-scale wars fought in the latter half of the 19th century lasted for a period of 13 years and three months. That is to say, in the 65 years from 1840 to 1905, the Chinese people spent about 1/5 of their time engaging in ever-losing wars.3 The bloody crimes committed by the invasion armies are absolutely just hair-raising. In September 1860, the joint British and French forces sacked Peking and engaged in burning, looting, raping and killing with incredible barbarity. They burned down the royal garden Yuan Ming Yuan, which was then among the most beautiful masterpieces of garden architecture in the world, causing incalculable losses to world art and culture. In 1900, the Eight-Power Allied Forces burned and looted the land and killed Chinese people, turning Tanggu, a town with more than 50,000 inhabitants, into a no-man's land. In the city of Tianjin with one million inhabitants, only 100,000 souls remained alive after the killing. During the Japanese invasion of China starting from 1937, more than 21 million Chinese were killed or wounded; of which about 10 million were deliberately done to death. During the Nanking Massacre dating from December 1937 to January 1938, 113
more than 300,000 Chinese inhabitants were murdered by the Japanese invasion army.4 From the signing of the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 to the year 1949, the unequal treaties signed between the imperialist powers and China numbered over 1,000, of which more than 500 were signed by the Manchu government, 200 more by the Northern warlords and another 200 more by the Kuomintang (KMT) government. Out of the 1,000 such treaties, 200 or so are considered typical or representative.5 Considering the nature of these unequal treaties, 9 of them involved cession of Chinese territory, 8 of them involved indemnity, 6 of them were about Christian and Catholic missionaries, 10 were about leased land and a high percentage of them were trading treaties. Considering the powers involved, 31 treaties were concluded with Britain, 2 with France, 27 with the US, 37 with Japan, 20 with Russia. The remainder were concluded with Portugal, Spain, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Sweden, etc.6 Principal among the most notorious and atrocious unequal treaties were the Sino-British Treaty of Nanking and the Treaty of Wangsha (Wangxia) concluded between China and the US, the Treaty of Tientsin (Tianjing), the Sino-British Treaty of Peking (Beijing), the Sino-Russian Treaty of Aigun (Aihui), the Sino-Russian Additional Treaty of Peking, the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Shimonoseki, the International Protocol of 1901, etc. All these unequal treaties forced upon China by the imperialist powers constituted a grave infringement upon China's sovereignty and territorial integrity. They were by nature aggressive, exploitative and barbarous, involving cession of Chinese territory, acquisition of indemnities, opening of trading ports, assessment of tariff and customs by mutual agreement, consular jurisdiction, unilateral most-favored-nation treatment, control o1f China's maritime customs, etc. 1.1 Cession of Territory The Sino-British, Sino-Russian and Sino-Japanese unequal treaties forced China to cede territory amounting to 1.739 million km2, equivalent to 3 times the area of France, 7 times that of Britain, or equaling in area 12 times the area of her Liaoning Province or 103 times that of Beijing. By the Sino-British Treaty of Nanking concluded on 28th May 1842, China ceded Hong Kong to the British, setting a precedent of annexation of Chinese territory by the Western powers. In 1850, Britain occupied Kowloon by the Treaty of Peking. Taking the opportunity of the occupation of the Dagu port by the joint British and French forces, Count Nikolai Muraviev, Russian Governor General of Eastern Siberia, forced the Heilongjiang General Luan Shan to conclude the Treaty of Aigun, with which Russia seized 600,000 km2 of Chinese territory north of Heilongjiang and south of the Great Xing'an Mountains. In June 1861, 114
Tsarist Russia again seized more Chineseterritory through a protocol defining the eastern boundary, including a large part of Lake Xingkai west of the River Ussuri and a large stretch of land southwest of the lake. On 7th October 1864, through the Protocol of Chuguchak (the Boundary Treaty of Tarbagatai), Tsarist Russia further seized 440,000 km2 of Chinese western territory. Russia snatched from China another 70,000 km2 of land through the Treaty of Livadia and the Treaty of St. Petersburg signed on 9th October 1879 and 24th February 1881 respectively. Thus, the total Chinese territory seized by Russia through the conclusion of a series of unequal treaties amounted to over 2.5 million km2. Japan's share in seizing Chinese territory began in the 1890's. Defeated in the Sino-Japanese war, the Qing court concluded the Treaty of Shimonoseki with Japan, allowing Japan to occupy Taiwan, the Liaodong Peninsula and the Islands of Penghu.7 1.2 Indemnity From the signing of the Treaty of Nanking to that of the International Protocol of 1901 (the Xinchou Treaty), the Qing court was compelled.to pay 8 major indemnities (including the interest of the Gengzi Indemnity) the total sum of which amounted to 1.935 billion silver dollars, equivalent to 16 times the national revenue of the Qing government in 1901. The unequal treaties exacting the largest sum of indemnity were the Sino-British Treaty of Nanking, the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Shimonoseki and the International Protocol of 1901. The indemnity stipulated in the Treaty of Nanking was 21 million silver dollars paid by installments in three years. The Treaty of Shimonoseki stipulated that 200 million taels of silver were to be handed to Japan as indemnity in eight lots: the first and second lot each amounted to 50 million taels and the remaining 6 lots were to be paid one lot per year. The International Protocol of 1901 stipulated that the Qing government should compensate the foreign customs for 450 million taels of silver to be paid by yearly installments at an annual interest rate of 4%; principal and interest added together amounted to 982 million taels of silver. Adding to it a local indemnity of 20 million taels, the sum total was over one billion taels of silver. This is often referred to as the "Gengzi Indemnity" in Chinese modern history. Owing to the fact that the Russian troops were the largest in the Eight-Power Allied Forces, Russia got off with the lion's share of the Gengzi indemnity of more than 130 million taels (20% of the total); Germany got 90 million, France 70.87 million, Britain 50.62 million, Japan 34.79 million, the US 32.93 million, Italy 26. 61 million, and the rest was divided among Austria, Belgium and Spain. This was probably the largest indemnity ever recorded in world history and so was the number of nations taking part in sharing the booty. 115
Not only were the eight powers participating in sending troops awarded according to their "contributions", but the three non-belligerents, Belgium, Holland and Spain, also had the effrontery of posing themselves as "smaller powers" and squeezed in to have a share in the Grand Christmas Dinner!8 During the Japanese invasion of China (1937-1945), over 930 Chinese cities and towns were occupied with a direct economic loss of up to 62 billion US dollars and an indirect one of up to 500 billion US dollars.9 1.3 Opening of Trading Ports The Sino-British Treaty of Nanking stipulated that 5 ports were to be opened for trading: Guangzhou, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Ningbo and Shanghai. The Treaty of Tientsin added 10 more to the list, namely, Niuzhuang (later changed to Yingkou), Dengzhou (later changed to Yantai), Taiwan (later Tainan was chosen), Danshui, Caozhou (later changed to Shantou), Qiongzhou, Hankou, Jiujiang, Nanjing and Zhenjiang. Britain, France and the US were allowed to lease land from the aforementioned trading ports to build houses and warehouses for themselves, set up churches, hospitals, etc. turning the Chinese coastal area to a base for foreign invaders to further their exploitation and wreak havoc inland. The Sino-British and Sino-French additional treaties stipulated that Tianjin should also be added to the list of trading ports and British and French were allowed to live and trade in Tianjin and enjoy all the special privileges set down in different unequal treaties. A Sino-British new treaty concluded in 1869 stipulated that Wenzhou (to be exchanged with Qiongzhou) and Wuhu should be opened as trading ports in which British traders were allowed to build warehouses. The Sino-British Treaty of Yantai stipulated that Yichang, Wuhu, Wenzhou and Beihai should be added to the list of trading ports. And ports alon Datong, Anqing, Hukou, Wuxue, Luxikou g the Yangtze River likeand Shashi should be ports of call for foreign cargo and passenger ships. According to the Sino-French Convention concluded in Vietnam, the Qing government should open Baosheng and Liangshan on the Chinese side as trading ports and allow French traders to live there. The "Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet" stipulated that, starting from 1st May 1894, Yadong in Tibet was to be opened as a trading port, allowing British traders and merchants to trade freely there and to lease residential houses and warehouses, and that Britain and India should be allowed to station commissioners in Yadong. The Sino-Japanese Treaty of Shimonoseki stipulated that, in addition to the trading ports already opened, Shashi, Chongqing, Suzhou and Hangzhou were added to the list and Japanese civilians and merchants, who were 116
granted the right of residence, trading and manufacturing. Japanese cargo and passenger ships were allowed to sail up China's inland waterways.10 1.4 Tariffs by Mutual Agreement Beginning with the Treaty of Nanking, China's tariff on import and export customs fell step by step into the hands of the Western imperialist powers and eventually she was deprived of tariff autonomy. The tariff for foreign goods shipped to China's inland for sale was fixed at 2.5% ad valorem (with no inland tax levied), to be changed only by mutual agreement. Goods used by foreigners were exempt of all taxes. This made China's import tariff the lowest of all trading nations on record. English, French and American personnel were employed by China's customs office to assist in tax management. A British citizen, Horatio Nelson Lay was appointed Inspector-General of customs with full power of customs administration, including appointment of local customs inspectors. In 1861, another British citizen, Robert Hart, was appointed Acting Inspector-General of customs and assumed full title two years later. He held that post for almost 48 years.11 1.5 Consular Jurisdiction The Treaty of the Bogue (a supplementary treaty to the Treaty of Nanking), signed in October 1843, granted Britain extraterritoriality in criminal cases. Lawsuits between Chinese and British were subject to the regulations and decisions dictated by Britain. The Treaty of Wangsha concluded between China and the US stipulated that, in the trading ports, lawsuits concerning Americans should be handled by the US consulate only and China had no right to intervene. After the second Opium War, the Western powers followed one after the other to set up consulates in China and acquired consular jurisdiction, following the examples of Britain, France and the US. In August 1851, in a treaty regulating the trade at Ili (Kulja) and at Tarbagatai, Russia succeeded in setting up consulates in the two cities and acquired consular jurisdiction. In 1860, through the Sino-Russian Treaty of Peking, Russia further set up consulates in Kashgar and Kulun. After that, Germany, Italy, Austria, Portugal and Japan followed suit in setting up consulates in the trading ports.12 For more than 100 years, China's judicial powers concerning foreign affairs fell into the hands of the diplomats of the Western powers. This situation was considered especially disgraceful and humiliating to the Chinese nation as a whole. 1.6 Unilateral Most-Favored-Nation Treatment In the Supplementary Treaty of the Bogue gave Britain the privilege of a 117
unilateral most-favored-nation treatment in China in addition to consular jurisdiction. According to this treaty, Britain was assured to any additional privileges that China might grant other powers in the future. In the early years of the 20th century, all countries which had concluded unequal treaties with China were promised the same privileges. What a galling shame and wretched lot for the Chinese people!13 1.7 Concessions and Settlements In 1893, Britain, France and the US began to set up leased residential areas in Shanghai, occupying thousands of acres of land. This became the forerunner of foreign concessions in China. In the 60 years up to 1902, more than 10 foreign countries including Britain, France, the US, Germany, Russia, Japan, Belgium, Italy, Austria, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and Norway had set up 25 concessions or settlements one after the other in 10 Chinese cities, including Shanghai, Guangzhou, Tianjin, Suzhou, Hanzhou, Chongqing, Xiamen, Zhengjiang, Hankou and Jiujiang, each constituting a foreign city under foreign government. In Tianjin, there were 9 such foreign concessions.14 A Sino-German concession treaty concluded on 6th March 1898 stipulated that Germany was to lease Jiaozhou Bay and all the islands in that area for 99 years within which, Jiaozhou Bay was governed entirely by Germany and the 100 li of land on the outskirts of Jiaoao was claimed "neutral" through which German troops had the right to patrol. In the same year, a Sino-Russian treaty was concluded which stipulated that the Lushun port and the Dalian Bay and nearby waters should be leased to Russia for 25 years. France took Guangzhou Bay on lease for 99 years according to the Note of the French Envoy to Zongli Yamen(0ffice of Foreign Affairs). Britain secured a lease of the Weihaiwei coastal region, which stipulated that Weihaiwei and the waters around it, including Liugong Island, the islands within the Weihaiwei Bay and 10 miles of coastal land around it, the lease were to be leased to Britain for 25 years, and were subject to future renewal through negotiation between China and Britain. The Convention between the United Kingdom and China Respecting on the Extension of Hong Kong Territory stipulated that China would lease to Britain the Kowloon Peninsula, including lands north of the Boundary Street and south of the Shenzhen River, together with more than 200 islands, large and small, amounting to a total area of 975.1 km2. The Dapeng Bay was also forcibly leased to Britain for a period of 99 years. In the concessions set up in China by the foreign powers, those powers had all the powers of administration, legislation, judicature, police and finance. They were in fact "nations within a nation" and completely independent of China's administration and legislature. In 1885, the foreign invaders openly 118
all the previously existing Chinese offices, temples and residential houses, thus effecting a 20-fold increase in the legation area within which, the various powers set up their own police and stationed troops completely independent of the Qing government.21 In 1915, a general administrative office was jointly set up s the supreme administrative by the envoys of the various powers aorganization. Chinese soldiers and policemen were forbidden to enter into the area. Steel gates were erected at both ends of the street garrisoned by foreign soldiers and policemen. Within the legation area were built eight watchtowers; each embassy house was surrounded by fence and ditches, and a six-meter-high outer protecting wall with loopholes for firing guns and cannons was also constructed around the entire area. The whole thing was just like an international barracks.22 In 1927, the KMT government changed the capital of China to Nanking, and moving with it were the foreign embassies. Yet the area around Dong Jiao Min Lane was still occupied by foreign consulates, making the place their special residential area.23 Chinese modern history is one filled with humiliation and insult of the country and the people. We have been invaded, bullied, butchered, beaten, discriminated against, trampled under foot, and forced to swallow the most galling insults in world history. All of these were forced upon us by the imperialist powers during the period of China's decline. What a galling shame it is for a country like China with so long a history and such brilliant culture to be squeezed to the edge of the world stage, badly battered and forced to suffer all sorts of insult and injury.24 On matters of what national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity all mean, the Chinese people are probably the group who has the most to say. The Chinese people have responded in a variety of ways to unceasing aggressive wars waged upon China by foreign powers since mid-19th century, which was a de facto world war, although not admittedly so. She has dealt with the barbarous and treacherous British invaders, the cunning and fraudulent American intruders, the arrogant and flagrant Russian aggressors and the ruthless and evil Japanese conquerors. Notwithstanding that the struggle has been protracted and tortuous and the price paid overly heavy, history has proved that the Chinese nation is not one that can be vanquished. Self-consciousness and solidarity will make them invincible. Just as opium is a narcotic to the nervous system, the Opium War was a sobering medicine to the Chinese people, causing them to awake from their dreams and urging them to undertake a painful self-searching, reappraisal and reorganization. It helped to accelerate the disintegration and reorganization of the old Chinese society and to produce a momentous impact on Chinese traditional culture and ideology. 121
After a century's extremely arduous and difficult struggle, the Chinese nation finally stands up and holds her right place in the world. For China, the 20th century saw a great turning point—half of the time was spent on rescuing herself from darkness, the other half was spent on working towards a bright future. The 21st century will certainly see the rejuvenation of China and the Chinese people who are at one with their leaders and go all out to make the country mighty and strong. She will appear as a fully modernized nation in the orient and as a bulwark of world peace. Let not the painful experience and abject misery of the Chinese people in the historical period from the Opium War to the Invasion of the Eight-power Allied Force be ever again repeated in the land of China and the barbarous atrocities committed against humanity by the imperialist powers be ever again reenacted in any corner of the world. In what follows, certain comments and remarks by foreign scholars and historians will be presented to aid the reader to understand, in a penetrating and thought-provoking way, this period of Chinese history. "Japan's victory over China threw the Far East into a decade of imperialist rivalries. In order to pay off the indemnity, China went into debt to European bondholders. In order to check Japan, China invited Russia into Manchuria—until the Russo-Japanese War of 1905 left Russia confined to the north and Japan triumphant in southern Manchuria and Korea. Meanwhile Russia, Germany, Britain and France in 1898 all occupied spheres of influence in China. These consisted usually of a major port as a naval base, a railway through its hinterland, and mines to develop along it. All in all, China seemed about to perish."25 "The 55 years from 1840 to 1895 illustrated the old syndrome of "internal disorder, external disaster". The dynasty saved itself at the expense of the people by appeasing the foreigners and getting their weapons to suppress rebellions not only in the lower Yangtze but also in northwest and southwest China and central Asia. Foreign powers nibbled away at the peripheral territories, not only the Hi region but also the Liu-chiu Islands (Okinawa), Vietnam, Korea and even Burma."26 "By mid-1860 a revived Taiping offensive had invaded the Yangtze delta, taking the major cities of Hangchow (Hangzhou) and Suchow (Suzhou) and threatening Shanghai, while at the same time an Anglo-French army arrived off Tientsin in 200 ships, and fought its way to Peking. Facing this double disaster, the Manchu leadership executed a neat double appeasem nt: they finally egave Tseng Kuofan supreme command against the Taipings, abandoning the old rule that Chinese civil officials should not control armies in the provinces, and they accepted the Anglo-French demands to open China 122
further to foreign trade and missions. As they put it in a meeting of the highest-ranking officials chaired by the Emperor, the rebels were an 'organic disease' and the foreigners merely an 'affliction of the limbs'." 27 "How the thin stratum of Manchu conquerors kept their grip on gargantuan China has always been a fascinating question. Of course they did it, in the same way as the British did in India, by winning the support of the native ruling class. But, by keeping the Chinese local elite (the gentry class) in place, they had both to stay on top of it and to steer their course so that the Qing ship of state, on the sea of the Chinese people, did not capsize. They became so adept in hanging on to power that they catered to Chinese conservatism and delayed the rise of a modern order. China, as a matter of fact, always absorbs her conquerors, but in the Qing case, it took 268 years."28 "China is a universe in itself, full of variety, contrasts, unresolved problems, and excessive people, who are nevertheless lap nning to survive in spite of everything."29 "Generally speaking, China's lagging behind in development is attributed to a lack of motive rather than capacity; and to the social conditions rather than their inherent intelligence."30 "No single foreign power is capable of dominating so big a country like China. The real question is: Who among the foreigners can help in better solving China's problems? "31 When reviewing this section of Chinese history during which China was mercilessly butchered and torn apart, we just cannot help shedding poignant tears over our nation's past misery and boiling filled with righteous indignation. In this civilization competition, one can clearly see that the decadent feudal system has lost the battle to capitalism, the East to the West and China to the Powers. We have been the hapless victims of war for more than 100 years. During this period of unspeakable plight and suffering, the Chinese people have never stopped investigating and seeking the right path to national salvation and towards a bright future. The gallant remark made by the Wuxu reformist leader Tan Sitong before his arrest and execution is justly famous. "No country in the world as yet has had a successful reform without blood being shed. In China no one has ever heard of someone shedding blood for the sake of reform. This accounts for the declining fate of our nation. If this will happen now, let it begin with me." Such sacrifices have not been in vain and such efforts has finally borne fruit by enhancing our political wisdom and helping the people to have a sounder and matured view of their future, culminating in bringing to an end some 50 years ago of the painful history 123
of humiliation and shame which all of us bitterly regret. 2. A Discussion on Sovereignty over Macao During the 280 years from 1553-1557 (Jiajing 32nd -36th year of the Ming Dynasty) to the outbreak of the Opium War, there existed in the coastal area of south China a Portuguese autonomous entity subjected to the rule and administration of the local governments of the Ming and Qing dynasties. In the first place, it was a well-known historical fact that Portugal had been paying an annual ground rent of 500 taels of silver to the local Chinese government since 1573 (that is: for a period of 275 years), clearly indicating that Macao was by then a Chinese territory leased to the Portuguese. Secondly, in aspects of administration, military control, judicature and maritime customs, Macao was under the effective rule of the Ming and Qing governments. On the one hand, the Chinese government issued various decrees, rules and regulations for the Portuguese in Macao to strictly abide by, like the "Ten Rules for the Control of Macao" stipulated by the Xiangshan County Magistrate, Cai Shanji, in 1606; the "Five Prohibitions for Foreigners in Macao" by the Deputy Surveillance Commissioner for Coastal Inspection of Guangdong Province, Yu Anxing, in 1614; the "Regulations on the Administration of Macao" by the first Prefect of Coastal Defense, Yin Guangren, in 1743; the "Agreement for the Aftermath Concerning Foreigners in Macao" in 1748; the "Three Tactics for the Control of Macao" by the Administrative Clerk of the Xiangshan County, Zhang Zentao, in 1750; the "Five Rules for Denfence against Foreigners" and the "Nine Prohibitions" by the Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, Li Shiyao, in 1759; the "Regulations on Denfence against Foreigners in Macao" by the Viceroy of the Guangdong and Guagnxi, Lu Kun, in 1831; the "Order to Foreigners in Macao to Hand over the Stock of Opium in their Ships and Warehouse" and the "Order to the Portuguese Chiefs for Strong Defense against the English" by the Imperial Commissioner, Lin Zexu, in 1839, etc.32 In the meantime, China kept sending government officials such as district magistrates, prefects for military and civil affairs, etc. to be stationed in Macao and exercise direct administration and control over the territory. For example, from 1731 to 1850, 35 assistant district magistrates and 39 prefects for military and civil affairs were sent to Macao for the said purpose.33 On the other hand, 124
flexible measures with respect to military affairs, judicature, customs practice and taxation were also adopted according to the situation. Regarding defense, the Ming government had purposely created the post of Assistant Regional Commander in the Yongmai Camp, who was shifted later to the Qianshan Stronghold. In 1664, a Vice Regional Commander was appointed to be in charge of the stronghold with officials and soldiers numbering 2,000." 34 As to judicature, the Qing government openly ordered in 1748 that Portuguese committing crimes in Macao should be tried and punished according to the Chinese law under the supervision of Chinese officials. The exercise of such jurisdiction by China remained unchanged even in the time of the Opium War. Concerning maritime customs, the Macao customs was in the hands of the Xiangshan County Magistrate with the authorization of the Canton Commissioner of Markets and Ships before 1684; in 1685, the Canton Customs Service was formally set up by the Qing government and the Customs Superintendent, Cheng Keda, proceeded to set up the Macao Office of the Canton Customs Service under which four customs stations were separately situated in the Inner Harbor, the Barrier, A-Ma Temple and Praia Grande. rdOn 3 September 1839, that is, on the eve of the Opium War, Imperial Commissioner, Lin Zexu, (a great patriot in modern Chinese history) and the Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, Deng Tingzhen, together made an inspection tour of Macao. They were cordially greeted by a salvo of 19 guns by the Portuguese authorities. Lin then called in the Portuguese officials headed by Governor Pinto to the Lin Fung Temple, announced the prohibition of opium, ordered the handing in of opium stocks and instructed that no stock of the banned material and no shelter for treacherous foreigners were allowed. He also gave presents to the Portuguese officials as a token of mollification. By so doing, Lin carried on the tradition of making inspection tours to Macao by high-ranking Chinese officials as so practiced during the Ming and the Qing dynasties, and thus effectively exercised sovereignty over the place. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Macao was always considered by the Chinese government as a strategic place in the coastal areas. Just like Humen (the Tiger Gate) on the other side of the Pearl River Delta, Macao was also considered as the "door" to the Guangdong Province. According to incomplete statistics, inspection tours made to Macao by high-ranking Chinese officials, including the Deputy Surveillance Commissioners, 125
Imperial Commissioners, Provincial Governors, Viceroys, Generals, etc. numbered over 20 times, excluding those madeby the Canton Customs Inspec ignty tors. These were important activities to show China's sovereacao.35 From Wanli 41th year of the Ming Dynasty to Guangxover M u 13th year of the Qing Dynasty (A.D. 1613-1887), among the high-ranking Chinese officials who had been on inspection tours to Macao were: the Deputy Surveillance Commissioner for Coastal Inspection of Guangdong Province, Yu Anxing; the Xiangshan Magistrate, Dan Qiyuan; the Feudatory Prince of Guangdong, Shang Kexi; the Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, Wu Xingzho; Imperial Commissioners, Shi Zhu and Du Zhen; Guandong Customs Superintendent, Cheng Keda; the Canton General, Guan Yuanzhong; Governors of Guangdong, Fa Hai and Cuan Tai; Guangdong Commissioner for Observing the Customs and Seeking the Traditions, Jiao Qinian; Viceroys of the Guangdong and Guangxi, Fu Kangan, Wu Xiongguang, Han Feng, Bailing, Xongyun, Jiang Youkuo, Lu Kun and Deng Tingzhen; Guangdong Commander-in-Chief of Naval Forces, Guan Tianpei; Imperial Commissioner, Lin Zexu; Governor of Guangdong, Wu Dazheng; etc. Every time when an official went on an inspection tour, he was received with grand ceremony by the Portuguese authorities in Macao.36 At that time, the Portuguese in Macao acknowledged their allegiance to China and basically recognized Chinese sovereignty. In 1776, the Bishop of Macao, Dom Alexander da Silva Pedrosa Guimaraens, wrote to the Portuguese Overseas Committee, saying: "The Chinese Emperor held all the rights and we can do nothing about it. He is the master of Macao and collects ground rent from us. We are but a temporary user of the place."37 It happened that the leader of the Portuguese inhabitants in Macao had once been appointed Acting Portuguese Officer for Handling Macao Affairs by the Chinese Government. In 1753 (Qianlong 18th year of the Qing Dynasty), the Portuguese envoy, Francisco X. A. P. Sampaio, sent by the King of Portugal to call on Emperor Qianlong, conveyed the message of the Portuguese King to the Chinese Emperor in these words, "I, as your subject, feel so glad and gratified to know that the Portuguese people residing in Macao have been treated with leniency and all the kindness granted by Your Majesty for many years. I therefore send my envoy, Sampaio, to pay a high tribute to Your Majesty's benevolence and join in the celebrations dedicated to you. I hope that you, the holy lord, would care more about a small country like ours and grant more preferential treatment and kindness to the Portuguese inhabitants in Macao."38 thIn 1834 (Daoguang 14 year of the Qing Dynasty), the Inspector 126
General of the Portuguese authority of Macao reported to the Viceroy of Guangdong and Gangxi of the Qing Dynasty calling himself a Chinese subject, saying: "I, aforeign local Inspector General of Macao and a humble subject of yours, hereby report to Your Highness, the Governor-General of Guangdong, that the Portuguese have been residing in this small town of Macao for three centuries. Annual ground rents have been duly paid by them and they enjoy the freedom, preferential treatment and privileges granted by His Majesty the Emperor of China and his Court to the Portuguese people here. The Portuguese have always been on good terms with the Chinese inhabitants here and they mainly engage in trade with China. There has never been any friction between us during the present or the past dynasties. This has been highly appreciated by many high-ranking Chinese officials and even by His Majesty the Emperor of China such that more favor has been granted in preference to them than to other foreigners. There is ample documentation here in this city all pointing to the immense imperial favor and kindness granted to them and these favors will not be elaborated here. Under such favorable conditions, even in the face of changing environment and vacillating public sentiment, the Inspector-General would seek help from higher level officials or, if necessary, directly report to the Governor of Canton for intervention so that order will quickly be restored and the Portuguese people again live in peace and satisfaction."39 The Swedish authority on the history of Macao, Anders Ljungstedt, who had lived in Macao for 22 years, stated in his book A Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China & Description of the City of Canton that "although the Portuguese have occupied Macao for almost three centuries, they have never gained sovereignty over that place." The Portuguese have no legal rights to handle affairs in Macao; they are only local renters and more like subjects or subordinates".40 "The many negotiations and disputes in modern times between China and Portugal about the Macao question are in fact an epitome of the consequences of the drastic changes happened in international politics and the international situation during that period. They are symptoms of China's being thrown into a semi-feudal and semi-colonial social status. The effrontery of a small country like Portugal to inflict insult and injury upon China and achieve a step-by-step occupation of Macao is entirely due to this particular political climate and to the support and sheltering of the 'Western Powers'".41 "Just like what other minor countries were doing afterwards, Portugal treacherously nibbled away China's sovereignty behind the shield of 127
the Powers and acquired those concessions which China would not easily give to the big powers themselves unless gravely threatened."42 The stepwise occupation of Macao byPortugal was deliberately engineered in the mid-19th century (from 1840-1860), especially during the period of rule by the 79th Macao Governor, Joao Maria Ferreira do Amaral, who implemented colonial rule in Macao by force from 1846 to 1849 in defiance of Chinese sovereignty. This has constituted an important demarcation point in the history of Macao. At this juncture, there were two notable points worthy of attention and discussion: Firstly, the nature of the leasing of land for Portuguese settlement had changed since that time to that of outright military occupation, which was an act of open aggression violating international justice. That is to say, Macao had been reduced to a de facto Portuguese colony since then and not beginning from 1887; the second clause of the "Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Friendship and Commerce" concluded in 1887 although stipulating that "China confirms perpetual occupation and government of Macao and its dependencies by Portugal", added conditions to that, namely, "It is stipulated that commissioners appointed by both governments shall proceed to the delimitation of the boundaries, which shall be determined by a special convention; but so long as the delimitation of the boundaries is not concluded, everything in respect to them shall continue as at present, without addition, diminution, or alteration by either of the parties." This means that the Treaty was, in a sense, not complete. It was also clear to both sides that the delimitation of boundaries referred to those of Macao's "dependencies". The land originally occupied logically does not come under this category. Therefore, some argued "If even the delimitation of the boundaries had not been completed, why would China agree to cede Macao to Portugal? In this context, even the right of 'perpetual government of Macao' is open to question. Legally speaking, what China accepted was only the fact that Macao was under actual Portuguese government by that time." According to modern international law and the theory of sovereignty, the change in the status of Macao by force through Amaral in the 1840's and the subsequent expansion of occupied land constitute an act of grave infringement of China's sovereignty over Macao and, as a consequence, brought an end to China's exercising sovereign rights in that place. On 29th August 1849, the brutal colonial Governor Amaral was assassinated by angry Wangsha and Longtian villagers including Shen Zhiliang and six others. Because of all his cruelty and atrocities, he reaped what he sowed. The Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi Xu Guangjin reported the incident to the Qing court, stating: "The Portuguese military leader Amaral behaved 128
atrociously in Macao. He labeled number plates on the shops in the streets and collected tax money by force. If disobeyed, he would send his soldiers to arrest and torture the victims. He constructed a road outside the Shanba Gate by leveling numerous Chinese tombs by force. The convict (Shen Zhiliang), in extreme anger at his ancestral tombs' being thus entirely leveled off, rose and planned for Amaral's assassination." Seizing this opportunity as a pretext for further colonial expansion, the Portuguese authorities in Macao took revenge by attacking the Barrier Gate and kidnapped three Chinese soldiers and officers. They also laid assault to the Chinese North Ridge Tarashan Fort, wounded more than ten military men there, destroyed the 20 cannons in the Fort and blew up its gunpowder magazine. At the same time, they begged support from England and the US. Accordingly, an Englsih warship was deployed to the Nanwan water to "protect the Portuguese government organizations". In the 40 years after this incident, Portugal, on the one hand, further extended their occupied territory to reach the islands of Taipa and Coloane, the villages of Tashi, Shagang, Xinqiao, Shalitou, Shiqiangjie, Wangsha and Longtian and the Qingzhou Island (Green Island). On the other hand, she unscrupulously threatened the Qing court to conclude formal treaties with her so as to legalize, normalize and perpetuate her colonial rule and territorial occupations. In 1862, the Portuguese Governor of Macao, Izidoro Francisco Guimarães, backed up by the French minister to China, Alphonse de Bourboulon, went to Peking as Portugal's plenipotentiary to China and succeeded in signing the "Agreement on Commerce between Qing China and Portugal".... Its article 9, which involves the sovereignty of Macao, stated that: "His Majesty, the Emperor of China and His Majesty, the King of Portugal, with the goodwill of maintaining peaceful relations between the two nations hereby want to stipulate the following... Hi s Majesty, the Emperor of China, may appoint, should he deem it convenient, an agent to reside at Macao, there to treat of commercial affairs and watch the due observance of the regulations. He should be either of the Qi's or Hans of the fourth to fifth official grade. His power should be equal to those of the consuls of France, England, the US, or other nations who reside at Macao and Hong Kong and there treat of their public affairs, hoisting the flags of their respective nations." This put the Chinese official representative in Macao as equivalent to only a consul. This discrepancy was later discovered by the representative of the Qing imperial court and the exchange of the treaty documents was postponed. On 23rd November 1886, Sir Robert Hart, the Inspector-General of China's Customs Office and a trusted favorite of the Qing imperial court, authorized 129
and sent his trusted follower, the Gongbei Customs Tax Officer James Duncan Campbell, as his representative to Lisbon to negotiate with the Portuguese Foreign Minister, Henrique de Barros Gomes. On 23rd March 1887, Campbell signed the four-article "Protocol of Lisbon" on behalf of the Qing government. Articles 2 and 3, involving the sovereignty of Macao stated that: "China confirms perpetual occupation and government of Macao and its dependencies by Portugal" and "Portugal engages never to alienate Macao and its dependencies without agreement with China."43 On 13th July of the same year, the Portuguese plenipotentiary Thomaz Roza (then Governor of Macao) set out for Peking to hold formal talks with the Qing government. On 1st December, the Qing government appointed Prince Yikuang and Sun Yuwen as plenipotentiaries, and the Sino-Portuguese "Treaty of Peking" was signed, consisting of 54 articles in which Articles 2 and 3 in the "Protocol of Lisbon" involving Macao's sovereignty were included intact. On 28th April 1888, Roza hurried back to Tianjin from Lisbon and exchanged the treaty with Li Hongzhang, the Minister in charge of the treaty document exchange. The Portuguese colonists thus finally got the Treaty and realized their age-old dream of legalizing their "perpetual government of Macao". According to an analysis by Zhang Zhidong (then the Viceroy of the Guangdong and Guangxi), the expansion of occupied land by Portugal around Macao consisted of four categories: "areas originally leased by the Portuguese", "areas in which the Portuguese have long occupied", "areas which the Portuguese have recently occupied" and "areas which the Portuguese have attempted occupation but as yet without success". When the "Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Friendship and Commerce" was signed in 1887,the area around Macao which had been nibbled away by the Portuguese included, by and large, "the areas originally leased to the Portuguese" within the town wall, "the areas that have been long occupied", including the "seven villages" inside the Barrier Gate (Tashi, Shagang, Xingqiao, Shalitou, Longhuan, Longtian and Wangsha) and the "newly occupied land area" of the three islands Taipa, Coloane and Qingzhou. These eventually came to shape the present area of Macao. The "dependencies" of Macao (which had been confirmed as under Portuguese perpetual government but with boundaries which still remained un-delimited) as mentioned in the "Protocol of Lisbon", the "Treaty of Friendship and Commerce", etc., included the land areas north of the Barrier Gate up to Qianshan, those lying opposite to the west of Macao along the line of Wanzai,Yinkeng (Duimianshan) and the two islands of Malouzhou (The Big and Small Hengqin Islands). Occupying a total area of about 326 square kilometers, these territories belonged to the "areas in which the Portuguese have attempted occupation but as yet without 130
success". This big area was later described by some Qing officials as "a bun bigger than the steam box". The military occupation of Macao by force was an element of the allied effort of the Powers to partition China. The signing of the "Treaty of Peking" was an important step taken by Portugal to assert her illegal occupation and colonization of Macao. By the stipulations of the said Treaty, "China confirms perpetual occupation and government of Macao and its dependencies", yet "Portugal engages never to alienate Macao and its dependencies without agreement with China." This last article implies that "Portugal is deprived of the right to exchange, sell, lease or cede Macao. In other words, the handling right (sovereignty) still lies in the hands of China."44 Moreover, because the said Treaty left the boundary of the area under "perpetual occupation and government by Portugal" un-delimited, it is an incomplete treaty in a legal and logical sense. Of course, this is only one side of the matter. The actual situation was that Portugal had been exercising direct colonial rule over Macao since 1849 and constantly extending its sphere of power, thereby completely changing Macao's initial political status. In what follows, activities plotting for bringing about the wholesale colonization of Macao as engineered by some of the high level Portuguese figures will be highlighted. In early November 1841, the 77th Governor of Macao, Silveira Pinto reported to the Minister of Marine and Overseas Department of Portugal saying, "Under the present situation, if Your Honor wished that this settlement of ours be still kept by the Crown of Portugal, then the current situations here should be given careful consideration. The Chinese Emperor has granted many special privileges to Britain (to me, she is the nation most benefited). Either we continued to be on bad terms with Britain (we have to change our policy anyway) or accepted Macao as part of the Chinese Empire (the British will certainly strive to make it so), or regarded Macao as part and parcel of imperial Portugal."45 In April 1842, Silveira Pinto notified Lisbon that he has seen American warships arriving in Hong Kong and that rumors had it that a French fleet would arrive there also. He said, "Circumstances indicate that Western nations certainly would not let go this opportunity to conclude commercial agreements with the Chinese Empire." "Portugal should seize this opportunity to send an authorized person to make contact with them to see, at least, if there were any possibility of changing the current situation in Macao for our good. In fact, if we had not lost so many such opportunities in the past, our goal might have already been realized. So, I strongly request that this opportunity should 131
relations with her. The tremor has forced China to change her traditional foreign policy. It has given England the island of Hong Kong and the opening of the five trading ports. It shatters the customs limitations long under practice, greatly reduces China's customs rates and brings about tariff equality. It causes major nations in Europe and even in America to send very high-ranking representatives to negotiate with the imperial commissioners of China to gain commercial benefits with a total disregard to the expense of warship deployment. They have kept doing so solely for promoting their own benefit."52 On 28th October 1843, the Foreign Minister of Portugal, G. Castro gave an "additional instruction" regarding the treaty negotiations with China to Pinto, the imperial commissioner of Portugal, stating: "Tentative efforts may be made in an optimum way to get the Chinese officials to retreat from Macao. Macao should be considered as a Portuguese territory and the Chinese living there under Portuguese rule, just like the Dutch in Java and the English in the Strait colonies."53 On 29th July 1843, the Macao Senate presented a "Nine-article" request to the Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Qiying, with the first article stating that, "Since China has ceded the entire Island of Hong Kong to the crown of Britain, it is unjust and humiliating to keep collecting ground rent from Portugal, China's old friend. In view of the evidence held by Portugal, it should be unequivocally stipulated that the territory covering the area from the Barrier Gate to the sea on one side and the inner harbor area and the Taipa harbor on the other should be Portuguese. The Portuguese side offers to maintain a military fortification point to prevent illegal border crossing and quell riots, etc."54 People often argue that the Macao Senate was only an autonomous community of the Macao Portuguese, yet the above-mentioned nine-point terms as delivered sound like a diplomatic note and even savor of an ultimatum, asking for stipulations in controlling ships coming to port, customs taxes and market control, personnel in and out of port and the export of Chinese commodities. It even demanded, "The stated terms should be forthwith implemented." Thus, it can be seen that the Macao Senate played an exceedingly ugly role during the critical time of the 1840's. "As we have previously pointed out, it suffices for Amaral's attempts to sever once and for all the connection of Macao with the ruling system of the Chinese empire to focus on the following three aspects, namely, territory, administration and taxation, culminating in achieving 'independence' of Macao from Chinese rule. Territorially, it means the assertion of Portuguese rule over the surrounding water areas and the land outside the old city wall. On the administration side, it means the cancellation of the inherited dependency of 134
Macao's communities to local Chi-* nese officials. As regards taxation (direct levying of government taxes on Portuguese as well as Chinese communities), it means the permanent shutting down of the customs office of the Chinese empire."55 After the de facto occupation of Macao through military expansion, the Portuguese Macao authority set about achieving its newly sought target of "consolidating the 'new order' of Macao by negotiating a treaty with China to ensure the survival and development of Macao as fixed by treaty under favorable conditions." "What Macao really wants was not just the demands put forth in 1843. What she had been constantly after was not just the granting of 'favor'. The fact was that, by 1849, Macao had become a completely reconstructed settlement." "The situation that the Portuguese government in Macao has recently secured independence from the Chinese empire makes it the more important that she should continuously fight for complete self-government in full effect by letting it be fixed in the form of a treaty and acknowledged by international law."56 It should be noted that the Macao Senate was not slow in following the trend to put forth its "suggestions" on 26th October 1849, stating that, "Short of a concluded treaty to protect the benefits of the two peoples and defining the obligations of the two nations, Macao shall not be able to emerge from her current uncertain and equivocal status."57 From the 1980's to 1990's and especially after the signing of the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration, the question of Macao's sovereignty was of constant concern to academic circles and became for some time a "heated topic of debate". This debate reached an unprecedented level on the eve of China's resuming her sovereignty over Macao on December 1999. Whereas academic circles are highly unanimous in upholding the necessity and significance of the regaining of sovereignty, the debate around the sovereignty question of Macao seems, at the outset, rather simplistic and sometimes less than convincing. Some uphold the view of "sovereignty loss" and argue that "Portugal ap-pointed Amaral to Macao to pursue her colonization policy and initiate a series of colonizing measures, enforcing a high-handed colonial rule in Macao. By 1849, Portugal's object of asserting sovereignty over Macao was largely realized. The fundamental change occurring in China and Portugal at this time ended the peaceful relation between China and the Macao Portuguese hitherto prevailing since the founding of the Portuguese settlement in 1553. With it arose the struggle for maintaining sovereignty by the Chinese government and people. The Qing government's progressive relinquishment of her sovereignty over Macao eventually led to Portugal's final domination of the place."58 "As a 135
result, Macao had been cleared of any Chinese government organization or administration official by that time and the Magistrate's Office was torn down by the Portuguese. Adding to this were the earlier shutting down of Chinese customs office, the ousting of Chinese officials and the Portuguese ceasing to pay territory rent to China. This means that China had been entirely stripped of her sovereignty over Macao. Portugal's objective of entirely dominating Macao in defiance of China's sovereignty over the place had, by that time, become a fact, only short of the assertion of a formal treaty."59 "Following her defeat in the Opium War, China was gradually reduced to a semi-colonial status by the Western powers and with it her sovereignty over Macao was gravely impaired."60 These scholars further argue that, "in the course of the modernization of a nation, the function of state is, first and foremost, embodied in the safeguarding of national sovereignty. Confronting the power politics of that time, the safeguarding of China's sovereignty and territorial integrity should be manifested in ensuring her complete rule within her national boundaries and the areas in which she claimed dominance. If these were to be breached for any reason, the national sovereignty of the nation is endangered. The entire 19th century during which Macao and Hong Kong were put under foreign occupation is a historical period of wanton infringement of China's sovereignty by foreign imperialists, leading to the loss, in part, of her sovereignty and the reduction of China to a semi-feudal and semi-colonial political status. On the other hand, this era of Chinese history also witnessed the immense upsurge of national sentiment and nationalism of the Chinese people."61 Another typical point of view argues that "sovereign right" and the "right to govern" are conceptually two different things. What China lost in the past was only the right to govern, without ever letting go her sovereign rights. "Portugal was only allowed to 'perpetually' govern Macao. Macao thus belonged to a special case of land lease to Portugal with her sovereignty still in the hands of China."62 "In fact, the cases of Macao and Hong Kong are not the same in all respects and one cannot be considered equivalent to the other. Viewed historically, the successive Chinese governments had never ceded Macao to Portugal and Portugal never won the sovereignty of Macao."63 "As a matter of fact, only after the signing of the 'Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Amity and Commerce' and its being rendered effective after the exchange of documents the next year was the sovereignty of China over Macao breached by stipulating the 'perpetual occupation and government of Macao and its dependencies by Portugal'". The arguments state that the "government of 136
Macao" is not synonymous to "sovereignty of Macao in the hands of Portugal". From international legal considerations, the right to govern is not the same in meaning as "sovereign rights".64 "From 1849 onwards, China had ceased to exercise her sovereignty right (a supreme right) and Portugal started to exercise her exclusive governing right (also a supreme right)."65 "The fact that Portugal had been exercising the government of Macao continuously for a long time should not lead us to conclude that China had 'abandoned' her sover-eignty and that Portugal had 'acquired' the sovereignty over the place. In other words, the 'exercising' of sovereign right is legally not equivalent to 'possessing' sovereign right. The latter still has to be supported by some other factors; among them is the necessary and indispensable 'acknowledgement' by the original sovereign nation. Time effect (that is, prolonged occupation) alone can indeed produce certain rights not necessarily involving sovereignty, but the surrendering of sovereignty necessitates the support by other factors."66 "The right to govern or the right of administration is only a fact and not sovereignty itself. The former is of a lower level than the latter. According to this argument, Macao is, as ever, a Chinese territory. On this point, the Foreign Minister of Portugal proclaimed three days after the signing of the Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Friendship and Commerce in 1887 that 'we have never indicated or intended to make indications that this act is a ceding of territory.' By their opinion, since Macao has never been ceded to Portugal, it is still owned by China. These scholars argued that, legally speaking; 'ownership' is fundamental to 'sovereignty'."67 "This implies that the ultimate right of handling (sovereign right) is still in the hands of China. That is why Zhu Xizhu, the well-known historian and the Head of the Department of History of the Peking University, asserted early in 1922 that 'the original treaty articles of Portugal's not being allowed to cede Macao to other countries were changed in the formal treaty concluded afterwards, stipulating that Portugal shall not cede Macao to other countries without the consent of Qing government; this clearly indicates that China has not lost all her trump cards of sovereignty over Macao."68 Although the Portuguese had succeeded in establishing a system of colonial rule in Macao, they did so only on the premise of acknowledging China's sovereignty and "supreme and ultimate right" over Macao. In other words, sovereignty and the right to govern had long existed separately in Macao.69 The third school of thought concerning the sovereignty question of Macao maintains that sovereignty and the right to govern are not to be separated and sovereignty short of the right to govern is not sovereignty at all. They argue, "Ever since 1849, the sovereignty of the Qing government over Macao had 137
been constantly on the decline. The signing of the 'Protocol of Lisbon' and the conclusion of the Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Friendship and Commerce in 1887 gave the Portuguese the rights of perpetual settlement and government and of stationing troops. This reduced Macao to a Portuguese colony, a jumping board for the invasion of China by the Western powers, a base for smuggling opium and for the trading of Chinese coolies."70 "To China, the said treaty is one of forfeiting sovereignty and swallowing humiliations. In surrendering to the Portuguese the right of settlement and government of Macao enabling them to effect colonial rule through bribery and nibbling of Chinese territory, the Chinese government actually lost her traditional right of ruling Macao by the earlier Treaty (The Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Amity and Commerce concluded in 1862), although it did not stipulate the period of Portuguese rule. In the second Sino-Portuguese Treaty (The Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Friendship and Commerce concluded in 1887), Portugal acquired the right of 'perpetual occupation and government of Macao' as written down in the English version of the Treaty. According to this treaty, Macao will be forever under Portuguese colonial rule as long as the treaty terms remain effective and provided that Portugal would not cede Macao to another country."71 The said treaty was prepared in three languages, namely, Chinese, English and Portuguese, with the English version as the standard. However, it was found that the English version was at significant variance with the Chinese one, which constituted a notorious diplomatic hoax playing on the muddle-headedness and incompetence of the decadent Qing government. Members of this school further argue, "Modern international law tells us that the right of government is an important characteristic of sovereignty. As stated above, China had effectively exercised sovereignty over Macao for over 300 years through the appointment of administration officials, the stationing of troops, the collecting of ground rents, the levying of taxes and the exercising of judicature. Only after the Macao incident of 1849 when the Portuguese in Macao refused to pay rents and taxes and ousted Chinese officials was China's sovereignty over Macao infringed upon."72 "In theory, sovereignty right is the supreme right of a nation for domestic government and in dealing with foreign relations without being unduly interfered by other countries. The 'right of government' or the 'right of administration' is, in essence, the right to rule within the boundaries of a nation and is incorporated in the concept of sovereignty. In other words, the right of government is the embodiment of sovereignty."73 138
2.1 An Investigation on "Sovereign State" and Its Theory Sovereignty is the supreme authority in a political community. Nowadays, the term is used exclusively for the attributes of a state. Jean Bodin (1530—1596) was the first theorist to formulate a modern concept of sovereignty; he asserted that the prince, or the sovereign has the power to declare law. He stressed that sovereignty is the distinct feature of a state to be distinguished from any other organizations, and affirmed that sovereignty is the absolute power in formulating and abolishing laws.74 It was only in the 18th century that the concept of sovereignty was totally accepted on the international level. Sovereignty in international law is the supreme power of jurisdiction over the internal and foreign affairs within state's own territory. State and sovereignty are indivisible concepts, and it is this particular property that distinguishes a state from any other associations and organizations. "State sovereignty is often expressed as one that is free and independent in its internal affairs and external affairs. In its internal affairs, it has exclusive jurisdiction over all persons and property within its territory. It asserts the right to regulate its economic life without regard for its neighbors and to increase armaments without limit. No other nation may rightfully interfere in its domestic affairs. In its external relations, it claims the right to enforce its own conception of rights and to declare war."75 From here, it is observed that sovereignty is indisputable and inalienable in any situation; a sovereign state can decide its own rules and regulations for the protection of self-interest and to achieve its defined objective. Since the Opium War in 1840, foreign invasions of the Chinese nation produced many unequal treaties, which resulted in a loss of its sovereign status and the dignity of the Chinese nation. Long embedded in Chinese history, the concept of sovereignty has long been emphasized. From the late Qing period to the republic government until the establishment of People's Republic of China (PRC), the Chinese nation has been assiduously seeking for unity. Just as Dr. Sun Yat-sen indicated that Chinese nation could survive and become independent by abolishing all unequal treaties, including all the indemnity, concessions, and all other extra-territorial jurisdiction, he upheld that all nation should have mutual and equal respect to each other's sovereignty.76 From this, we can understand that state unity is the ardent wish of the nation, and based on the definition of sovereignty, which points up a state's exclusive rights over its territory in relation to both its internal and external affairs; it is by no means for other nations to interfere in the affairs of any other nation. Any military obstruction or hindrance in the political, economic and cultural affairs of any nation has 139
to be savagely criticized. In this way, China has an explicit right to obtain once again sovereignty over Hong Kong and Macao. Indeed, after the establishment of the PRC in 1949, Mao Zedong in the meeting of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC),promulgated in his opening address that "Chinese people have now stood up." This initiated the time when China could execute its sovereign power and turn out to be a source of international political power. Besides, in January 1950 Zhou Enlai in his signing of the "Sino-Soviet Treaty of Alliance" emphasized the importance of mutual respect of state sovereignty and mutual benefit. He indicated, "The two parties concerned should work in accordance with the principles of mutual respect of state sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit in the development of Sino-Soviet cultural and economic cooperation." His ideas embodied the major content of the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence."77 On 31st December 1953, in Premier Zhou Enlai's meeting with the members of the Indian Government Delegation, he put forward the first time the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence", namely, mutual respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. These five principles have systematically defined China's guidelines in dealing with international conflicts and enriched its concepts of a sovereign state. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence advocated in the 1950s was not a mixture of principles; it was affirmed in its entirety as the principles guiding international relations. These five principles have become the basic norms in developing state-to-state relations transcending social systems and ideologies. The overwhelming majority of countries in the world have accepted them. "In accordance with international law, a state is an independent unit and possesses sovereignty, a country will lose its sense of independence when it loses the sovereign right. Hence, the parts of a federal system, such as states, colonies and dependencies, are by nature not considered as independent units. In order to become a sovereign state, a country must have the authority over its territory and the people within such territory, plus the power to execute jurisdiction, administer and control in a legal sense."78 "A sovereign state is expressed as one that is free and independent in both its internal and external affairs. Every country is independent and equal in its external affairs. And in its internal affairs, it has exclusive jurisdiction over all persons and property within its territory. The former is an independent right while the latter is an administrative right. The interconnection between the two formulated the 140
who independent le idea of sovereignty"79 A sovereign state is expressed as an political entity and in its ability in executing administration, it embeds the features of being inalienable, absolute and non-interfered by other nations. Hence, any efforts in the protection of a nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity must be made with adequate respect. Any action or excuse in violation towards these efforts is considered as intrusion. In accordance with the "United Nations Charter", in handling mutual relations, the contracting parties will neither resort to the use of force, or the threat of force nor take economic and other means to bring pressure to bear against the other. Any nation can not under any circumstances interfere with other nations' internal and external affairs. The contracting parties will adhere to the principles of non-encroachment upon territories and national boundaries as stipulated in international laws. The world's everyday events are complex and ever changing. Any theoretical model must be given enough testing so as to respond to the constantly changing conditions of the world. Sovereignty should be understood from two levels, the first is sovereignty in legal terms and the second is sovereignty in actual terms. When understanding the concept of sovereignty, one must take both into consideration. 2.2 Macao's Historical Diversifications In 1849 the 79th Macao Governor Amaral's forced actions of colonialism on Macao ended China's jurisdiction over its own territory. Macao from that time onward entered into a new historical stage. That is, China could no longer apply executive, judiciary, military and customs power in its own territory. The elimination of the sovereign power was due to Portugal's illegal occupation of the territory of Macao. As indicated by some scholars, Macao's sovereignty problem can be divided into three stages: the first stage from 1553 to 1849 marked the period in which "Macao was a Chinese territory where China could executive sovereign power." The second stage from 1849 to 1979 marked the period in which "China had sovereign power over Macao, but could not exercise its power." The final stage from 1979 to 1999 marked the period in which "China had sovereign power over Macao, but promised not to exercise its power for a limited period of time."80 This historical diversification seems clear and suits the situation. As we can see, the period from 1849 to 1979 witnessed the time the Portuguese expanded their colonial rule over Macao, which in fact was a colonial administration by nature; in addition, it was a period of foreign invasion and foreign segregation on the Chinese soil. The Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Friendship and Commerce signed in 1887 marked the beginning of Portuguese assumption of Macao's sovereign 141
power; this was undoubtedly an unequal treaty that a foreign power forced on China. It not only violated the international law but also ran counter to the concept of equal treatment and ran counter to the general people's desires. Indeed, the Portuguese gradual assertion of sovereignty over Macao had the following effects:①Destroyed the unity and inalienability of the sovereignty of China, thus, the rank of China as an international nation was further reduced; ②Suspended China from executing her sovereign right over her own territory; ③Violated the international standard of sovereignty as being supreme and absolute,pushing China towards being a semi-feudal and semi-colonial territory;④Influenced China's international image as a powerful nation; ⑤ Seriously affected Chinese nation's self-dignity, causing the Chinese nationals to become second, even third class citizens on international level. The price for a country to be conquered is grievous and devastating. The part of China's history under foreign encroachment is undeniably etched in the mind of every Chinese national. This part of history cannot simply be described as Portuguese action in conquering Macao, with "the final authority right but in the hand of China." It is a matter of fact that we have to emphasize both on its real and legal terms. If the "actual right" did not exist, the "legal right" would be completely insignificant. The period in which Macao's sovereign right and the right of administration became independent once again started from the victory of the Armed Forces Movement on 25th April of 1974, when the new Constitutional law of Portugal declared the abolition of its long time colonial policy, and the recognition of Macao as a "Chinese territory under Portuguese administration". The phase of Macao's history was finally concluded at the time Macao returned to China on 20th December 1999. In the hundred years before this period, Portuguese governance of Macao was identical to the British of Hong Kong, which was undoubtedly a foreign colonization of Chinese territory. The British insisted on the cession of Hong Kong by the Treaty of Nanking and the Treaty of Tianjin, but the Sino-Portuese Protocol of Friendship and Commerce indicated "Perpetual Occupation" only. There is significant difference between the two. On top of this, Portugal "engages never to alienate Macao and its dependencies without agreement with China". As a matter of fact, "perpetual occupation" and "cession" are all unequal by nature; they are unacceptable and act in violation of international law. A unequal treaty by itself is illegal, and could not be considered as the basis of legal occupation of Chinese territory. In the 21st century, the development in human civilization has diluted the differences among cultures, religions and nationalities. In a globalized world, it is common to observe the domination of the strong over the weak as brought 142
about by cultural assimilation. In the era when our nation was being ceded and encroached upon by foreign powers, our older generation had been striving hard in displaying our nation's wisdom and dignity in the fields of economic and political development, and in innovation and cultural progress. In the world of integration and multiplication, globalization and regionalism, it is important that each complements the other, so as to achieve a win-win situation. Our nation has been independent for nearly a half century; there are still some areas where adjustments have to be made. However, in dealing with its external affairs and its strategies, our nation had shown to the world its unique style and charisma. Being a civilized nation and a strong oriental nation, the Chinese government and its people are not only concerned for their own sovereignty and the people's dignity, but we also put much emphasis on the establishment of sovereign rights which can realize the basic standard of international relations and suit the special characteristics of the modern world that have been repeatedly called for. These basic principles include: ® The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence; CD A rational order for the international political and economical environment; (3) Never resorting to use force or threat in solving state to state conflicts; ® Every nation whether rich or poor, stro ,⑤ China is still in the list of ng or weak being equal on equal terms; anddeveloping countries, and is not seeking to become the superpower. We are all living in the same world. It is necessary to continuously promote and establish right and rational international standards. Although the path is long and tedious, we have to achieve such objectives with hope. It was due to such conditions that Deng Xiaoping has emphasized safeguarding one nation's sovereign right, unity and territorial integrity as having extreme importance. As he indicated, "there is no room for manoeuvre regarding the questions on sovereignty, sovereignty is not a matter for discussion, when the conditions are ripe, we will assume Hong Kong back in 1997." Hence, the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration signed on 13th April 1987 was similar to the Sino-British Joint Declaration in nature, as the two historical documents had adopted "resumption of sovereign right" as the major criteria. The two declarations signified the barrier for China in executing sovereign rights over Hong Kong and Macao has been removed. For hundreds of years, Chinese nationals had been struggling and striving for the nation's sovereignty and integration. Especially after the establishment of PRC in 1949, our nation has been attempting to demolish all the centuries long unequal treaties imposed by the foreign powers. This is the essence of "Chinese people have now stood up". The delay of the Hong Kong and Macao 143
problems until the end of the century was largely due to the historical legacy. Suffering from long time hardship of wars and internal struggles, the Chinese state could only put the Hong Kong and Macao problems aside to a future date. It is important for both Britain and Portugal to resolve remaining problems under the doctrine of "one country two systems" so as to achieve a win-win situation. 3. The Fight for National Salvation "Even in the darkest of times, there will still be people in the world who can foresee the bright future of mankind. Even when the cause of righteousness is met with setbacks, there will still be people in the world who will persist in the struggle for victory even if by doing so they should perish."81 "When China was time and again knuckled down and defeated by her enemies and seemingly walking towards her doom, many an eminent Chinese figure with lofty ideals and a golden mind has been unremittingly seeking and investigating the way and the path to national salvation. Gong Zizhen, Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan, Zheng Guanying, Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, Tan Sitong and Sun Yat-sen are among the pioneers who have conducted profound theoretical investigations and attempted practical struggles one after the other for securing a better future for China, leaving golden marks on the modern history of China. Bertrand Russell, the man whom Dr. Sun Yat-sen called 'the only foreigner who knows China', pointed out in his book entitled A Comparison of Western and Eastern Civilizations that the Chinese nation is among the most brilliant in the world, possessing "indomitable national spirit, unbending perseverance and incomparable national cohesion. "82 The burning in public of 20,000 chests of opium by Lin Zexu on 3rd June 1839 and the besieging of the British invading army in Shanyuanli by tens of thousands of peasants were the bugle call to battle and ushered in a century's arduous struggle against foreign invasion. From the Taiping Rebellion, which swept across almost half of China from the 1850's to 60's, to the Boxer Rebellion in 1890, from the Wuxu Reformation instigated by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao to the Xinhai Revolution under the leadership of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Huang Xing for overthrowing of the imperial regime and from the May Fourth Movement signifying the advent of modern enlightenment to the founding of the PRC by the effort of the Communist Party of China (CPC) after a struggle of 28 years, the modern history of China can be viewed as one of the unremitting fighting and 144
bitter political struggles, leaving forever shining impressions in the minds of the Chinese people. There were, of course, complications and reversals and failures and regrets, which often proved to be the mother of success and the school for bringing about maturity. In the 200 years from the late Ming and early Qing up to the Opium War, the spiritual burden of the Chinese society had become ever more heavier and Chinese civilization began to show signs of ossification. However, there were Chinese thinkers sensitive to the pulse of the great reformation age in human history that did not hesitate to offer their talents and initial positive thinking. Among them, the legacy of spiritual values left to the later generations by the "Three Masters of the Early Qing", namely, Huang Zhongxi, Gu Yanwu and Wang Fuzi, was considered especially valuable. Mention should also be duly made of Xu Guangqi who advocated "The spreading of Western knowledge to the East." Remember that the period of the late Ming to early Qing was at the same time an ordinary and extraordinary epoch in Chinese history. The toppling of old dynasties and the founding of new ones on their ruins seems to have been the fixed mode in the development of the Chinese feudal society for thousands of years. Yet in no previous epoch has the manifestation of the chronic illness of the old dynasties and the herald of a new era been more profound and wholesome as during this period of dynastic replacement, national turmoil and intensified social contradictions.83 Early in the time before and after the Opium War, reformists of the feudal society represented by Gong Zhizhen, Bao Shichen, Wei Yuan, Lin Zexu, etc. first raised the slogan of "Making the Country Strong through Reformation." After that, the peasant revolt led by Hong Xiuquan and Hong Rengan et al dealt an unprecedented, heavy blow to the feudal social order and, for the first time in history, put forth the "Rural Land System of the Heaven Dynasty" to replace the feudal land owning system of the old and the "New Guide to Government Policies" advocating the development of capitalism. By the end of the 19th century, leading bourgeois reformists like Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, Tan Sitong and Yan Fu eagerly sought ideas from the West. Employing Montesquieu's theory of "Separation of Powers" as a major weapon and aided by Huang Zhongxi's ideas of enlightenment, they demanded the setting up of a legislative assembly, the convening of a parliament and the putting up of a constitution with the final goal of establishing the rule by a "constitutional monarchy". Although their reformist plans and activities met with failure, their impact on China's old feudal monarchy, which had lasted for over 2,000 years, was tremendous. Beset with difficulties both at home and abroad, the thinking within the 145
ruling bloc of the Qing government was also bound to be divided. The so-called "Yangwupai" (advocators of exploiting Western technology), with Li Hongzhang, Zhang Zhidong and Liu Kuanyi as their representatives, advocated the principle of "Chinese knowledge is the core, Western knowledge is to be exploited". Being different in view from the royal diehards, their effort helped in opening an inlet to China for the introduction of certain Western technologies and theories. Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Zhang Ta olutionaries, iyan, leading exponents among the bourgeois rev scheme of founding a "Bourgeois Republic" bp"ut forth the ased on the Three People's Principles" and "Constitution of Five Powers." They did so under the influence of the principle of "liberty, equality and fraternity" of the great French Revolution and the "of the people, for the people and by the people," a doctrine of the American President Abraham Lincoln, and by absorbing the ancient Chinese notions of achieving a society of "Great Harmony" and the idea of regarding "people as the mainstay." Dr. Sun Yat-sen not only succeeded in leading the Xinhai Revolution of 1911, but also in brilliantly putting forth his three major policies of "Alliance with Russia, alliance with the communist party and supporting the workers and peasants," adapting himself to current world trends. These achievements have made him the great man of our age, a man of great contribution to the cultural and political histories of China. And that is why Dr. Sun Yat-sen has won such great esteem both at home and abroad. The successful launching of the Xinhai Revolution on 10th October 1911 dealt a deathblow to the 268-year rule over China by the Manchu monarchy and ended the 2,133 years of feudal imperial rule of China since the First Emperor of Qin. This is also the outcome of a decisive step taken in China's 100 years of awakening and national salvation. On 1st January 1912, Dr. Sun was sworn in as the Provisional President of the Republic of China in Nanking. Within the short time of just three months after his election as President, more than 30 decrees concerning the promotion of democracy and capitalist development in China were issued, including "the Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China", the first of its kind in Chinese history. In these 100 years, as a great man of our age and a great political figure of world reputation, Dr. Sun Yat-sen's historical role has proved to be unshakable. His lofty image and personage has won worldwide esteem. The Xinhai Revolution led by him has been put down with honor in "The Constitution of the People's Republic of China". His grand portrait poster stands proudly in the Tiananmen Square in Beijing on every Chinese National Holiday. His political ideas and thinking have constituted many a 146
major theme of study by academic groups and communities in China and all over the world. His distinguished deeds have been put down in textbooks for the education of the later generations and his name used to designate schools, libraries, streets, parks and other public buildings. His eminent role in Chinese history and his lofty image as a revolutionary will surely stand up to the tests of the coming ages. The 20th century just completed has left topics both extensive and profound enough for mankind to meditate upon. It was a century in which civilization made colossal strides and in which a decisive battle was fought between the East and the West, between the newly developed industrial-scientific culture and the age-old traditional agricultural culture and between rationalized thinking and power-orientated politics. Nonetheless, it also witnessed the rival and fierce battle between the two major social systems, socialism and capitalism. The first 50 years of the 20th century saw the outbreak of two great world wars which brought about unprecedented havoc and untold disaster to civilization. The strife for benefit and the contest of ideas led us to eventually realize that reason is of equal importance to force and the latter cannot substitute the former. In the East, China and the Chinese nation have timely made their rational choice. "From 1840 to 1920, modern China experienced 80 years of humiliation, of finding a way out and of failure. Peasants, reformists of the landlord class and the bourgeois reformist alike all failed to accomplish the historical task of safeguarding national independence and building a rich and strong China. This is to be shouldered by the CPC."84 Around the 1920's, two major events occurred in Chinese history worthy of great attention. They were the "May Fourth Movement" of modern enlightenment and the founding of the Communist Party of China. The former prepared theories and men for the latter; the latter helped to pursue and materialize the cause of national revival fostered by the former, as manifested in the many achievements won in later years. On 4th May 1919, thousands of young students in Peking rushed into the streets, chanting slogans of "save China's rights; punish the traitors." Rallying to their call, mass movements and struggles with the nationwide participation of the working class, the petty bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie and patriots from all ranks were on rapid upsurge. The May Fourth Movement was a continuation and a new development of the hundred years long struggle for national salvation waged unremittingly by the Chinese people. It went off irresistibly and overwhelmingly, like the eruption of a volcano. Threading through the May Fourth Movement as 147
main and vivid is the thorough and uncompromising anti-imperialist and anti-feudal theme. As a new cultural movement for ideological emancipation, the Movement dealt fierce blows to and helped to clear away the feudal social order,feudal morality codes, old thinking and decadent culture, opening China to the broad path to new ideology and a new culture. The younger generation, patriotic and yearning for progress, started to look at China and the world in a new light. Through the judicial comparison and analysis of the various trends of social thinking, the diverse political doctrines and the various political forces, they were to contemplate and to seek the right way and right path to achieve China's national salvation and development. The CPC was founded in July 1921 in Shanghai. Communists of a new type like Li Dazhao, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping not only made great contributions to the founding and development of the CPC, but also have succeeded in winning great honour and worldwide respect for the Chinese people. Some 80 years ago, the CPC adopted the theoretical principle of Marxism from the West as a guide to action. This is one very good proof that the Chinese nation has been opened to and willing to accept the fruits of human culture. After 28 years of prolonged and arduous struggle, the CPC has led the Chinese people to win the victory of a democratic revolution, culminating in the proclamation of the founding of the PRC in Beijing on 1st October 1949. "The founding of the PRC marks a great victory in China's new democratic revolution. It proclaims the ending of China's semi-feudal and semi-colonial status, which is the cause of our being long under oppression and slavery. A completely independent new China begins to emerge in the East where the Chinese people again become master of their own destiny, ushering in a new epoch in Chinese history. Henceforward, China entered the historical period of transition from new democracy to socialism."85 At the opening ceremony of the first CPPCC held on 21st September 1949 in preparation for the proclamation of the founding of the PRC, Mao Zedong sol-emnly and sonorously proclaimed to the world "Our effort shall be recorded in the history of mankind, telling the world that the Chinese people, who constitute a quarter of the world's population, are henceforth again on their feet." United in our effort, we defeated our internal and external oppressors by the people's liberation war and the great people's revolution."86 These two statements are an effective condensation of the great historical significance of the founding of the PRC. 1949 is a year of demarcation in Chinese history, marking the start of an epoch in which millions of Chinese are free from the dual oppression by imperialism and feudalism and the great revival of the Chinese nation. According to the contemplation of Deng Xiaoping, counting 148
from the day of the founding of New China, it will take 100 years to build China into a middle level developed country. By that time, China's gross domestic product (GDP) will be among the highest in the world. By achieving this development so, "not only is it possible to open a path to prosperity for the third world possessing three fourths of the world's population, more important is to make clear to mankind that socialism is the road one must take and that socialism is better than capitalism." "For reaching this goal, we have to rely on the concerted effort of two to three and even four generations."87 In her history of 80 years, the CPC has committed blunders and experienced many a setback, sometimes moving on detour. However, just as Deng Xiaoping said, "No party or individual or leader could be entirely immune from making mistakes. The question is how to timely summarize and inspect our work via criticism and self-criticism." The history of China's revival shows that the two great historical tasks, namely, the attainment of national independence and political liberation and the building of a wealthy nation and the guaranteeing of a happy life for the people, have been and have to be accomplished under the leadership of the CPC. The leading position of the CPC in China's national affairs is a product of history and is indispensable and not replaceable. People who have been to Beijing to visit the Lugouqiao Bridge will be reminded of the war of aggression against China waged by the Japanese militarists, which was launched on 7th July 1937. In fact, six years before that, China's three northeastern provinces were trampled underfoot by the Japanese aggressors. After 8 years of bloody fighting in the war of resistance, the Chinese people finally defeated the armed-to-the-teeth Japanese aggressors. This was the first time in 100 years that China had defeated an invading foreign power. The war of resistance against Japan was fought in China, which was also the main battlefield of the anti-fascist campaign in the East. During the eight warring years, China killed, wounded and took as prisoners of war some 1.55 million and accepted the surrender of another 1.28 million Japanese soldiers and did the same to 1.18 million puppet troops. This was also the first crashing defeat in her aggressive wars abroad suffered by Japan in 80 years after becoming a world power since the Meiji Reformation in 1868. Today, we see the statue of "The Awakening Lion" standing proudly in front of the Mausoleum of the War of Resistance against Japan by the Chinese people, gazing vigilantly with eyes of lightning at the Lugouqiao Bridge in the distance, symbolizing the tremendous might of the awakened Chinese people. After the victory of the war of resistance against Japan, China was soon plunged into "the decisive battle of two destinies". In only three-year's time, 149
the Chinese Liberation Army (PLA), led by the first generation leaders of the CPC headed by Mao Zedong, overthrew the KMT reactionary regime on the Chinese mainland, like pulling down a rotten house. Shortly after the founding of the New People's Republic, the Chinese people were forced to engage in another war of our modern time, the Korean War or the "War Resisting the US and Supporting Korea" as we used to call it. The belligerents were China and the so-called "United Nations Army" headed by US, which spent 83 billion US dollars in that war, throwing into it one-third of her infantry force, one-fifth of her air force and half of her naval force and using practically all modern weapons except the atomic bomb.88 After fighting for two years and nine months, she suffered heavy losses in man and material and was forced to sit at the negotiation table. General Clarke, Commander-in-Chief of the UN troops, made some prudent comments after signing the "Truce Agreement", remarking, "I obtain an honour not worth envying, as an American infantry commander to sign the first truce agreement without scoring victory, by the instruction of my government" Indeed, this was the first war fought abroad by the US without scoring victory since the founding of the US 177 years before. The two wars of international scale fought on Chinese territory and in a neighboring country have been conducted effectively and with consummate military skill. The Commander-in-Chief of the Chinese People's Volunteers, Marshal Peng Dehuai, once said not without some pride, "The War of Resisting America and Supporting Korea proved incontrovertibly to the world that the age of the capability of conquering a nation by deploying a few guns on the shore of the East is gone forever. An awakened nation daring to fight for the glory, independence and safety of the mother country is invincible."89 However, the Chinese people has paid a high price because China at that time was still economically backward and not yet a military power. Yet the victory scored in these two wars clearly told the world that the gigantic dragon of the East in slumber for over 100 years had awakened, and that the great cohesion of the Chinese nation was not to be underestimated. We had finally succeeded in letting the people of the world realize that we were a great nation, indomitable and unconquerable. As Mao Zedong said in his work, "The Chinese people will be able to see that, once China destiny is 'sin the hands of the people, China will be like the sun rising from the East, shedding its brilliance upon the great land, clearing away all the filth and dirt left by the reactionary government, healing the wounds of war and building a brand new, strong and genuine people's republic."90 "Henceforth our nation will join the great family of peace loving peoples 150
of the world. We will work industriously and with courage to promote our culture and create happiness for our people and at the same time fight for peace and freedom of the world. We are no longer a nation trampled upon by others; we have gotten on our feet. Our revolution has gained the sympathy of the people of the world and is hailed by them. Our friends are in every corner of the world."91 During the past half century, the elite of the Chinese nation not only succeeded in rewriting the history of modern China, they also have done so to the history of the East and even of the world. Emerging on the great land of China was not just a single Lin Zexu or Sun Yat-sen, or a single Mao Zedong or Deng Xiaoping. Is it not a truth that "the present age witnesses the emergence of truely great men and women?" This is an age of heroes and heroines coming together to create history, an age in which our national cohesion and creativity will be again put under test, and an age enabling the full release of energy and wisdom of the people. What this era of history teaches us is that difficulties, impediments, setbacks and failure are not to be feared, that there is no road that cannot be pioneered, except by those who are unwilling to move and that there is no puzzle in this world that cannot be solved, except by those who are unwilling to think and act. Notes: 1 The Commission of History and Culture under the CPPCC Tianjin Committee, From theOpium War to the War with the Eight-Powers Allied Forces, Tianjin: the People's Press,2000, Preface. 2 Ibid., p. 23. 3 Shau, W. S., "A Comparison of the Two 80 Years of Modern and Contemporary China",in The Great Course and Brilliant Achievements, Xuexi Press, 2001, p. 86. 4 Information Office of the State Council of the PRC, Human Rights in China, 1991, p. 6. 5 Encyclopedia of Beijing, 2001, p. 52. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid., p. 53. Ibid. 9 Information Office of the State Council of the PRC, Human Rights in 8 151
China, 1991, p. 7. 10 Encyclopedia of Beijing, 2001, pp. 53-54. 1 Ibid., p. 53. 12 Ibid., p. 54. 13 Ibid. 14 Deng, L. Q., Draft of the History of the PRC (Preface Volume), Contemporary ChinaPress, 1996, p. 61. 15 Encyclopedia of Beijing, 2001, p. 54. 16 Information Office of the State Council of the PRC, Human Rights in China, 1991, p. 7. 17 Encyclopedia of Beijing, 2001, p. 54. 18 Information Office of the State Council of the PRC, Human Rights in China, 1991, p. 7. 19 The Signing of the New Sino-American and Sino-British Equal Treaties, ConfidentialAchieves of the Presidential Office, Taipei. 20 The Commission of History and Culture under the CPPCC Tianjin Committee, From theOpium War to the War with the Eight-Powers Allied Forces, Tianjin: the People's Press,2000, p. 287. 21 Encyclopedia of Beijing, 2001, p. 112. 22 Ibid. Ibid. 24 Fok, Henry, "China's Modernization and the 1997 Event of Hong Kong", in ZhongweiForum, Vol. 6, 1995. 25 Fairbank, J. K., The Great Chinese Revolution: 1800-1985 (Chinese edition), WorldAffairs Press, 1999, p. 147. 26 Ibid., pp. 147-148. 27 Ibid., pp. 130-131. 28 Ibid., p. 23. 29 Ibid., p. 75. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid., p. 429. 32 Huang, Q. C., "An Investigation of the Sovereignty of Macao" in the Proceedings ofAdvance Towards the New Century—Scholarly Discussion on the Handover of Macao in the Year 1999, 1999, pp. 401-402. 33 Huang, H. Z., "The Chinese Administration Towards Macao Prior to the Opium War", in the Proceedings of Macao's History and Development, 1999, pp. 432-436. 34 Yin, G. R. & Zhang, Y. L., "Guanshou Pian" in The Record of Macao, Part 1. 35 Zhang, W. Y, Macao's History and Culture, Macao Foundation, 1999, p. 30. 36 Huang, Q. C., "The Historical Analysis of the Problem of the Sovereignty of Macao", in the Cultural Magazine, Vol. 40 & 41, 2000, p. 6. 37 Guo, T. Y, Chinese History, the Commercial Press, Vol. 1, 1941, p. 531. 38 The Record ofQing Gaozong, Vol. 436. 23 152
39 Wu, Z. L., Strategies for Survival—A Discussion on the Political System andDevelopment of Macao, Macao Adult Education Association, 1998, p. 103. 40 Anders Ljungstedt, Macao History in the Early Times, the Oriental Press, 1997, pp. 1 &91. 41 Wei, X. Y., "An Investigation into the Relation between Guangdong and Macao", in the Proceedings of Macao's History and Development, 1999, p. 63. 42 Ma, S., The History of the Foreign Relation of the Chinese Empire, Vol. 1, p. 380. 43 The Draft of the Protocol between the Chinese Customs and Lisbon, Zhonghua Press, 1983, p. 74. 44 Huang, Q. C., "A Discussion on the Sovereignty of Macao", in Advance Towards the New Century—Scholarly Discussion on the Handover of Macao in the Year 1999, 1999. p. 408. 45 Silveira Pinto, Portugal's Foreign Policy Towards China (1841-1854), Research Centre of the Relation of Portugal and China, Macao Foundation, 1997, p. 4. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid., p. 9. 49 Ibid., p. 12. 50 Ibid., p. 13. 51 Ibid., p. 14. 52 Ibid., p. 8. 53 Ibid., p. 230. 54 Ibid., p. 236. 55 Ibid., p. 201. 56 Ibid.,p.226. 57 Ibid., p. 255. 58 Chang, K. S. & Lu, P. Y., "The Changing Relation between China and Macao under Amaral's Governance", in the Proceedings of Macao's History and Development, 1999, p. 56. 59 Ibid., p. 59. Jiang, W. Y., Macao's History and Culture, Macao Foundation, 1999, p. 31. Wu, Q. J., "The Economic Connection and Cultural Compl60 61 ementarities of Hong Kong and Macao" in the Proceedings of Macao's History and Development, 1999, p. 219. 62 Liu, C. H. & Li, Y. X., "An Investigation on the Problems of Macao" in Advance Towards the New Century—Scholarly Discussion on the Handover of Macao in the Year 1999, 1999, p. 23. 63 Ibid., p. 15. 64 H f the Sovereignty of Macao", in the uang, Q. C., 'An Investigation oedings ofMacao's History and DProce65 evelopment, 1999, pp. 410-402. Tan, Z. Q., , 1994,pThe Origin of Macao's Sovereignty Problem, Taiwan: Yongye Press . 322. 66 Ibid., p. 326. 153
67 Chronological Review of the Chinese Administration Huang, Q. C., "A Towards theResumption of Sovereignty of Macao", in the Proceedings of Macao's H68 istory and Development, 1999, p. 461. Ibid.69 Qi, P. F. & Zhang, X. J. "The Loss of Macao and its Return", in Advance Towards the New Century—Scholarly Discussion on the Handover of Macao in the Year 1999, 1999, p. 3. 70 Li, S. M., Opening Speech at the Conference of History of Macao and its De stvelopment, 1 November 1999. 71 Chang, K. S. & Liu S. Y., "A Few Problems Related to Portugal and Macao", in the Proceedings of Macao's History and Development, 1999, p. 12. 72 Huang, H. Z., "The Chinese Administration of Macao Prior to the Opium War" in the Proceedings of Macao's History and Development, 1999, p. 54. 73 Si, H. Y., "From Hong Kong to Macao: The Blossoming of One Country Two Systems", in the Proceeding of Macao's History and Development, 1999, p. 175. ereignty", The Columbia En74 "Sov cyclopedia, Sixth Edition, 2001, http://www.bartleby. com/65/so/sovereig.html. 75 Ibid. Wu, Z. L., Strategies for Su76 rvival—A Discussion on the Political System and Development of Macao, Macao Adult Education Association, 1998, pp. 200-201. 77 Xue, X. G. & Huang, X. Y., The Outstanding Wisdom of Zhou Enlai, Contempor78 ary China Press, 2001, p. 210. Oxford Dictlopediaionary of Law, Guang Ming Ribao Press, 1988, p. 843. 79 Encyc of China, Politics, 1992, p. 815. 80 Chang, K. S. & Lao, S. W., "On the Problems Regarding Portuguese Occupation of Macao", in the Proceedings of Macao's History and Development, 1999, p. 13. Li Ruihuan, "Speech at the meeting with the African Senato81 r", the People's Daily, 22nd April 2001, p. 1. Wu, J. P., The Dream of China in the Discussion of the State Affairs of the 21st Century H82 uhehot: the Inner Mongolia People's Press, 2000, p. 282. 83 Li, G. L., The History of Chinese Legal Thought, the Beijing University Press, 1999, p. 213. 84 Li, W. H. & Wen, L. Q., "The Necessity of History, The Choice of the People", in the thPeople's Daily, 7 June 2001. 154
85 Deng, L. Q., Draft of the History of the PRC (Preface Volume), ontemporary China CPress, 1996, p. 388. 86 Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, Beijing: the People's Press, 1986, p. 691. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. 3, Beijing: Foreign Lan87 guages Press, 1994, pp.225-226. i, Z. B., "For Jus88 L tice and Peace—The Historical Record of the Korean War", in the People's Forum, 2000, Vol. 10, p. 63. Ibid. 89 90 Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, Beijing: the People's Press, 1991, p. 467. 191 Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, Beijing: the People's Press, 1986, p. 691. 155
4 葡 nging ofthe Sity of Hawaii Press，1993。近期作者在此書的基礎上，又發表了“Wu Ly，1122.3，2002，pp.506－519。此外，作者還有 The C Cu Li：His Life，His Paintings(China)，Yale University，1993 的刊本 Spring”，in Archives ofAsian 。英譯載於《華裔學志》，-Pamplona Ope, 1966; Jerome Heyndrickx, Philippe Couplet, S.J. 語學者有三份很淺顯的論文。5唯一的專著是 Jonathan Chaves，Siource：Nature and Godin the Poetry ofthe Chinese Painter Wu Li，Honolulu：Universi(1632－1718)and the First Chinese Christian Poetry”，in Journal ofthe American OrientalSociethinese Painter as Poet，New York，hinaInstitute Gallery，China Institute：Distributed by Art Media Resources，2000. 6 除了單獨論文、百科詞條外，專著有 Lin Xiaoping，Wu Li(1632－1718)：His Life，His Paintings，Lanham；New York：Oxford University Press ofAmerica，2001。這是同一作者博士論文：W 。刪節了相當的論畫部分，但保留了涉及吳歷生平的章節。之前，林氏曾發表一論文“Wu Li’s Religious Belief and A Lake inArt，40，1987，pp.24－35. 7 仍以陳垣的《吳漁山晉鐸二百五十周年紀念》英譯為主1938年第 3期，第 130－170頁。 8 José Maria Gonzalez, El Primem Bispo Chino Excmo. Sr. D. Fray Gregário Lo, o Lopez, O. R, Villava(1623— 1693): The Man Who Brought China to Europe, Nettetal, Steyler Verlag, 1990; Nol Golvers (iUipit), Francois de Rougemont, S.J., Missionary in Ch'ang-shu (Chiang-Nan): A Study of the Account Book (1674—1676) and the Elogium, Leuven: Leuven University Press, Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 1999. 9 Francois Bontinck, La Lutte Autour de La Liturgie Chinoise Aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siecle,Louvain，Nauwelaerts Paris，Betarice－Nauwelaerts，1962.這是迄今不同為止研究“教儀之爭”的最優秀著作。“教儀之爭”與“禮儀之爭”是兩個截然的歷史事件，許多研究者將其混為一談。“教儀之爭”牽涉至教會經典的翻譯，由此繁衍出“譯名之爭”，後成為“禮儀之爭”的三個主題之首。 《陳垣學術論文集》，北京：中華書局，1982年，第 2卷，第 300頁。 11 方豪：《中國天主教史人物傳》，北京：中華書局，1988年，中冊，第 208頁。 12 是前置詞“de”和單數陰性定冠詞“a”的縮合形式。 3 當時10的習慣是為受洗者取葡語或西班牙語聖名、姓氏。如有教父者，則繼承教父姓氏。至少會續用授洗神甫的姓名。參見 Pascal M.D’Elia(德禮賢)，Catholio Native Episcopacy in China:Being An Outline of the Formation and Growth of the Chinese Catholic Clergy:1300-1926( 《 中 華 本 國 主 203
33 《中國天主教史人物傳》，中冊，第 204頁。 榮振華，前引書，上冊，第 168頁。 高華士，前引書，第 416頁。 同上註，同頁。 高華士，前引書，第 416頁。 耶穌會第五任會長，詳見《天主教百科全書》，佛羅倫薩，1949年，第 2卷，第42－243頁及《耶穌會(傳記－主題)歷史詞典》，第 2卷，第 1，614－1，621頁。 François Bontinck，前引書，第 389頁。 同上註，第 272頁。 同上註，第 273頁。 同上註，第 282頁。 34 《清代名人傳略》，第 2卷，第 876頁。 35 《耶穌會(傳記－主題)歷史詞典》，第 4卷，第 4，051頁。 36 37 38 39 高華士不知這是陳垣的考證。 40 41 242 43 《陳垣學術論文集》，第 2卷，第 252頁。 44 45 46 47 同上註，第 275頁。 48 同上註，第 275頁。 49 同上註，第 289頁。 其詳細生平，參見方豪，中冊，第 7150 －80頁。 51 《陳垣學術論文集》，第 2卷，第 246頁。 ç1679年被選為副省的代理人。他以此種身份於 1680年 8月前往澳門，10月下月抵達那裹。”Francois Bontinck，前引書，第 199頁。 方豪稱荷蘭船，不知所據，參見《中國天主教史人物傳》，中冊，第 181頁。實情況是，在爪哇遇到海難後，他改乘荷蘭船。 從現存資料來看，有吳歷、陸希言和沈福宗。 中國傳教史上，曾有兩個閔明我。“閔明我殆為(Dominique Navarrete)52 Jerome Heyndrickx，前引書，第 126 頁。Fran ois Bontinck 認為是“柏應理於半53 際54 55 之漢姓名，Grimaldi神甫頂替其人，因而承襲其名”。參見《在華耶穌會士列傳及書目》，上，第 369頁。 J.S.Cummins，The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete 16181688，Cambridge，Akluyt Society，1962，2v and A Question of Rites:Friar omingo Navarrete and the Jesuits in China，Aldershot Brookfield，S冊56 —D cholar Press Cop.，1993. 57 應為 1680年。 58 方豪稱 12月 5日，不知所據，參見《中國天主教史人物傳》，中冊，第 181頁。 59 François Bontinck，前引書，第 199－200頁。 魯日滿於 1670年 11月 5日致殷鐸澤函，參見 H.Bosmans，“Lettres inédites de Francois de Rougemont ”， in Analectes Pour Servir à L ’ histoire Ecclesiastique de la Belgique，39，1913，p.25. 60 205
61 François Bontinck，前引書，第 232頁。 62 國外的專門研究可見：Edward Thomas Kellym,the anti-Christian Persecution of 1616—1617 in Naking,Ann Arbor,UMI,1971 和 Isabel Alexandra Muta Pina, "A Residência Jesuíta de Nanquim: das Origens à Restauração (1599—1633)", Texto policopiado, Tese de mestrado, História dos Descobrimentos e da Expanção Portuguesa, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1999. 關於這個問題的最新研究，可見趙殿紅：《“康熙曆63 獄”中被拘押傳教士在廣州的活動：1662－1671》，廣州暨南大學碩士論文，2002年 6月。 康熙。 耶穌會羅馬檔案館(ARSI)，漢和檔(Japonica－Sinica)124，122r－v。 Biblitoeca Vittorio Emmanuel,Fondo Gesuitico.Ms.1257.n029. 刊 本 見 H.Bosmans,Documents Rel64 65 66 atifs a la Liturgie Chinoise. Le Mémoire de Francois de Rougemont à Jean Paul Oliv . Analecta Bollandiana, XXXII, 1914, app. 274—293. Archivo SC6 PF.,SRCS,1(1623—1674)f.574—582.另見 Biblioteca Vittorio Emmanuel,Fondo Gesuitico. 耶穌會第 11任總會長，其詳細生平事跡參見《耶68 穌會(傳記－主題)歷史詞典》第 2卷，第 1，633－1，642頁。 《陳垣學術論文集》，第 2卷，第 308頁。 《中國69 70 天主教史人物傳》，中冊，第 85－86頁。 71 《中國方濟各會會志》，第 5卷，第 118－119頁。 劉蘊德、吳歷、萬72 其淵和陸希言。 73德、萬其淵未婚。這裏有個值得注意的細節，如果此言屬 據羅文藻的報告，劉蘊實，陸希言也結過婚。 745卷，第 120頁。 《中國方濟各會會志》，第5 7ois Bontinck，前引書，關於柏應理與沈福宗在歐洲的詳細情況，可參見 Franç第 198－228頁；Theodore N.Foss，“The European Sojourn of P.C.and Michael en Fuzong，1683－1692”， omSh in Jer e Heyndrickx，前引書，第 121－140頁；《中國天主教史人物傳》，中冊，第 200－202 頁及韓琦：《17、18 世紀歐洲和中國的科學關係——以英國皇家學會和在華耶穌會的交流為例》，載於《自然辯證法通訊》，第 19卷，總 109期，1997年，第 3期，第 47－48頁。 羅光：《教廷與中國使節史》，台北：光啟出版社，1961年，第 88－91頁； 李天綱：《中國禮儀之爭——歷史、文獻和意義》，上海：上海古籍出版社，1998年，前言第 3頁，正文第 15及 20－29頁；顧衛民：《76 中國與羅馬教廷關係史略》，北京：東方出版社，2000年，第 52－54頁及 Isabel Pina，“Jo oRodrigues T uzu an Terminology in China”in O Bulletin ó ria de Al éunho 2003,pp.47—71. ã çand the Controversy over Christiof Portuguese Japanese Studies,Centro de Histm-Mar,Universidade Nova, Lisboa,Volume 6,J 206
