CHINA-MACAU AND GLOBALIZATIONS: PAST AND PRESENTEdited by: Luís Filipe Barreto and Wu ZhiliangChina-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 3 8/7/17 3:53 PM
Title:China-Macau and Globalizations: Past and PresentPublished by:Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, I.P.Rua da Junqueira, 301300-343 Lisboa – Portugalwww.cccm.ptgeral@cccm.ptTel. (+351) 21 361 75 70Fundação MacauAvenida de Almeida Ribeiro, 61-75Circle Square, 7º-9º andaresMacauwww.fmac.org.moinfo@fm.org.moTel. (+853) 289 667 77Edited by:Luís Filipe BarretoWu ZhiliangAuthors:Luís Filipe BarretoWu ZhiliangPhilippe BeaujardJames K. ChinRoderich PtakHu BaozhuR. Po-chia HsiaIsabel Murta PinaChiara BocciNoël GolversYang YiyinAntónio BarrentoCarmen Amado MendesAlfredo Gomes DiasJosé Manuel Duarte de JesusCover design by:C. VieiraPrepress and printing by:Multitipo – Artes Gráficas, Lda.Print run: 800 copiesLisboa | 2016ISBN: 978-972-8586-48-5Legal Deposit: 419 600/16China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 4 8/7/17 3:53 PM
5TABLE OF CONTENTSAbout the Authors ...................................................................................... 7 Foreword ..................................................................................................... 9Luís Filipe Barreto and Wu ZhilangChina’s leading role in the Afro-Eurasian world -system between the Ist and the XVth century ........................................................................................ 11Philippe BeaujardInterpreters of Early Macau and Canton .................................................... 22James K. ChinBetween Global and Regional Aspirations: China’s Maritime Frontier and the Fujianese in the Early Seventeenth Century ......................................... 45Roderich Ptak and Hu BoazhuGoddesses of the Seas: Religious Patronage and Sino-Portuguese maritime history ..................................................................................................... 66R. Po-Chia HsiaThe European circulation of Álvaro Semedo’s Work ................................... 90Isabel Murta Pina“Additional Notes on Materia Medica: the Bencao bu 本草補 by Pedro de la Piñuela (1650-1704)” ............................................................................... 104Chiara BocciChina-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 5 8/7/17 3:53 PM
Globalization and exchange of knowledge between West / East: The means (“media”) of the scholarly communication, and its impact on Chinese readership ................................................................................. 119Noël GolversUnderstanding Chinese Social Identity in the Context of Culture ............. 140Yang YiyinFrom Republican China to the Nanyang: The Nation on Tour .................. 147António BarrentoEarly Perceptions of China in the European Union .................................... 167Carmen Amado MendesMacau Global (séculos XIX-XX) ................................................................. 188Alfredo Gomes DiasGlobalização e Vazios Institucionais (Institutional Voids) — A política da China em África ......................................................................................... 210José Manuel Duarte de JesusChina-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 6 8/17/17 10:08 AM
7ABOUT THE AUTHORSWu ZhiliangPresident of the Macau Foundation and visiting Professor at the University of Macau, the Macau University of Science and Technology, Nanjing University and Beijing Foreign Studies University.Luís Filipe BarretoPresident of the Macau Scientific and Cultural Centre. Full Professor of Early Modern History and Director of Asian Studies at the University of Lisbon.Philippe BeaujardDirector of Research at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Institut des Mondes Africains (IMAf), Paris 1James K. ChinProfessor and Deputy Dean, Institute for Silk Roads Studies, Jinan University; Chief Editor, Journal of Maritime History Studies, ChinaRoderich PtakFull Professor of Sinology at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitaet, Munich.Hu BaozhuDegree in Catholic Theology, member of the SVD. Currently working on his doctoral dissertation in Sinology at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitaet, Munich.R. Po-chia HsiaIs Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of History and Asian Studies at the Pennsylvania State University. He is the author of A Jesuit in the Forbidden City: Matteo Ricci 1552--1610. Oxford University Press, 2010 and many other books on the religious history of early modern Europe.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 7 8/17/17 10:08 AM
Isabel PinaResearch Fellow at the Macau Scientific and Cultural Centre.Chiara BocciPhD student at Munich Ludwig-Maximilians-University. Main research fields: Animals in ancient China and early Western missionaries in China.Nöel GolversPhD, classicist; studies since the late 1980s the scientific and cultural aspects of the SJ mission in China (17th-18th cent.): F. Verbiest’s astronomical corpus and his cor-respondence; F. de Rougemont (Account Book), the SJ libraries (3 vols.); the circula-tion of knowledge from W. to E. and vice-versa; currently he investigates the scholarly network behind J. Schreck Terrentius (1600-1618).Yang YiyinIs a Research Fellow of the Center for Social Psychology Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. She also served as president of Chinese Association of Social Psychology (2010-2014). Her research focuses on cultural social psychology in China.Antonio BarrentoLecturer at the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of the University of Lisbon and at the Catholic University of PortugalCarmen Amado MendesProfessor of International Relations and Head of the International Relations Office at the School of Economics, University of Coimbra. Alfredo Gomes DiasLicenciado em História e doutorado em Geografia Humana pela Universidade de Lisboa. Investigador do Centro de Estudos Geográficos do Instituto de Geografia e Ordenamento do Território da Universidade de Lisboa. Professor-Adjunto da Escola Superior de Educação do Instituto Politécnico de Lisboa, integrado no domínio cientí-fico das Ciências Sociais. José Manuel Duarte de JesusPhD, retired ambassador, researcher at the Institute of Asian Studies at the ISCSP – University of Lisbon and invited Professor at the University Military Institute (IUM) and Universidade Nova; he has published several books in Portugal, Tunisia and USA and many articles in scientific Reviews.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 8 8/7/17 3:53 PM
9FOREWORDI. At the beginning of the 21st century, globalization is one of the most widely circulating and commonly used words in the different languages of the world. It is today’s catchword for Internationalization/Planetarization. While its inten-sive use in the everyday language of the media to that of personal and informal conversations and even of economic and political institutions has generated polysemy, confusion, it has also triggered growing interest in understanding the global in terms of its emergence, development and collapse (globalization). Global globalization is now a key topic and problem not only in history but also other social sciences such as sociology, anthropology, economics and geog-raphy. The different and even conflicting meanings attributed to the term in practical language and in the different disciplines of knowledge indicate that, just as happened with Modernities, there are also multiple Globalizations in time and space and going back from the distant past to the present.II. On 14, 15 and 16 October 2013, the Colloquium on China / Macau and Glo balizations: Past and Present took place in Lisbon. It was organized by the Macau Scientific and Cultural Center together with the Macau Foundation of the Special Administrative Region of Macau in the People’s Republic of China. We are now publishing the volume resulting from this meeting addressing some dimensions of the Global Globalizations that connect East Asia, China’s people and powers, seas and markets to the rest of Asia, Europe, Africa and America. It is a volume of different case studies about Global China/Globalization that range from an overview of the 1st to 15th centuries to specific topics from the 16th and 17th centuries to today. From the China’s past connections to Afro Eurasia to the China’s present Africa policy in the 21st century. It also includes studies on the global developments in Macau’s existence from the 16th-17th centuries to today.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 9 8/7/17 3:53 PM
10 The 12 studies published contribute to the research into globalizations which, in the past and the present, have linked China to the rest of the world through, for example, culture and the economy, politics and religion, migrations and the circulation of knowledge. A full understanding of the global/local/national/international linkages and their implications both in the past and the present requires specific studies that inform us about the demographics and technologies, monetary and market conditions, intellectual and political situations and their connections, transfer and competition. These specific and concrete studies on the faces and phases of the globalizations in China/Macau with all the other Worlds of the World also make a valuable contribution to objectifying and specifying the question of the global. Progress in the studies on globalization entails localization in time and in space and it requires expertise in the research of contact, connection, circulation and integration processes.Lisbon, July 2016. Luís Filipe Barreto Wu ZhiliangChina-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 10 8/7/17 3:53 PM
11CHINA’S LEADING ROLE IN THE AFRO-EURASIAN WORLD--SYSTEM BETWEEN THE IST AND THE XVTH CENTURY Philippe BeaujardAt the end of the first millennium BC, the transformation of the State in China encouraged technical progress, especially in metallurgy. Long distance exchange also developed. Under the Han, Chinese expansion towards central Asia on the one side, Yunnan and Vietnam on the other, favoured the development of «silk routes», while a western world-system was in recession (map 1) (Beaujard 2010). Austronesian people took benefit from the rise in exchanges, and sailed to the coasts of China and Eastern India. It is clear that an Asian world-system, with China acting as a core, was developing at this time, linked to an Indian world-system and to the western world-system.At the beginning of the Ist century AD, the intensity of the exchanges, and the size of the networks, resulted in large regions being progressively integrated and shaped into a single Afro-Eurasian world-system (Beaujard 2009, 2012b). For the first time, the different regions of the Ancient World that were linked by trade experienced a synchronization in their development and showed a trans-regional division of labour. From the Ist to the XVIth century, five «cores» structured this system, which held a position of dominance over their peripheries: China, India, western Asia, Egypt, and Mediterranean Europe. Geographic (Diamond 1997) and demographic (Boserup 1965) factors are obviously implicated in the inequalities which evolved; these inequalities also resulted from the mechanisms of production and exchange, exchange which was embedded in religious and political conFiguretions. In the evolution of this system, China played a leading role thanks to its innovations, and global exchanges of knowledge, techniques and goods.Prior to the modern era, this world-system would evolve through four eco-nomic cycles, synchronised with political, social and ideological evolutions. Cli-matic changes were also important in these developments. These can be seen as part of a systemic logic (as is shown in Fig. 1) (Beaujard 2012b). In periods of growth, large political entities were constituted, notably in China, but they later disintegrated in periods of global recession.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 11 8/7/17 3:53 PM
12The first cycle: the Han, Kushan and Roman empiresDuring the first cycle of the world-system, three regions served as the driving forces of the networks, that extended from the Mediterranean to the China Sea (map 2): the Chinese Han empire, the Roman Empire and, between them, the Kushan empire plus the Indian States. Contrary to the Roman empire, the Han empire made little use of slavery, and benefitted from important technological progress, that combined to institutionnal and ideological innovations. The State was more involved in the economy in China than it was in the Roman empire, but a new class of private entrepreneurs developed, as well as a powerful State sector. The Han empire also led military expansion in Tonkin and Central Asia, as well as an active diplomatic and commercial policy, that included the gifts of silk to Central Asian groups, in order to recruit allies. The Chinese were however not pre-sent in large numbers on long distance exchange networks, that were organized by Kushans and Sogdians from Central Asia, and merchants from Southeast Asia. The routes between India and China constituted an active part of the world-system. This was to become more so in the following cycles of this system.The world-system experienced a recession between the IIIrd and the VIth century, although the silk roads became active again thanks to the Sogdian merchants, and their agreement with the Kök Turks (“Blue Turks”) who formed an empire in Central Asia in this period (De la Vaissière 2002). The activity was further stimulated by the unification of China by the Sui in 589, and the Tang in 618. New inventions were used, which included the production of steel by cofusion in the VIth century (Temple, 2002: 50, 68). The developments in China initiated a rebound of the world-system, and here again climatic global warming favoured this development. The second cycle: between Tang and Muslim empiresIn the VIIth century, the formation of a Muslim empire coupled with the Chinese expansion under the Tang led to a spectacular rise in production and exchanges in the world-system (Beaujard 2012a). Tang preeminence was political, intellectual and economic (Adshead 2004). The setting of a system of exams for the choice of civil servants allowed for the crea-tion of an innovative elite. The Chinese economy became the largest in the world. The colonization of the Yangze river valley and of Southern China allowed for a doubling of the arable soil. Growth in production and amelioration in the means of transport favoured the rise of trans-regional exchanges. It was accompanied by geographic specialization in production of goods for export, that prefigured the integration of the Song period (Norel 2007). China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 12 8/7/17 3:53 PM
13Favoured by growing monetization of the economy, the progress of internal markets allowed for the emergence of a new class of merchants, that were however controlled by the State. The State controlled the prices, and took a monopoly on a few goods. Taste of Tang China for exotic goods and culture created a rise in exchanges on the silk routes, exchange of goods but also of ideas and knowledge. The rise in long-distance trade favoured innovations such as the production of porcelain. China exported silk, sometimes given as a tribute (map 3). Moreover, xylography favoured a diffusion of knowledge. Long-distance exchanges allowed the transfer of techniques (silk production in Persia and Byzantium already in the Vth and VIth centuries, fabrication of paper in Samarkand in the VIth cen-tury, xylography in Korea and Japan in the IXth century, and so on). At the same time, Chinese armies took control of the Central Asian routes, but the Chinese merchants did not travel much on the networks that structured the world-system: merchants from Central Asia and South-East Asia went to China, as well as mer-chants from western Asia. This new period of growth in the world-system had begun in China. It is also in China that evidence for recession occurred, in the second part of the VIIIth century. China lost control of central Asia, and there was both a recession in long-distance trade on the silk roads and an internal weakening of the empire, due to lower tax revenues, to growing military expenses, and to social transformations. Shortage in means of payment led however to innovations, such as letters of credit (Gernet, 1999: 231). After a short «Indian summer», from 820 to 850 (Adshead 2004), the empire experienced more and more troubles and folded on itself. The Tang empire forbad Buddhism and other foreign religions. In 879, the massacre of Muslims in Canton by a rebel chief put an end to the travels of the Arabs and Persians to China. The Tang dynasty finally lost control of the provinces and disappeared in 906. At the same time, the Muslim empire disintegrated. The third cycle: from the blooming of Song China to the Mongol riseChina again, under the Song dynasty, formed a new empire, playing a leading role in the world-system, more vigourously than before, from the end of the Xth to the XIIIth century. China then experienced a spectacular internal progress, both economic and intellectual. The Chinese State set up an efficient administration. At the same time, a private sector played an essential role in industry and trade. A Smithian and Schumpeterian dynamic was taking place (Goldstone 2009, Norel 2009) : synergy between markets allowed the use of innovations, for example the use of coal, the invention of spinning wheels, of new weapons, etc. An urban bourgeoisie developed along with an interior market, connected with the rise of China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 13 8/7/17 3:53 PM
14long-distance trade. Exchanges were favoured by growing monetization of the economy marked by massive prints of copper coins, and the innovation of convert-ible paper-money at the end of the XIth century (Elvin 1973). At this time, the improvement of junks, using the compass for navigation, helped reduce the travel time and increase the quantities transported. The interest of China for maritime exchanges increased from 1127, when the Song lost the north of their empire to the Jin and moved their capital to Hangzhou, that became the most populated town in the world. The market orientation of the State encouraged the rise of a «capitalist» spirit both in the State sector and the flourishing private sector (Findlay et O’Rourke 2007). The Chinese presence was now well established in the southern seas. Chinese junks reached India and the Persian gulf. China kept strong links with southern India and the Islamic world; many Muslims lived in China, and a part of the Chi-nese merchant class was Muslim. Different Chinese innovations reached Europe in the XIIth or XIIIth century, via the Muslim world, for example the use of central rudder on ships, the use of paper, and a quilling machine.These developments in China favoured an economic rise in the Indian ocean and in the whole world-system. The Chola State and merchant guilds of southern India were particularly involved in trade, as well as successive powers in Egypt, along with Jewish and Muslim networks (Goitein and Friedman 2007, Vallet 2012). The Javanese kingdoms in Southeast Asia took benefit from their position between two oceans (map 4). The growth of the system and the new globaliza-tion it engendered were also favoured by a rise of the global temperature, in what has been called the «Medieval Climatic Optimum». During the first Song period, China had an external trade surplus, notably at the expense of Europe, that expe-rienced a drainage of precious metals towards the Orient. In the next century, China counterbalanced a negative trade balance by paying goods with copper coins and metals.The XIIIth century then constituted a key period. Gengis Khân formed a Mon-gol empire that extended after him to Persia and Irak (1258), and to China (1279). The Mongol yoke broke the «proto-capitalist» trajectory of the Song period. The Mongol Yuan dynasty pursued a trade-friendly policy; foreigners benefitted from privileged positions in the administration, along with the Mongol aristocracy, but the Mongols kept in check the freedom of the Chinese population. Mongol domination opened to movements of merchants and craftsmen between Orient and Occident that induced the diffusion of numerous techniques such as the idea of printing, the whinning wheel, iron smelting, the knowledge of powder, and the principle of the canon. The Chinese influence in Europe also came through the Muslim world. The XIIIth century was marked by a new expansion of Islam, in India, in Southeast Asia, and in East Africa.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 14 8/7/17 3:53 PM
15Most of the trade in the world-system was conducted on the maritime routes, and the activity concentrated between India and China. Then Quanzhou was the biggest harbour in the world. Imports of silk played a role in the establishment of royal protection to great merchants and the process of urbanization in Europe from the XIIIth century (map 5).In the years 1320-1330, a peak was reached in the globalization of the system; a major climatic deterioration hit the globe, and the system entered in recession, before plague from China swept the Ancient World from 1346. The Delhi sultan-ate disintegrated from 1334, and the ilkhânid Persian regime collapsed. China experienced disorders that led to the fall of the Yuan dynasty and to the advent of the Ming in 1368, that was accompanied by a movement of general xenophobia. The renewal of the XVth centuryWe can see however in the reconstruction of China under the Ming emperor Hongwu not only a new phase of growth and integration for China but also for the whole world-system. A tributary trade was set up again, controlled by the State. In west-ern Asia, the formation of an empire by Tamerlan testifies to a global economic turn at the end of the XIVth century (he died while preparing for the invasion of China).At the beginning of the XVth century, the Ming dynasty had the most advanced bureaucratic apparatus in the world (Kerlouégan, 2009a: 205). We can observe growth in agriculture and industry. At the same time, China launched armies in Mandchuria and Northern Vietnam, and it sent seven large maritime expeditions to the Indian ocean from 1405 to 1431. Contrary to the European expeditions that will follow, the Chinese expeditions did not aim at establishing an economic domi-nation by armed force, but they represent a culmination of the tributary system. In 1433, however, for several reasons, China withdrew — at least officially — from the maritime routes (Wong 1997). The State discouraged the foreign merchants from coming, and prevented the Chinese from trading in the southern seas. The large quantities of Chinese porcelain found in the Indian ocean reveal however that an active trade still went on, half clandestine half-official. Chinese demand in exotic products contributed to stimulate production, notably in Southeast Asia, and the Ming hostility towards private trade favoured the rise of Chinese commu-nities abroad. Towards Iran, exchanges were still active on the silk roads.The years 1420-1430 saw a restructuring of the trade networks in the western Indian ocean, with a preeminence of Indian merchants – notably Gujarati. The eastern Indian ocean was still the most active part of this ocean. With the support of China, the city-State of Malacca became an important hub for trade between the Pacific and the Indian ocean (map 6).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 15 8/7/17 3:53 PM
16China was in decline in the middle of the XVth century, but experienced a new economic rise in the last part of this century (Reid 1993). One notes a monetiza-tion founded on a growing use of silver, that followed the failure of paper-money. The use of this metal sheds light on the growing implication of the Ming in inter-national trade. The huge Chinese demand in silver will play a crucial role in the XVIth century in the globalization progress (Flynn et Giraldez 2008).To conclude, this overview of the successive cycles of the world-system sheds light on China’s leading role in the evolution of this system, through different processes:— transfers of Chinese techniques and institutional innovations,— export of products endowed with a high desirability, which led other coun-tries to increase their productions,— its demographic weight, which allowed massive imports in China,— and Chinese imperial expansions.Growth in China usually preceded growth in the whole world-system.China experienced the development of capitalist practices; however, contrary to Europe, hired labour remained a minority in the processes of production compared to family employment and forms of servitude. Capital did not constitute a crucial factor of production, since plentiful labour led to favour labor-intensive technolo-gies (Sugihara 2003). We do not observe in China the symbiosis between State elites and private entrepreneurs or bankers, often underlined for Europe from the XVth century (Mielants 2007). Even in the Song period, China did not allow the institutionalization of power for the merchant class.The decision to withdraw from the international trade from 1433 and the rise of European capitalism in the XVth century announced the future shift of the gravity center of the Afro-Eurasian world-system towards the West. Yet we are still far from the triumph of the West: until the beginning of the XIXth century, the Asian economies still largely outcompeted the European economies.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 16 8/7/17 3:53 PM
17BibliographieADSHEAD, S. A. M., 2004, T’ang China : the Rise of the East in World History, Basingstoke, New York, Palgrave McMillan.BEAUJARD, P., 2009, «Un seul système-monde avant le 16e siècle? L’océan Indien au cœur de l’intégration de l’hémisphère afro-eurasien», in: Histoire globale, mondialisations et capitalisme, P. Beaujard, L. Berger and P. Norel (eds.), Paris, Éditions La Découverte, p. 82-148.BEAUJARD, P., 2010, «From Three Possible Iron Age World-Systems to a Single Afro-Eurasian World-System», Journal of World History, 21 (1), p. 1-43.BEAUJARD, P., 2012a, «Empires et système-monde. Empires tang et musulman, VIIe-Xe siècle», Monde(s). Histoire, espaces, relations, 2, p. 87-110. BEAUJARD, P., 2012b, Les mondes de l’océan Indien. Vol. 1: De la formation de l’État au premier système-monde afro-eurasien (4e millénaire av. J.-C.-6e siècle apr. J.-C.). Vol. 2: L’océan Indien au cœur des globalisations de l’Ancien Monde, Paris, Armand Colin. BOSERUP, E., 1998, The conditions of agricultural growth. The economics of agrar-ian change under population pressure, London, Earthscan Publications Ltd. (1st ed. 1965).DIAMOND, J., 1997, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies, New York, W.W. Norton & Co.ELVIN, M., 1973, The Pattern of the Chinese Past: A Social and Economic Interpreta-tion, Stanford, Stanford University Press.FINDLAY, R., et O’ROURKE, K., 2007, Power and Plenty. Trade, War, and the World Economy in the Second Millenium, Princeton, Princeton University Press.FLYNN, D. O. et GIRALDEZ, A., 2008, «Born Again: Globalization’s Sixteenth Century Origins (Asian/Global Versus European Dynamics)», Pacific Economic Review, 13 (3), p. 359-387.GERNET, J., 1999, Le monde chinois, Paris, Armand Colin.GOITEIN, S. D., and FRIEDMAN, M. A., 2007, India Traders of the Middle Ages: Documents from the Cairo Geniza. « India Book », Part One, Leiden, Brill.GOLDSTONE, J. A., 2009, «Efflorescences et croissance économique dans l’histoire globale: une réinterprétation de l’essor de l’Occident et de la Révolu-tion Industrielle», in: Histoire globale, mondialisations et capitalisme, P. Beaujard, L. Berger and P. Norel (eds.), Paris, La Découverte, p. 299-334.KERLOUÉGAN, J., 2009a and b, «L’empire des Premiers Ming: le grand réamé-nagement de la Chine», et «De l’expansion au recentrement: la Chine et son monde», in: Histoire du monde au XVe siècle, P. Boucheron (ed.), Paris, Fayard, p. 193-211, and 619-635.MIELANTS, E. H., 2007, The Origins of Capitalism and the ‘Rise of the West’, Philadelphia, Temple University Press.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 17 8/7/17 3:53 PM
18NOREL P., 2007, «Espace mondial et émergence de systèmes nationaux de mar-chés», in R. Sobel (ed.), Penser la marchandisation du monde avec Karl Polanyi, Cahiers Lillois d’Économie et de Sociologie, Paris, L’Harmattan, p. 37-61.NOREL, P., 2009, L’histoire économique globale, Paris, Seuil.NOREL, P., 2010, «La Chine, un acteur global dans la longue durée», blogs.his-toireglobale.com, septembre 2010.POMERANZ, K., 2000, The Great Divergence: China, Europe and the Making of the Modern World Economy, Princeton, Princeton University Press.REID, A., 1988 and 1993, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680. Vol. I : The Lands below the Winds, Vol. II : Expansion and Crisis, New Haven, London, Yale University Press.SUGIHARA, K., 2003, «The East Asian Path of Economic Development. A long-term perspective», in: The Resurgence of East Asia: 500, 150 and 50 Year Per-spectives, G. Arrighi, T. Hamashita and M. Selden (eds.), London, New York, Routledge, p. 78-123.TEMPLE, R., 2002, The Genius of China, 3000 Years of Science, Discovery and Invention, preface by J. Needham, London, Prion Books Ltd (1st ed. 1986).LA VAISSIÈRE, E. de, 2002, Histoire des marchands sogdiens, Paris, Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises (2nd revised ed. 2004).VALLET, E., 2010, L’Arabie marchande, État et commerce sous les sultans rasûlides du Yémen (626-858/1229-1454), Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne.WONG, R. B., 1997, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience, Ithaca, Cornell University Press.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 18 8/7/17 3:53 PM
22INTERPRETERS OF EARLY MACAU AND CANTONJames K. ChinWith the coming of the Portuguese in Macau and the subsequent arrival of other European trading companies in coastal south China, a sizable group of interpreters or tongshi 通事 as it was habitually recorded in imperial Chinese sources quietly came into existence in Macau and Canton respectively. They were not only interpreters or translators for the Portuguese and other European merchants, but also functioned as trade agents and representatives for both local Chinese authorities and European companies. Sometimes they even monitored and regulated the daily business operations of foreigners in the port cities while playing a bridge role in the early phase of globalization. Gradually this unique group of interpreters started to enrich and change their capacities and eventually became the compradors or Hong merchants in the marketplaces, which in turn enabled these early interpreters and compradors unconsciously making important contributions towards the rapid growth of South China’s economy and its integration with the world market.Interpreters in Imperial China: A Brief Historical BackgroundThe history of interpreter in early China could be dated back to at least B.C. 375, when Zhou Yu 周語, the earliest historical account of the Kingdom of Zhou, mentions that there was a special group of officials at the court in charge of translation and interpretation, and these officials were called sheren 舌人 or “tongue people” in its literal meaning.1 The most popular title for interpreters in imperial China, however, was not sheren but tongshi. Here, tong means communications while shi means the person who was responsible of translation and interpretation. 1 Zuoqiu Ming 左丘明, Zhou Yu 周語, Book 2, in Guo Yu 國語, 21 juan, c. B.C. 370. Jinan: Qilu shushe, 2005 reprint, pp.30-31.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 22 8/7/17 3:53 PM
23It is widely accepted that the earliest record for the official title tongshi appeared sometime around 493 A.D., when the Northern Wei 北魏 dynasty founded by the nomadic Xianbei tribe 鮮卑族 from the Mongolian steppe had finally united north China and established themselves in mainland China.2 Given that there were large number of ethnic groups and tribes in early China and each one had their own language, an official department in charge of diplomatic documents transla-tion and oral interpretation was thus urgently needed. From that time onwards, this term had been employed to address interpreters for more than fourteen centuries. The term was not only widely used in mainland China, but was also introduced to some offshore islands with the extension of imperial China’s administration and sovereignty. Taiwan, for example, is such a case in point. From the late 17th to the mid 18th centuries, there was a special official in Taiwan called Taiwan tongshi 台灣通事 who played a bridge role between local Chinese government or Han Chinese and indigenous tribes while be in charge of interpretation and translation.3However, it needs to be careful when reading Chinese history, the records on tongshi in particular, because not all the tongshi mentioned in classical Chinese lit-erature belong to the professional group of interpreters. From the 12th to the early 14th centuries, for instance, the Song government also used the term to address a special alien ethnic group comprising largely slaves, criminals and captives. In addition, these people were recruited and organised by the Southern Song court as an independent army Nansong tongshi jun 南宋通事軍 to fight against the Mongolian troops.4The formation and development of the tongshi mechanism to some extent was closely related to the tribute system of imperial China. As a result, kingdoms of Southeast Asia would normally have Chinese tongshi or interpreters employed in their tribute missions in order to fit into the Chinese tribute system. Such a phenomenon could frequently be seen from the late 14th to the late 16th centuries when different kingdoms and regimes of Southeast Asia regularly sent their tribute missions to Ming China. In 1372, for example, a Chinese merchant named Li Qing 李清 was recorded as a tongshi in the Siam mission. Again, in 1497, another 2 Wei Shou 魏收, Wei Shu 魏書, 554 A.D., juan 113, “Guanshi zhi” (Official Titles). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997 reprint, pp.2971-3015. See also Gao Wende 高文德 ed., Zhongguo Shao--shu minzushi da cidian 中國少數民族史大辭典 (Dictionary of Chinese Ethnic Groups History), Changchun: Jilin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995, p.219.3 Huang Shujing 黃叔璥, Taihai shicha lu 台海使槎錄 (Voyages to the Taiwan Island), juan 8, “Fansu zaji 番俗雜記”. Taipei: Taiwan Bank reprint, 1957, pp.169-170. See also Li Ying 李穎, “Qingdai Taiwang tongshi kaolun 清代台灣通事考論” (A Study on the Taiwan tongshi of the Qing dynasty). Fuzhou: Journal of Minjiang University, Vol.25, No.4, 2005, pp.66-69.4 See Liu Xiao 劉曉, “Songyuan shidai de tongshi yu tongshijun” 宋元時代的通事與通事軍 (The Tongshi and Tongshi Armies in the Song and Yuan Dynasties). Beijing, Minzu yanjiu, No.3, 2008, pp.80-88.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 23 8/7/17 3:53 PM
24Chinese merchant Qin Luo 秦羅 told the Ming emperor in his capacity of a tongshi in the Siam tribute mission that he was originally from Qingliu County 清流縣 of northern Fujian and when crossing the ocean, he had been blown off course by the strong wind to the Kingdom of Siam and had thus been sojourning in Siam.5 Similar cases can be found in tribute missions from Java (Hong Maozai 洪茂仔, 1436; Ma Yongliang 馬用良 1438; Liang Yin 良殷, 1438; and Nan Wendan 南文旦, 1438) and Melaka (Xiao Mingju 蕭明舉, 1508).Three types of Chinese were recruited to be interpreters for the tribute missions from Southeast Asia. The first type is concerned with merchants, fishermen and sailors who were drifted to countries overseas while sailing on the sea. Qin Luo, the Chinese interpreter accompanying the Siam envoy to visit the Ming court mentioned above is such a case in point. August 1436 saw another similar case. In that year, an envoy-cum-interpreter named Caifu bazhi manrong 財富八致滿榮 came to China from Java, he confesses in his statement: “Originally, I was surnamed Hong 洪, with the given name Maozai 茂仔 and I hailed from Longqi County 龍溪縣 in Fujian. I engaged in fishing as an occupation but was captured by the Japanese. Escaping from them, I made my way to Java where I changed my name to that I am currently using”.6 The second type refers to merchants who were involved in smuggling maritime trade and consequently stayed at emporia overseas and dared not to return to homeland. The third type is connected with crimi-nals who fled from China and changed their names to serve local regimes. After sojourning at port polities of Southeast Asia for some years, they mastered local languages and thus became interpreters for the tribute missions to be despatched to imperial China. On 2nd March 1510, the Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty mentions: “Among the envoys who had been sent by the king of the country of Melaka was one named Ya Liu 亞劉, who was originally names Xiao Mingju 蕭明舉 and came from Wan’an 萬安 of Jiangxi. As he had been engaged in a criminal rebellion, he fled to Melaka and there he became an interpreter”.75 Ming Xiaozong shilu 明孝宗實錄 (The Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty: Xiaozong Reign), Entry of “Hongzhi Year 10, Month 9, Day 3”, juan 129, p.1a. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan, 1962-66 reprint, Vol. 56, p. 2277.6 Ming Yingzong shilu 明英宗實錄 (The Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty: Xiaozong Reign), Entry of “Zhengtong Year 1, Month Intercalary 6, Day 28”, juan 19, p.9a. Taipei reprint, Vol. 23, p.385. While the title Caifu means fortune in Chinese, bazhi is a transliteration of the old Javanese official title patih, referring to the senior official in charge of the financial affairs; and manrong might be his new Chinese name adopted in Java. Putting together, it would mean that this Chinese envoy-cum-interpreter was an influential senior official in charge of the financial affairs for the indigenous Javanese regime. For a detailed discussion on the old Javanese official titles, see Ber-tram Johannes Otto Schrieke, Indonesian Sociological Studies, The Hague: W. van Hoeve Ltd., 1955, p.370, footnote 378.7 Ming Wuzong shilu 明武宗實錄 (The Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty: Wuzong Reign), Entry of “Zhengde Year 5, Month 1, Day 22”, juan 59, p.4b. Taipei reprint, Vol. 64, p.1312 -1313; China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 24 8/7/17 3:53 PM
25As for where these early Chinese interpreters came from, a careful reading of the Chinese archival records would suggest that most of them were from coastal south Fujian and Jiangxi. In other words, it seems coastal residents and merchants from south Fujian and Jiangxi were quite active in maritime activities, and sometimes they even changed their capacities and became envoys and interpreters for the official diplomatic missions from indigenous kingdoms of Southeast Asia.Composition of Early Interpreters in South ChinaFrom the early 16th to the 20th centuries, with the coming of the Portuguese and other European traders, interpreters were indispensible in local society of Macau and Canton. Either business collaborations and contract preparation or political dialogue and negotiations between Chinese local government and the Portuguese in Macau, people always had to seek the assistance of interpreters. A contemporary primary source points out that tongshi or interpreters were always needed in Canton whenever and wherever government secretaries were preparing their official docu-ments.8 According to H.B. Morse’s excellent studies on the British trading with China from the 17th to the early 19th centuries based on detailed examination of the English East India Company archives in the India Office Library in London, up to the early years of the 18th century, “the first requirement for a supercargo in English ships trading to China was a knowledge of Portuguese”, which had been, since the 16th century, “to some extent, the lingua franca of the coast”.9 Interpreters, most of them were ethnic Chinese, as a consequence quietly emerged as a special functional group at different emporia of coastal south China when the European merchants arrived. Regarding their composition, at least four groups of interpreters could be recognized in terms of their backgrounds and places of origin.A). Chinese migrants and pirates from Southeast Asian port politiesIt is widely accepted that Chinese merchants had well established themselves at almost every port polity of Southeast Asia in the early 16th century when the European arrived. As such, these early Chinese migrants who were largely from coastal Fujian and Guangdong became the first cohort of Chinese to communicate and barter with European traders. To facilitate their daily business, they gradually Zhang Tingyu 張廷玉, Ming Shi 明史 (History of Ming Dynasty), juan 325, “Biography of Man-la-jia (Melaka)”. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974 reprint, pp.8418-8419.8 Zhang Qu 張渠, Yuedong wenjianlu 粵東聞見錄 (Account of Eastern Guangdong), 1738, Guangzhou: Guangdong gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990 reprint, Part A, “Macau”, p.6.9 Horsea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926-29, Volume 1, p.66.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 25 8/7/17 3:53 PM
26acquired some basic but useful knowledge about Portuguese as it was a commercial lingua franca in maritime Asia at that time. Consequently, these Chinese migrants and merchants sojourned in Southeast Asia became the most appropriated candi-dates of interpreters to be recruited by the Europeans. The first Portuguese mission led by Tomé Pires, for instance, visited China in 1519 together with five interpreters. Of them, one interpreter was an ethnic Chinese named Hoja Ah-san 火者亞三 or Hoja Hasan / Sayyid Husain as proposed by the late French Sinologist Paul Pelliot in his detailed study on the topic. Nobody knows for sure whether this Hoja Ah-san was really the castrated son of a poor family of south China as the special term Hoja 火者 was habitually referred to such castrated persons in local society of Fujian and Guangdong. What is sure and should be emphasized is that this young interpreter was a Chinese migrant based in Melaka, and he was able to speak Chinese and Portuguese and as a result he became the interpreter for Tomé Pires’ mission.10Another interesting example about the Chinese interpreter from Southeast Asia is related to the first European-Japanese contacts in history and the introduction of European arquebuses to Japan during the Sengoku period 戰國時代. According to the account of Teppô-ki 鐵炮記 (Chronicle of the Musket) authored by the Zen priest Nanpo Bunshi 南浦文之 or Nanpo Genshō 南浦玄昌 (1555-1620), in the autumn of 1543, a Chinese junk, blown off course while sailing along the south China coast, pulled into a bay on the western coast of the small island of Tanegashima 種子島, south of Kyushu. On board was a multinational crew of about one hundred men, including Chinese, Ryukyuans, and two or three Portu-guese. For reasons unknown to us, the Japanese primary source Teppô-ki records the names of two Portuguese as Mura Shukusha 牟良叔舍 and Kiri Shita Mota喜利志多佗孟. The strange appearance of the Portuguese crew members sparked the curiosity of the island resident of Nishinomura Village 西村. The village headman Oribenojô 織部丞 was a knowledgeable person who could read and write classical Chinese but could not speak. Consequently, he started to chat with the Chinese literati on board named Wu Feng 五峰 or Gohô by writing Chinese characters with a stick on the sandy beach: “Why do they look so different?” he inquired about the odd-looking newcomers. Wu Feng wrote in answer: “They are traders from among the south-western barbarians 西南蠻種之賈胡也. … These traders visit the same places in the hope of exchanging what they have for what they do not have. There is nothing strange about them.”11 Meanwhile, from 10 For the most detailed study on Hoja Ah-san and the first Portuguese mission led by Tomé Pires, see Paul Pelliot, “Le Hoja et le Sayyid Husain de l‘Histoire des Ming”, T’oung Pao, Second Series, Vol.38, Livr. 2/5(1948), pp.81-292.11 Nanpo Bunshi 南浦文之, Teppô-ki 鐵炮記 (Chronicle of the Musket), 1625 edition, pp. 5a-6b.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 26 8/7/17 3:53 PM
27the report written by Antonio Galvano, Portuguese governor of the Moluccas from 1536 to 1540, in a book published posthumously in 1557, we understand that the first Portuguese trip to Japan in a Chinese junk was in 1542, and there were three Portuguese sailors on board, including Antonio da Mota (also known as Christopher and usually identified with the “Kiri Shita Mota” in the Japanese Teppô-ki), Francis Zimoro and Antonio Perota. The three Portuguese sailors left their fellow countrymen and jumped ship while in Siam, and joined the crew of a Chinese junk bound for China. Galvano himself had never visited Japan but it seems that his account is accurate and reliable.12 What needs to be noted here is that the Chinese literati Wu Feng or Gohô mentioned in the Japanese record above was actually a notorious Chinese corsair chief of the mid 16th century in maritime Asia and his real Chinese name is Wang Zhi 汪直 as recorded in the Chinese Ming archives. In other words, the first Portuguese contact with Japan in 1542-43 was unexpectedly assisted by a well-known Chinese pirate chief who was obviously able to speak Portuguese and communicate with the Portuguese sailors in his team. As such, Wu Feng voluntarily interpreted for his Portuguese friends when dialoguing with the Japanese village headman on the Tanegashima Island. What is more is that the Chinese junk the Portuguese aboard sailing from Siam was, in all probability, a corsair one with about one hundred multinational pirates on board, a fact that could be very interesting and significant and it could shed new light on the history of pre-modern maritime Asia.Chinese merchants and migrants based in Southeast Asia, those in the Dutch Batavia in particular, were always ready to provide similar service to VOC (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie) or the Dutch East India Company. Thus, 1624 saw the Dutch fleet bringing a number of Chinese interpreters from the Chinese community at Batavia to Taiwan in order to open trade with Fujian.13Occasionally young Chinese students from overseas also joined the cohort of interpreters. In his private memoirs about old Canton, William G. Hunter mentions a young but very smart Chinese student named Shaow-Tih, who was his classmate and together they studied at the famous Anglo-Chinese College in Melaka for sixteen months from 1825 to 1826. William G. Hunter was surprised to find out that “It soon became evident that he was no ordinary person. He was familiar with Latin, and our Chinese teachers were one and all struck with his superior attainments in their own language. His name was Shaow-Tih; he was from the province of Sze-Chuen [Sichuan], and about twenty-five years of age. 12 Gary P. Leupp, Interracial Intimacy in Japan: Western Men and Japanese Women, 1543-1900, London and New York: Continuum Press, 2003, pp.1-3.13 Horsea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, Ibid., Volume 1, pp. 66-67.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 27 8/7/17 3:53 PM
28The Japanese Record Teppô-kiChina-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 28 8/7/17 3:53 PM
29He spoke a robust Mandarin dialect, and made himself of great use in prepar-ing copy of wooden blocks for the Chinese printing establishment, as he wrote a beautiful hand.”14 Later on, they returned to Canton respectively. And in late 1829, Mr. Hunter introduced Shaow-Tih to an influential Chinese Hong mer-chant in Canton named How-Qua. Soon afterwards, because of How-Qua’s strong recommendation, Shaow-Tih was offered an appointment to work as an official interpreter at Le-Fan-Yuen (Li-fan-yuan 理蕃院or Ministry of Foreign Affairs) for the Chinese government. The Canton Register of 3rd October 1829 has a full news report about this Chinese young interpreter, saying that he was from the province of Sze-Chuen and had been studying in the Roman Catholic School at Penang, and subsequently at the English College in Melaka, with a vivid description on how a senior Hong merchant had recommended him to Governor Le and how he had passed the translation examination set by the court in Beijing to translate certain Russian papers from Latin to Chinese.15B). African slaves escaped from MacauInterpreters who played an active role in local economic life of Macau and Canton were not only Chinese. Africans, though not many in numbers, could also sometimes be observed. In 1637, for instance, the British fleet led by Captain John Weddle sailed to Canton, and at the mouth of Pearl River, “a fleet of about twenty sail of tall jounckes, passing down from Canton, encountered the English; and, in courteous terms, desired them to anchor, which accordingly they did; and pres-ently John Mounteney, and Thomas Robinson, went aboard the chief mandarine, where were certain Negroes, fugitives of the Portugalls, that interpreted.”16 Very likely these African interpreters serving the local Chinese government were former slaves brought over to Macau by the Portuguese from their colonies in Africa such as Angola and somehow they managed to escape from their masters in Macau.C). Chinese merchants based in Macau and CantonIn the early days of Portuguese Macau, as reported in a memorial submitted to the emperor by the Guangdong Provincial Investigation Censor Pang Shang-peng 龐尚鵬, majority of interpreters serving the Portuguese were merchants and brokers from Zhangzhou 漳州 and Quanzhou 泉州 of south Fujian, Ningbo 寧波 and Shaoxing 紹興 of coastal Zhejiang, as well as Dongguang 東莞 and Xinhui 新會 of Guangdong. They imitated the pronunciation, dressing and life 14 William G. Hunter, Bits of Old China, London: Kegan Paul Trench Co., 1885, pp. 260-261.15 William G. Hunter, Bits of Old China, Ibid., pp.261-262.16 Sir George Stauton, An Authentic Account of An Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China, London: W. Bulmer and Co. 1797, Vol.1, p.6.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 29 8/7/17 3:53 PM
30style of the Portuguese in Macau, wearing earrings while combing their hair in a tiny bun.17 Of them, probably Hokkien people or those from south Fujian and Cantonese were predominant as testified by the records of local gazetteer as follows:Whenever the government officials went to Macau, either civil officials or military generals, they would all sit in the Yi-shi-ting 議事亭 or the Mee-ting Pavilion while all the Yi-mu 彝目[the Portuguese chiefs] sitting in lines. After the tea is served, they start to dialogue through tongshi’s interpretation. All the interpreters are Hokkien people and Cantonese 通事率閩粵人. In case occasionally they are away, both sides as a result cannot communicate. If the barbarians violate the laws and regulations, usually it is tongshi’s fault.18Yi-shi-ting of Early Macau as Illustrated in Aomen jilue 澳門記略In fact, the Portuguese Macau was an important training centre for commercial interpreters. Koxinga’s 國姓爺father, Zheng Zhilong 鄭芝龍 or Iquan 一官, is an 17 Pang Shangpeng 龐尚鵬, “Chen moyi yibao haiyu wanshi zhi’an shi” 陳末議以保海隅萬世治安事 (Memorial on Safeguarding the Coastal Security for Centuries), Huangming jingshi wenbian 皇明經世文編, 1638, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962 reprint, juan 357, p.8.18 Pang Shangpeng 龐尚鵬, “Chen moyi yibao haiyu wanshi zhi’an shi” 陳末議以保海隅萬世治安事 (Memorial on Safeguarding the Coastal Security for Centuries), Huangming jingshi wenbian 皇明經世文編, 1638, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962 reprint, juan 357, p.8.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 30 8/7/17 3:53 PM
31telling example in this regard. In 1623, Zheng Zhilong came to Macau from his hometown Anhai 安海 of south Fujian at the age of 18 to join his maternal uncle Huang Cheng 黃程, who was a merchant trading with the Portuguese in Macau, the Japanese in Nagasaki and the Spanish in Manila.19 Zheng Zhilong assisted his uncle with family business based in Macau. There he was baptized and given the Christian name of Nicholas Gaspard, and he also learnt some basic Portuguese, which greatly facilitated his collaboration with the VOC. Nicholas Gaspard gradually became a qualified interpreter and translator for the Dutch during the 1624-25 conflict and in the negotiations between the Ming government and the Dutch off the Fujian coast.20A careful reading of the records left by the English East India Company staff would often find similar reports on the activities of these early Chinese interpret-ers. Peter Mundy, who travelled to Canton in the British fleet under the command of Captain John Weddell in 1637, mentions a Chinese interpreter named Paulo Norette in his travel account.21The 15 August [1637] came one Paulo Norette [Pablo Noretti], a Man-dereen who formerlie had bene a servant and broker in Mocao, whoe beinge abused by the Portingalls fled to Cantan and served the Generall of the Citte of Mocao Called Campeyn [Tsung-ping, governor]. This man Came abourd of us with a flagge of truce and wee entertained him. …The 16th Ditto [August 1637]. Came the said Mandareene and Desired that 2 mightt bee appointed to goe along with him to Cantan there to putt in our petition, wherein he would assist us to the uttermost of his power, and would worcke the Portugalls what Mischeiffe hee could, by reason, as hee said, they had wrongued and Disgraced him and would have sold him as a slave. Hee now lives with the Cheeompee [Tsung-ping], a great Man in this province, having wife and Children at Macao, and had served the Portugall[s] these 6 or 7 years.This Chinese interpreter with a baptized name Paulo Norette has a Chinese name and is recorded as Li Yerong 李葉榮 in the Ming archives. From the 19 Jiang Risheng 江日昇, Taiwan waiji 台灣外記 (An Unofficial History of Taiwan), 1704, Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1983 reprint, juan 1, p.3.20 For a recent study on the history of the Zheng family and their maritime activities, see James K. Chin, “A Hokkien Maritime Empire in the East and South China Seas, 1623-83”, in Stefan Eklöf Amirell and Leos Müller eds., Persistent Piracy: Maritime Violence and State-Formation in Global His-torical Perspective. Hampshire and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2014, pp.93-112.21 Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, Vol.III, Part I: Travels in Eng-land, Western India, Achin, Macao, and Canton River, 1634-1637, London: Hakluyt Society, 1919, pp.207-208.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 31 8/7/17 3:53 PM
32narrative left by Peter Mundy, it is clear that Li Yerong or Paulo Norette had worked as an interpreter and commercial broker for the Portuguese in Macau for about six to seven years. For some reason, he was despised afterwards and was hardly sold as a slave. He fled from Macau while his family and children were left behind in Macau. Later on, when the British came to Canton in 1637, ask-ing for free trade with China, Paulo Norette was found already employed by the Canton local government as an interpreter, providing service to the Cheeompee or Tsung-ping.22 A footnote provided by Sir Richard Carnac Temple who edited the 4-volume Peter Mundy’s travel accounts clarifies why this Chinese interpreter was despised and ousted by the Portuguese in 1636: “Noretti was a Chinese who had been converted to Christianity by the Portuguese and employed by them as an interpreter. In 1636, he relapsed and left their service, and was said to have been guilty of deceit and malpractices. See the letters of December 1637 to King Charles I. and to the Viceroy of Goa in Appendix E.”23 However, the late Professor Charles Ralph Boxer believes that Paulo Nurette was a Korean rather than a Chinese. C.R. Boxer gives a brief note about this interpreter, saying that “Pablo or Paulo Nurette was a renegade Macanese, brother (in all probability) or perhaps even identical with Antonio Nurette, a native of Korea, who was official interpreter in Nagasaki about the years 1630-33, and very fluent in both Spanish and Portuguese, according to a contemporary Dutch source. Paulo Nurette was murdered in Canton in February 1656, when serving there as interpreter for a Dutch embassy.”24 Obviously, C.R. Boxer was confused by the two interpreters with the same Christian surname Nurette. In a memorial submitted by the Sichuan Governor Li Shijie 李世傑 on 23rd April 1785, Li reports that sometimes the Portuguese priests from Xiyang 西洋 (Portugal) would dwell at a Chinese interpreter’s home, and he particularly men-tions a Macau interpreter named Chen Baolu 陳寶祿 who arranged the Portuguese priest E-di-yi-de-wo 額哋咦德窩 to lodge at his home in November 1775.2522 Tsung-ping or Zongbing 總兵 in Mandarin spelling was a military general in charge of the lo-cal defense. Both Peter Mundy and John Weddell misunderstood the meaning of the post and that’s why in the early British records Tsung-ping was translated as Governor.23 Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, Vol.III, Part I, Ibid., p.208, Footnote 3.24 C.R. Boxer ed. and translated, Seventeen Century Macau in Contemporary Documents and Il-lustrations, Hong Kong: Heinemann (Asia), 1984, p.53.25 Gongzhongdang zhupi zhouze 宮中檔朱批奏摺 (Qing Court Archives: Memorials with Em-peror’s Comment in Red): Sichuan zongdu Li Shijie zoubao xuhuo xiyangren Ba-di-li-fu-xi deng xunming chuanjiao anyou jiejing qingxing zhe 四川總督李世傑奏報續獲西洋人吧哋哩呋哂等訊明傳教案由解京情形摺(Memorial Submitted by the Sichuan Governor Li Shijie on Capturing the Portuguese Priest Ba-di-li-fu-xi and Others and Sending Them to the Capital), Qianlong Year 50, Month 3, Day 15 (23rd April 1785).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 32 8/7/17 3:53 PM
33D). Intermarriages and Luso-Chinese OffspringThe fourth group of interpreters is concerned with Luso-Chinese offspring. With the growth of Macau as a burgeoning Portuguese colony and more and more Chinese quietly moved from mainland to live in the island, inevitably lots of inter-marriages could be expected and observed in early Macau, which in turn produced a large group of mixed-blood descendants who were born bilingual experts.On 1st May 1760, Li Shiyao 李侍堯, Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi, mentions in his memorial submitted to the court that according to his investigation, Chinese residents in Macau were mixed with the Portuguese in their habitation, and frequently Chinese were found to be baptized and converted to Catholicism while changing their names and dressing in foreign style. For example, there was a Hokkien people named Lin Liu 林六 whose father Lin Ximan 林哂滿was a merchant from Fujian and doing business in Macau. Lin Liu was only three years of old when his father died in 1703. And when he grown up in Macau, he married with a Portuguese named An-duo-ni 咹哆呢 (Antonio’s) daughter Fang-ji-ge方濟各 (Francisco?). In 1746, Lin Liu became the interpreter and broker for the Portuguese merchants and changed his name as Duo-Mo 哆默.26H.B. Morse also noticed such a unique Luso-Chinese offspring group emerged in Macau.The English, coming first in 1637, could have no communication with the Chinese except through an interpreter who knew Portuguese and Chinese. This was sometimes an untrustworthy Chinese who could speak Portuguese; sometimes a low-class Portuguese who could speak Chinese; more commonly a half-breed, who had acquired the one tongue from his father, and the other from his mother.27In 1638, an Italian traveler named Marco d’Avalo visited Macau and he observed that many Portuguese had married with Chinese girls. As such, the popu-lation of this city had increased.28 In order to secure a favorable status and assistance in local commercial society, quite a few Chinese merchants based in Macau actually 26 Gongzhongdang zhupi zhouze 宮中檔朱批奏摺 (Qing Court Archives: Memorials with Em-peror’s Comment in Red): Liangguang zongdu Li Shiyao deng zoubao nahuo zai Aomen ru tianzhujiao zhi Lin Liu nizui zhe 兩廣總督李侍堯等奏報拏獲在澳門入天主教之林六擬罪摺(Memorial Submitted by the Liangguang Governor-General Li Shiyao on Capturing Lin Liu Who Was Baptized in Macau), Qianlong Year 25, Month 3, Day 16 (1st May 1760).27 Horsea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, Ibid., Volume 1, p.67.28 “Macau in 1638, by Marco d’Avalo”, in C.R. Boxer ed. and translated, Seventeenth Century Macau in Contemporary Documents and Illusions, Ibid., p.74.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 33 8/7/17 3:53 PM
34were happy to marry with the Portuguese girls. Meanwhile, the size of Chinese community was much larger than that of the Portuguese, who were largely born in either India or Macau, as pointed out by the French Jesuit and historian J.B. Du Halde.29 In 1750, the Magistrate of Xiangshan County Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶also notes down this interesting phenomenon in his report entitled Aomen tushuo 澳門圖說 (Illustrated Account of Macau), saying that there were more than 600 Portuguese families in Macau and each family would have eight members, includ-ing three males and five females.30 In other words, the sex ratio of the Portuguese community in Macau was seriously unbalanced during the 17th and 18th centuries. Consequently, the Portuguese girls would be much willing to marry with Chinese males. According to Qu Dajun, if a Portuguese family had a Chinese to be its son-in-law and held a wedding banquet, the whole city of Macau would celebrate it for the family (得一唐人為婿，舉澳相賀).31 Though the description contained in Guangdong xinyu to some extent could be exaggerated, what Qu Dajun observed and mentioned on the topic should be reliable. But one point, however, should be kept in mind when studying the topic of interpreters in the Portuguese Macau, as noted by C.R. Boxer, local interpreters of Macau were mainly from Christian Chi-nese families rather than from ordinary Chinese families, and usually these families would prefer to have marriage ties formed with the Portuguese.32 Chinese Interpreters and Their FirmsIt seems two types of interpreters existed in both early Macau and Canton. While some were recruited by the local Chinese government to deal with the Portuguese in Macau or British and other Europeans in Canton and were thus labelled as official interpreters, others were private interpreters to serve differ-ent commercial companies and traders. Private interpreter without doubt was majority at that time.Aomen jilue 澳門紀略 or Monograph of Macau co-authored by Yin Guangren印光任 and Zhang Rulin 張汝霖 contains a concise but clear account on the 29 J.B. Du Halde, Description de l’Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise, Paris: P.G. Le Mercier, 1735, Tome Premier, p.234.30 Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶, Aomen tushuo 澳門圖說 (Illustrated Account of Macau), 1750, in He Changling 賀長齡 and Wei Yuan 魏源 compil. Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992 reprint, juan 83, “Coastal Defence Part A”, pp.59-60.31 Qu Dajun屈大均, Guangdong xinyu 廣東新語 (A New History of Guangdong), 1678. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1985 reprint, juan A, p.38.32 C.R. Boxer ed. and translated, Seventeen Century Macau in Contemporary Documents and Illustrations, Ibid., p.15.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 34 8/7/17 3:53 PM
35occupation division in line with the dialect groups in the Portuguese Macau: “The Customs Office and Duty Collection Office have been set up in Macau by the court. Traders, interpreters, brokers and relevant occupations are mostly monopolised by Hokkien people. Meanwhile, porters and shop owners are mainly Cantonese”.33Occupation Division Recorded in Aomen jilue 澳門紀略Nobody knows exactly how many Chinese interpreters existed in early Macau and Canton. The Chinese sources have never provided a complete picture of it, and the only hope is with the Western records though they are fragmentary, and have to piece them together. William C. Hunter leaves us the following rare and important observations and comments.Next to the Hong merchants, other Chinese were closely allied to the foreign community as ‘Linguists’—so called, as it used to be remarked, because they knew nothing of any language but their own. They were 33 Yin Guangren 印光任 and Zhang Rulin 張汝霖, Aomen jilue 澳門紀略 (Monograph of Macau), 1751 edition, Part A, p.3.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 35 8/7/17 3:53 PM
36appointed by the Hoppo to act as interpreters, and were duly licensed. Besides, this was in accordance with the orders of the Pekin Government. As up to treaty days, neither Consul nor Vice-Consul of a foreign nation was ‘officially’ acknowledged, whenever either one of these officers made a communication to the Hoppo it had to be done through the Hong mer-chants, to whom the despatch was taken by a Linguist. The reply would be addressed to these merchants, who were directed to make known the answer to the ‘Chief ’ of the nation, that ‘he might reverently inform himself of it and be duly obedient’ (a matter of form).The principal Linguists were ‘Old Tom’, ‘Young Tom’ and ‘Alantsae’. They were at the head of numerous assistants employed in the ordinary business of foreigners, such as attending upon Mandarins from inside the city while examining merchandise being landed or shipped off, and making up reports of the duties for those officers to take to the Hoppo’s office for registration and subsequent collecting. Their duties were by no means light. They were liable to be summoned at any moment, night or day, in connection with the multifari-ous matters in which their services were required. They were always ready and ever willing, and proved a wonderful convenience to the community at large. Through them we applied for permits when going on a trip to Macao, for the shipping off of an entire cargo of teas or for landing one of foreign goods. All details of whatever nature were regulated and attended by them.34A couple of key points could be summarised based on what William C. Hunter relates above. First, the number of early Chinese interpreters or linguists was limited as they had to be appointed by the Hoppo or the Canton Customs Office 粵海關監督行臺. Moreover, they needed to have a licence to be involved in this special business. In other words, it was the Qing court’s policy not to contact foreigners directly. Instead, all the communications and negotiations between the Chinese government and Europeans had to be conducted through interpreters or linguists. Second, a number of professional translation firms had already formed in Canton and these professional institutions were responsible for the service of foreign trade with European companies, or anything that could be related to foreigners based in Canton and Macau. As a result, their tasks and duties were generally heavy and “were liable to be summoned at any moment, night or day, in connection with the multifarious matters in which their services were required”, which doubtlessly was laborious and exhausting. Third, the language ability of these early interpreters was below standard “because they knew nothing of any language but their own”. Finally, 34 William C. Hunter, The ‘Fan Kwae’ at Canton before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, 1882, Shanghai: The oriental Affairs, 1938 reprint, p.31.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 36 8/7/17 3:53 PM
37Mr. Hunter mentions three names, including Old Tom, Young Tom and Alantsae, and classifies them as “principal linguists”. Luckily, a contemporary English source on Canton’s business provides us with the Chinese names for the three principal interpreters. It turns out that these three Chinese interpreters were influential inter-preter chiefs of the Canton city in the early 19th century and their real Chinese names were Cai Mao 蔡懋, Huang Zhang 黃璋 and Wu Xiang 吳祥 respectively. John R. Morrison cites a full list of Chinese principal interpreters in Canton in his A Chinese Commercial Guide, which was published in 1834 as follows.35List of Principal Interpreters in CantonNickname Translation Firm Chinese NameAtom 亞擔 Fau’wo 寬和 Tsai Mou 蔡懋Young Tom 央亞擔 Woshang 和生 Hwang Chung 黃璋Alantsai 亞蘭仔 Chingwo 正和 Wu Tsiung 吳祥Young Aheen 央亞憲 Shunho 順和 Tsai Tsien 蔡俊Apooy 亞培 Taiwo 太和 Liu Yung 劉榮It is interesting to note that 22 years after its first edition, Morrison’s old friend and colleague Samuel Wells Williams revised, and actually largely rewritten the book and had it reprinted and published in Canton again. I have carefully com-pared the two lists recorded in the two different editions, and realised that not much had been changed over the 22 years except that the name of Taiwo translation firm disappeared from the list and it was replaced by the Hingwo translation firm 興和行 headed by Tsau Yungtai 鄒榮泰 and Tsau’s nickname was Achan 亞贊.36 John R. Morrison and Samuel Wells Williams further elaborate that the custom-clerks or tung sz’ 通事 in Chinese were employed in all intercourses between the Canton Customs officers and foreign merchants. Like the Hong merchants 行商, they were obliged to pay largely for their licences, and liable to heavy exactions, chiefly by the 35 John R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide: Consisting of a Collection of Details and Regulations Respecting Foreign Trade with China, Sailing Directions, Tables etc., Canton: Printed at the Office of the Chinese Repository, 1834, pp.200-201.36 S. Wells Williams, A Chinese Commercial Guide: Consisting of A Collection of Details and Regulations Respecting Foreign Trade with China, Sailing Directions, Tables, etc., Revised and Enlarged, Canton: Printed at the Office of the Chinese Repository, 1856, p.223. Probably because the revisions were so extensive that with the fourth edition Morrison’s name was dropped and William’s name appears on the book cover.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 37 8/7/17 3:53 PM
38Hoppo’s domestics and other staff of the customs office, and the annual expenses of one of their firms was reckoned at 10,000 taels of silver. Moreover, the number of principal interpreters recognised by the Chinese government was between four and six, but each translation firm contains a full complement of clerks, so that it could at the same time transact all the import and export business of a large number of ships.37 If what recorded by John R. Morrison and Samuel Wells Williams is accurate, it could be safely concluded that in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the number of translation firms approved by the Canton local government to do the interpretation and translation business was quite limited, and the life of an inter-preter was not easy indeed as frequently he had to endure the heavy exploitation of extortion from the government officials, not to mention the long working hours.Duties and FunctionsThe labour divisions between interpreters and Hong merchants in early Canton were very clear, especially in terms of duties and functions. A number of duties and functions related to interpreters could be listed as follows.First, since these people under discussion were specialised in interpretation, they were thus responsible for translating instructions, orders and feedbacks from the emperor and government officials into English before formally informing the foreign merchants. Sometime around 1640, for instance, Canton city was alarmed by the Hongyi 紅夷 (Red barbarian, i.e. Dutch) who insisted to have their vessels sailed into the port of Canton by force. In his urgent memorial submitted to the Board of War in Beijing, the Ming Governor-General Zhang Jingxin 張鏡心 gives a detailed report on the event, mentioning that he ordered the interpreter Li Yerong (i.e. Paulo Norette) of the Maritime Defence Department to bring two Dutch chiefs to his office, and interpreted his stern request to the Dutch, ordering them to leave the Canton waters as soon as possible.38 In 1741, sad news reached Canton that the Dutch authorities in Batavia had cruelly maltreated the Chinese residents on the Java Island and had massacred many of them. The number of death was so much so that in 1742 the English East India Company record that “there is scarce a China man at Batavia”. Consequently, the Hoppo asked the two Chinese interpreters to transfer his order to the Dutch supercargoes who had just reached 37 S. Wells Williams, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Ibid., p.223.38 [Ming dynasty] “Bingbu ti shiming huitong liangguang zongdu Zhang Jingxin ti cangao兵部題失名會同兩廣總督張鏡心題殘稿”(An Incomplete Memorial Submitted by Governor-General Zhang Jingxin to the Board of War)”, Mingqing shiliao 明清史料, Yibian 乙編, Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936 reprint, Book 8, pp.751-756.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 38 8/7/17 3:53 PM
39Macau, requesting the Dutch vessels to continue staying at Macau and should not sail to Canton, otherwise he would not promise to guarantee their safety.39 Here, again it was official interpreters working for the local government who translated and conveyed government’s decisions to foreign merchants.William C. Hunter also notes that it was the duty of a linguist to distribute amongst the factories any government proclamations having reference to their affairs, relating to vessels at Whampoa 黃埔 or “receiving ships” at Lintin 伶仃洋. Then, he gives an interesting description about the scenario. “In regard to these the Linguist would ‘translate it’, and point out that the ‘Man-ta-lee’ [Mandarin] said, ‘If they did not immediately get up their anchors and return to their own countries or come to Whampoa, cruisers would be sent down to drive them away, and no more patience manifested’. Then would come the time-honoured question of ‘You savee?’ or, ‘Do you understand?’ with the usual addition of, ‘This time the Manda-rin is really in earnest’. The precious document would then be deposited in the leg of his stocking or in his boot (the customary receptacles), and with ‘My chin-chin you [My compliments to you] he would pass on to our next-door neighbour”.40Second, Chinese interpreters had to write and translate documents and peti-tions to the Chinese government on behalf of foreigners. The English East India Company staff had a diary record dated 16th September 1728, saying that “About a hour and half after, we were sent for in, together with the Chungya [Director of the Canton Customs] and our Linguist, and after a few Compliments, Mr. Godfrey having the Paper that we drew up the 1st Inst. Delivered the same to our Linguist, and he gave it to the Chungya, who delivered it to the T’sunto [Governor-General]. He read it over, and by our Linguist told us, we should deal with responsible Mer-chants, and they pay the Customs, that we might not be imposed on by any little mean People.”41 The Xiangshan Magistrate Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶 also explained that because the language being used by the Macau barbarians was different from Chinese, the government authorities had to depend on interpreters to interpret and transfer, and such a practice had always been conducted in Macau.42Third, interpreters were asked by the government to monitor the daily activi-ties of foreign merchants and their business operation. In case something wrong was spotted by the authorities, interpreters could be arrested and punished. On 1st 39 Horsea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, Ibid., Volume 1, pp.279-281.40 William C. Hunter, The ‘Fan Kwae’ at Canton before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, Ibid., pp.31-32.41 Horsea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, Ibid., Volume 1, p.190.42 Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶, “Shang guangdu lun zhiyu aoyi zhuang 上廣督論製馭澳夷狀” (Report Submitted to the Canton Governor on How to Control the Barbarians in Macau), Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝經世文編, Ibid., juan 83, “Bingzheng 14, Haifang shang”, p.68.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 39 8/7/17 3:53 PM
40November 1750, for example, in their memorial submitted to Emperor Qianlong乾隆皇帝, Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi Chen Dashou 陳大受and the Canton Viceroy Su Chang 蘇昌 reported that each year a large number of foreign vessels sailed into the Canton harbour for trade, and each vessel would have around 200 foreign merchants and sailors on board. In other words, nowadays there were several thousands of foreign merchants and sailors staying in Canton. Aside from the patrolling military forces, the authorities ordered all the Hong merchants and interpreters to assist the government to monitor the activities of foreigners.43 Similar measure and regulations could be found in the account left by William C. Hunter, “They were always ready and ever willing, and proved a wonderful convenience to the community at large. Through them we applied for permits when going on a trip to Macao, for the shipping off of an entire cargo of teas or for landing one of foreign goods. All details of whatever nature were regu-lated and attended to by them. By law and ‘old regulations’, on an excursion on the river, to the ‘flower gardens’ a few miles off, or to the Great Buddhist Temple at Honam, opposite the Factories, a Linguist should personally attend”.44Finally, as briefly noted above, interpreters had to assist foreign merchants to deal with all the matters related to the import and export business. It seems such a regulation was enacted by the Ming government and was put into practice in the mid 16th century. When the Manchus subdued and occupied China, this official requirement for the commercial interpreters was adopted by the Qing government and continued. In his memorial submitted to Emperor Shunzhi 順治皇帝dated 5th June 1647, Governor-General Tong Yangjia 佟養甲 recalls that in the early years when the Fo-lang-xi-guo-ren 佛郎西國人 (Portuguese) just reached Hao-jing-ao 濠鏡澳 (Macau), they were allowed to trade in Canton every year with the local merchants, but the transaction venue was somewhere on the sea and 30 li 里 away from the city, and had to be accompanied and monitored by tongshi or interpreters.45 The most detailed account, nevertheless, is from William C. Hunter.43 Gongzhongdang zhupi zhouze 宮中檔朱批奏摺 (Qing Court Archives: Memorials with Emperor’s Com ment in Red): Liangguang zongdu Chen Dashou deng zoubao Helan shangchuan chuanyuan zixiang shanghai yi zhaoli chuzhi zhe 兩廣總督陳大受等奏報荷蘭商船船員自相傷害已照例處治摺 (Memorial submitted by the Liangguang Governor Chen Dashou and Others on Case of Internal Fights between the Dutch Merchants), Qianlong Year 15, Month 10, Day 3 (1st November 1750).44 William C. Hunter, The ‘Fan Kwae’ at Canton before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, Ibid., p.31.45 Qing Archives: “Liangguang zongdu Tong Yangjia tiqing zhunxu Haojing aoren tongshang maoyi yi fucai yongben 兩廣總督佟養甲題請準許濠鏡澳人通商貿易以阜財用本” (Memorial Submitted by the Liangguang Governor-General Tong Yangjia on Permitting the Portuguese of Macau to Trade with China to Enrich Treasury), Shunzhi Year 4, Month 5, Day 3 (5th June 1647). In Wenxian Congbian 文獻叢編 (A Compilation of Archives and Records), Beijing: Gugong bowuyuan, 1928-30, No.24.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 40 8/7/17 3:53 PM
41During the shipping season, from October to March, the Linguist of a ship in course of loading would be summoned in the evening to a foreign counting-room (if necessity required), and was frequently detained until long after mid-night while lists of teas to be shipped off in the morning were being prepared. With these lists he would then be obliged to go to perhaps several Hongs, to see that the teas were in readiness and ‘chop’ boats ordered to convey them to Whampoa. These duties often involved a whole night’s work, but no sign of impatience or inattention was shown. When a vessel was ready to be measured, the Linguist informed the Hoppo, who then ordered an officer to Whampoa ‘to attend to this duty’, and he was always attended by a member of the Linguists’ establishment called the ‘mandarin’ or ‘official’ Linguist. Should she be under despatch, the Linguist furnished the agent with a memorandum of the ‘Meas-urement and Cumsha’ charges, and at her final departure he brought to his office the ‘grand chop’, or port clearance, which was only delivered to him when he had furnished the Hoppo with receipts or certificates of the import and export duties having been paid, and satisfied him that all formalities had been fulfilled. When a fire broke out near the Factories they were immediately in attendance.46From Interpreters to Hong MerchantsHong is the Cantonese dialect pronunciation for the character Hang 行, mean-ing firm or company. The so-called Hong merchant was a special group of Chinese merchants of late Qing based in Canton and it was very limited in numbers. They were granted the privilege by the court to deal with European companies and merchants from different countries. To some extent the Hong merchants of Canton actually monopolized the foreign trade of China on behalf of the imperial court. What needs to be noted is that with the rapid development of foreign trade centred on the Canton coast and the growth of the interpreter group in Macau and Canton, a number of Chinese principal interpreters started to change their occupation by joining the team of Hong merchants.In the Qing archival records, frequently an influential interpreter’s name Xie Ao 謝鰲 or Xie Jiawu 謝嘉梧 is mentioned. According to Liang Jiabin 梁嘉彬, the pioneering historian on Canton’s Hong merchants studies, Xie Ao is exact the person recorded as Goqua 鰲官 in the contemporary Western sources. Xie was a Hokkien merchant from Zhaoan County 詔安縣 of Zhangzhou Prefecture 漳州府. He had another name Fengxiang 鳳翔 but in the business sector he had a popular name Xie 46 William C. Hunter, The ‘Fan Kwae’ at Canton before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, Ibid., p.32.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 41 8/7/17 3:53 PM
42Aoguan or Seay Goqua 謝鰲官 while the local Cantonese would prefer to call him Maoguan 髦官.47 In 1806, the British East India Company factory staff observed that the post of linguist attached to one of the foreign factories was lucrative, and it was widely known among those who were familiar with the Oriental commerce. As such, “Lyqua one of the new Merchants might not improbably be joined by Goqua the present Head Linguist, who was desirous of retiring from that situation in which he had long proved himself a diligent and faithful servant to the Company and to the public, in order to transact the business of Hong Merchant”.48 Obviously, Goqua was fed up with the heavy responsibility that the Head Linguist had to shoulder and he would like to be retiring. Soon afterwards, probably sometime around 1810, collaborating with his brother Xie Jiatong 謝嘉桐, Goqua established his own trade firm named Dongyu hang 東裕行 in Canton, which was further renamed as Dongxing hang or Tunghing hong 東興行 by his nephew Xie Youren or Seay Yewjin 謝有仁. In The Chinese Repository of 1837, an English journal published in Canton in the early 19th century, a full list of thirteen official Hong merchants is provided and people could still see the name of Tunghing hong included in the list.49Another influential Chinese interpreter-cum-merchant needs to be particularly noted is Pan Qi 潘啟 or Puankhequa 潘啟官 as it appears in the British records. According to the Genealogy of Pan Lineage, the family was originally from Guangzhou光州 of Henan 河南 province and migrated to Quanzhou 泉州 and Zhangzhou of south Fujian. Puankhequa was born in 1714 in Tong’an 同安 which is part of Xiamen 廈門 (Amoy) today. He set sail to Manila to trade for three times together with his fel-low villagers when he was young, and as a result he learnt yi-yu 夷語 (foreign language), which refers to Spanish as Manila was under Iberian’s rule at that time. Puankhequa then left his home village in south Fujian and worked at a Chinese maritime trade firm in Canton with his expertise in interpretation and business. In the early 1740s, Puankhequa left the interpretation business and launched his own import and export business firm by joining the list of Hong merchants. The business of his trade firm or Tongwen hang同文行 expanded quickly and gradually it became one of the leading firms in Canton specializing in doing import and export business with the British East India Company.5047 Liang Jiabin 梁嘉彬, Guangdong shisanhang kao 廣東十三行考 (A Treatise on the Thirteen Hongs of Canton), Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1937, pp. 340-341.48 Horsea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, Ibid., Volume 3, pp. 31-32.49 See The Journal of Chinese Repository, 1837, Canton, Volume 5, p. 432.50 See Panyu Longxi Panshi zupu 番禺龍溪潘氏族譜 (Genealogy of Pan Lineage from Longxi Panyu), 1920 reprint; Yongzhengchao hanwen zhupi zouzhe huibian 雍正朝漢文朱批奏摺匯編 (Collection of Memorials Submitted in the Yongzheng Reign with Emperor’s Comments in Red), Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1986 reprint, Book 22, p.934; Horsea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834, Ibid., Volume 1, pp.291, 301; Volume 2, pp.36-46; Liang Jiabin, Guangdong shisanhang kao, Ibid., pp.259-273.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 42 8/7/17 3:53 PM
43Picture of Puakheque and His Signature in English and ChineseConclusionInterpreter as an occupation and social function group has a long history in China, and its origin could be traced back to B.C. 375. The most popular title for interpreters in imperial China was tongshi and initially it referred to persons who were responsible for communication and interpretations between Han Chinese and nomadic tribes of northern China. The formation and development of the tongshi mechanism to some extent was closely related to the tribute system of imperial China, and was sometimes introduced to offshore islands with the extension of impe-rial China’s administration and sovereignty. Consequently, indigenous regimes and kingdoms of Southeast Asia would normally have Chinese interpreters employed in their tribute missions, aiming at fitting into the traditional Chinese tribute system.Three types of Chinese were recruited to be interpreters for the tribute missions from Southeast Asia, including maritime merchants, smuggling traders, fishermen, sailors, and criminals. After sojourning at port polities overseas for some years, they could speak fluently local languages and thus became suitable interpreters for the foreign missions. Of them, coastal residents and merchants from south Fujian and Jiangxi probably were the most active.Regarding the composition of early interpreters in south China, at least four groups of people could be identified in terms of their backgrounds and places of China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 43 8/7/17 3:53 PM
44origin, such as Chinese migrants and pirates from Southeast Asian port polities, Chinese merchants based in Macau and Canton, African slaves escaped from Macau, as well as the Luso-Chinese offspring produced by intermarriages in Por-tuguese Macau.Official interpreters and private interpreters co-existed in early Macau and Canton. Their numbers, however, were not many as they had to apply for a licence from the Chinese government before being appointed by the Hoppo. In addition, interpreters had their own business firms or hong to conduct this special business. Again, the numbers of translation firm were quite limited and normally there were only five of it, a size that remained unchanged for several decades from the late 18th to the early 19th centuries.Different duties and functions were set by the Qing court, including translation of government instructions, orders and feedbacks from the emperor and officials, distributing government decisions and notices among foreign merchants, writing and translating documents and petitions to the Chinese government on behalf of foreigners, monitoring the daily activities of foreign merchants and their business operation, and assisting foreign merchants to deal with all the matters related to the import and export business. In other words, the tasks and duties shouldered by interpreters were generally very heavy and exhausting. As a result, a number of influential principal interpreters resigned from the post and joined the cohort of Hong merchants.In short, during this period under discussion, with the coming of the Portu-guese and other European traders, interpreters were indispensible in local society of Macau and Canton. With the development of China’s trade with countries overseas, those from Europe in particular, interpreters were organized and gradually grew into a special function group specialized in facilitating business transactions at emporia of coastal south China. It is in this sense that we should considerably highlight the significant contributions they made towards the rise and growth of China’s foreign trade centred in early Macau and Canton.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 44 8/7/17 3:53 PM
45BETWEEN GLOBAL AND REGIONAL ASPIRATIONS: CHINA’S MARITIME FRONTIER AND THE FUJIANESE IN THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY1Roderich Ptak and Hu BaozhuIntroductionThe history of coastal southern China in the early seventeenth century forms the topic of many learned studies. This includes work on important ports such as Macau, Zhangzhou 漳州 and Fuzhou 福州, on smaller offshore locations and the two large islands of Hainan and Taiwan, on sea routes, commercial exchange, laws and taxes, on merchants, institutions and polities involved in trade, on cer-tain models and categories, as indeed, on many other topics related to economic and political issues. A huge collection of “hard facts” related to this macro-region and period in time has become available through thousands of publications in different languages. Therefore scholars will find it increasingly difficult to unearth completely new data pertaining to this field of study.It is also true that viewpoints often vary from one work to the next. When writ-ing about the Zheng 鄭 clan and the VOC (Dutch East India Company) on Taiwan, Fujianese and Dutch historians often opt for different positions. Similar observations apply to research on Luso-Chinese relations: scholars in the Far East and Portugal follow their own traditions in dealing with Macau’s past. Certain ports and regions at a distance from the China coast, but tied to it through various networks, multiple forms of exchange and the presence of strong Chinese communities (as, for exam-ple, in Manila and Nagasaki), pose additional questions that have not always led to unanimous answers. Not infrequently, specialists quote identical sources, selecting, however, different mosaic stones to construct their “own” panorama views; this may lead to unexpected explanations as to why a particular chain of events occurred, or why a set of observable things should undergo reconsideration. The present paper 1 An earlier version of this article has come out in Journal of Asian History 47.2 (2013).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 45 8/7/17 3:53 PM
46falls into the same category. It does not explore new facts, but draws attention to a standard set of “things”, while adding some random observations that readers may find acceptable, far-fetched, purely hypothetical, or even provocative.2Simply put, these notes review the role of China’s coastal frontier, especially of Fujian and its merchants, within the larger setting of maritime East Asia in the early seventeenth century, i.e., during the period of transition from Ming to Qing. This period was marked by a rapid sequence of events that can be linked to political and economic phenomena with interregional and / or global dimensions. The idea is to show that the Chinese, more particularly the Fujianese, emerged as the real “winners” of this process.Merchant GroupsWe may begin by summarizing some essential features commonly associated with coastal Fujian and Guangdong, as well as with the island belt in front of the China mainland. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries one encoun-ters several markets and trading groups throughout these regions. The principal items of trade were silk and silver. Silver mostly came from Kyushu and Latin America, via the Pacific route and Manila; silk originated from the lower Yangzi region and other areas inside China; several continental ports exported different kinds and qualities, and a large stock of raw silk reached Nagasaki, Manila and other ports. The composition of silk shipments varied from one decade to the next and also between different networks.3 Besides these commodities, ships sail-ing through the East and South China Seas carried precious timber, aromatic and medicinal substances, gold, copper and other metals, sulphur, animals and animal products, food, manufactured objects, and various small items of daily use.Within this arrangement Macau served as the major outlet for the central Guangdong market. But the Portuguese only constituted one group of merchants in Japan and, during certain decades as well, in Manila. Besides Portuguese ships, dozens of Chinese junks from Fujian and Zhejiang and some Southeast Asian vessels manned with Chinese captains and crew came to these ports on an annual 2 The authors of the present article only cite selected secondary works; this mostly concerns literature on Chinese activities in the maritime world. Older works, including certain “standard” books and articles, for example by Fu Yiling 傅衣凌 and Tian Rukang 田汝康, are not, or very rarely, quoted.3 Silk and silver: The standard works by Okamoto Yoshitomo 岡本良知, Quan Hansheng 全漢昇, Charles R. Boxer, William S. Atwell, George Bryan Souza and others are well-known and need not to be listed here. Some of the titles quoted below also carry data on silk, silver and other commodities.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 46 8/7/17 3:53 PM
47basis.4 The Japanese themselves were also out at sea, avoiding China, but sailing to Siam, the coast of modern Vietnam, and occasionally to Manila plus certain other locations in Southeast Asia. However, due to political and other changes, the Japanese withdrew from the sea in the 1630s and Japan began to stage what may be called a “closed door” policy, with Nagasaki left as its only major window to the southern world.5 Japan was also in touch with the Ryukyu Islands. By then, the Ryukyuans were only a very minor player on the Asian seas. The peak period of their activities belonged to the distant past. In the course of the sixteenth century their network had declined – for lack of adequate large-size vessels and because the Ming had gradually downscaled official exchange between Okinawa and China. Furthermore, Fujianese merchants had eroded various segments of the Ryukyu network, and in 1567 the relaxation of Ming trade prohibitions had diverted Chinese interests to other locations, thus further reducing Ryukyuan activities.6Spanish vessels sailed back and forth between Manila and Nagasaki until the 1630s and of course they were the only carriers on the Pacific route. The Dutch became a heavy weight in the early seventeenth century, especially after the establishment of Batavia and with the beginning of trade between Nagasaki and 4 For Chinese sailing to and residing in Japan, see, for example: Kobata Atsushi 小葉田淳, Kingin bōekishi no kenkyū 金銀貿易史の研究 (Tokyo: Hōsei daigaku shuppan kyoku, 1976), esp. pp. 243 -283; Robert Leroy Innes, The Door Ajar: Japan’s Foreign Trade in Seventeenth Century (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, 1980; unpublished doctoral dissertation), esp. tables on pp. 379 -380, 416 -417, 635 -636; Li Xianzhang 李獻璋, Nagasaki Tōjin no kenkyū 長崎唐人の研究 (Sasebo: Shinwa ginkō, 1991); Sakuma Shigeo 佐久間重男, Nichimin kankeishi no kenkyu 日明関係史の研究 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 1992), pp. 322 -345; Marius B. Jansen, Chinese in the Tokugawa World (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Pr., 1992); Patrizia Carioti, “The Origins of the Chinese Community of Nagasaki, 1571 -1635”, Ming Qing yanjiu 14 (2006), pp. 1 -34. For the Chinese in Manila, see, for example, Juan Gil, Los Chinos en Manila. Siglos XVI y XVII (Lisbon: Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, 2011). Gil’s account surpasses the older work by Pierre Chaunu, Les Philippines et le Pacifique des Ibériques (XVIe, XVIIe, XVIIIe siècles). Introduction méthodologique et indices d’activité (Paris: S. E. V. P. E. N., 1960), which contains many statistics. For a broader perspective recently also several sections in John E. Wills (ed.), China and Maritime Europe, 1500 -1800: Trade, Settlement, Diplomacy, and Missions (New York, etc.: Cambridge Univ. Pr., 2011).5 For the Japanese overseas the many works by Iwao Seiichi 岩生成一 are still important. See his Shuinsen bōekishi no kenkyū 朱印船貿易史の研究 (Tokyo: Kōbundō, 1958; later revised), Nanyō Nihon machi no kenkyū 南洋日本町の研究 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1966), and “Japanese Foreign Trade in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries”, Acta Asiatica 30 (1976), pp. 1 -18.6 Many studies deal with these issues. See, for example, Chang Pin-tsun (Zhang Bincun 張彬村), Chinese Maritime Trade: The Case of Sixteenth Century Fu-chien (Fukien) (Princeton: Princeton University, 1983; unpublished doctoral dissertation), pp. 184 et seq.; in short form, relevant chapters in Xie Bizhen 謝必震, Ming Qing Zhong Liu hanghai maoyi yanjiu 明清中琉航海貿易研究 (Beijing: Haiyang chubanshe, 2004). For competition among different groups, see, for example, R. P., “The Fujianese, Ryukyuans and Portuguese (c. 1511 to 1540s): Allies or Competitors?”, Anais de História de Além-Mar 3 (2002), pp. 447 -467. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 47 8/7/17 3:53 PM
48Southeast Asia. From the 1620s onwards we also find them on Taiwan where they clashed with Japanese, Spanish and Chinese groups. But there were short periods of peaceful cooperation between Chinese migrants and the VOC as well; therefore, the image of the Dutch on Taiwan, off the Fujian coast and in parts of Southeast Asia is a very complex one.While these facets of our panorama are quite familiar to most European readers, the role of the Chinese is more difficult to grasp. In some secondary sources China simply appears as a monolithic block. Other works refer to different Chinese macro-regions and different trading groups with varying aspirations. Not infrequently, these groups acted quite independently, in opposition to local and / or central authorities. This led to rivalries on all levels, but there were also short periods in which some groups decided to cooperate with other groups, or even with the state’s representatives. In such situations the role of the upper class – mostly bureaucrats, entrepreneurs and landowners – differed from port to port, and region to region. Chinese scholars have tried to disentangle many relevant facts, but in a number of cases one cannot be certain of how to view and weigh a particular constellation.Views and Terminology, Size and TechnologyIn regard to China’s involvement in maritime affairs the problems of inter-pretation often begin with the relevant terminology. Men like Zheng Zhilong 鄭芝龍 and Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功 appear as powerful pirate leaders in some works, other scholars simply refer to the “Zheng group” (鄭氏集團), deliberately leaving it open how one should define its status. Still others are proud of the fact that Zheng Chenggong consistently opposed the Manchu government and cleaned Taiwan from the greedy Dutch, while older European accounts describe much of the early and mid-seventeenth century as a period during which the Chinese coast was infested with smugglers, pirates and “dark elements”.7 Similar problems pertain 7 Modern European language works on Zheng Zhilong and Zheng Chenggong abound. Here we only give some titles: Ralph C. Crozier, Koxinga and Chinese Nationalism: History, Myth, and the Hero (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Pr., 1977); John E. Wills, Jr., “Maritime China from Wang Chih to Shih Lang: Themes in Peripheral History”, in Jonathan D. Spence and Wills (eds.), From Ming to Ch’ing. Conquest, Region, and Continuity in Seventeenth Century China (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Pr., 1979), esp. pp. 217 et seq.; Gabriele Foccardi (ed.), The Last Warrior. The Life of Cheng Ch’eng-kung, the Lord of the “Terrace Bay”. A Study on the T’ai-wan wai-chih (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986); Leonard Blussé, “Minnan-jen or Cosmopolitan? The Rise of Cheng Chih-lung alias Nicolas Iquan”, in Eduard B. Vermeer (ed.), Development and Decline of Fukien Province in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990), pp. 245 -264; relevant sections in Lynn Struve, The Southern Ming, 1644 -1662 (New Haven: Yale Univ. Pr., 1984), and her contribution to Frederick W. Mote and Dennis Twitchett (eds.), Cambridge History of China. Vol. 7: China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 48 8/7/17 3:53 PM
49to the mid-sixteenth century. When so-called Wokou 倭寇 groups attacked other Wokou “gangs”, this is sometimes depicted as a kind of anarchic scenario, or even as a warlike situation between illegal rivals, while other scholars have drawn atten-tion to the fact that such groups would also participate in international trade, as peaceful merchants, and that they often owned large merchant fleets.This brings us to a further point. How large and influential were these groups? How many ships and how much capital did they control, how far did their networks extend? European sources often contain accurate statistics related to incoming ships, the quantities of commodities exchanged, capital flows and forms of investments, crew membership, migrants, taxes and other such data. In the case of Chinese merchants groups, comparable statistics are rarely available; for relevant figures one usually must consult colonial sources. This material pro-vides fairly accurate images of Manila and Batavia, but if we wish to know more about the movement of Chinese vessels through the Sulu Sea, or through the Gulf of Tong -king, to mention just two scenarios, figures are difficult to obtain. Nevertheless, one may assume that in many years Chinese junks took more cargo, say, to Nagasaki than all other competitors would carry to this port at the same time. One source records, for example, that ten Chinese vessels came to Japan in 1609. In the following years the annual average was above 30 ships. In 1639, the number increased to 93. From 1648 to 1661, the aggregated total was 686 vessels, which implies an average of almost 50 ships per year. In the period following the conquest of Taiwan through the Qing, one also encounters high figures.8 These data suggest that the Chinese were indeed the most important foreign merchant group active in Japan.The Ming Dynasty. Part I (Cambridge, etc.: Cambridge Univ. Pr., 1988), esp. pp. 666 et seq., 710 et seq.; Patrizia Carioti, Zheng Chenggong (Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici, 1995), and “The Zheng’s Maritime Power in the International Context of the 17th Century Far Eastern Seas: The Rise of a ‘Centralized Piratical Organization’ and Its Gradual Development into an Informal ‘State’, Ming Qing yanjiu 5 (1996), pp. 29 -67; Jonathan Clements, Pirate King: Coxinga and the Fall of the Ming Dynasty (Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 2004). A very recent and comprehensive work is: Cheng Wei-chung, War, Trade and Piracy in the China Seas (1622--1683) (Leiden: Brill, 2013).8 See, Liu Jun 劉軍, “Mingdai haishang maoyi de chukou shangpin” 明代海上貿易的出口商品, Caijing wenti yanjiu 財經問題研究 12 (2010), p. 24; Xu Xiaowang 徐曉望, “Wan Ming Riben shichang de kaituo ji xianzhi” 晚明日本市場的開拓及限制, Zhonggong Fujian shengwei dangxiao xuebao 中共福建省委黨校學報 6 (2010), pp. 77 -78; Zhu Delan 朱德蘭, “Qing kai hailing hou de Zhong Ri Changqi maoyishang yu guonei yan’an maoyi” 清開海令後的中日長崎貿易商與國内沿岸貿易, in Zhang Yanxian, 張炎憲 (ed.), Zhongguo haiyang fazhanshi lunwenji 中國海洋發展史論文集, vol. 3 (Taibei: Academia Sinica..., 1988), pp. 370 -375. For a larger panorama, also, see, for example, Li Longsheng 李隆生, Ming houqi haiwai maoyi de tantao 明後期海外貿易的探討 (Shanghai: Fudan University, 2004; unpublished doctoral dissertation); Jing Xiaoyan 荊曉燕, Ming Qing zhi ji Zhong Ri maoyi yanjiu 明清之際中日貿易研究 (Ji’nan: Shandong University, 2008; unpublished doctoral dissertation).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 49 8/7/17 3:53 PM
50There is more evidence for the enormous size of China’s foreign trade sector. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century Yuegang 月港 alone, a port in South Fujian, generated estimated annual imports of more than two million silver tael (liang 兩).9 Conceivably, maritime China’s total imports exceeded this amount by far. Likewise, towards the middle of the seventeenth century, the total capital, number of ships and crew available to Zheng Chenggong must have surpassed the property of the VOC – and perhaps also the combined assets of Manila and Macau.While European communities in such ports usually reached several hundred persons, thousands of Chinese sailors, merchants and migrants moved across the East and South China Seas. Numerically, this migration was so massive that several massacres which killed thousands of settlers on Taiwan, in Manila and Batavia had no long-lasting effect on the overall situation. Certainly, for brief periods in time, migrants would avoid these “trouble spots” and move to other locations instead, but ultimately new waves of people from continental China would appear in the “old sites”.10Europeans ruled certain key ports along the shores of Southeast Asia, but it were the Chinese who provided much of the local labour, who offered services, constructed ships and buildings, went into farming and mining, set up the local infrastructure, acted as consultants, medical doctors, instructors, and so forth. Without these groups many European settlements would not have been able to survive and flourish. When a Portuguese or Dutch vessel sank and the cargo disappeared in the middle of the sea, this was usually recorded as a terrible disaster. In the early sev-enteenth century, the Dutch blockaded the port of Macau on several occasions, thus making it very difficult or impossible for the annual Portuguese carrack to leave for Japan and acquire silver for the Guangzhou market; the losses incurred upon the city of Macau in that way were badly felt. The same may be said in regard 9 For example, Chang Pin-tsun, Chinese Maritime Trade, p. 271.10 Works with references to or detailed accounts of massacres include the following titles: (1) For Taiwan — Lian Heng 連衡, Taiwan tongshi 臺灣通史, 2 vols. (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1983; earlier Taibei: Zhongwen tushu gongsi, 1979), I, pp. 15 -16; Xu Xiaowang 徐曉望 et al. (author / ed.), Fujian tongshi 福建通史, 5 vols. (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2006), IV, pp. 464 -465; Qi Jialin 戚嘉林, Taiwan shi 台灣史 (rev. ed. Taibei: Haixia xueshu chubanshe, 2008), pp. 61 -72; Johannes Huber, “Chinese Settlers against the Dutch East India Company: The Rebellion Led by Kuo Huai-i on Taiwan in 1652”, in Vermeer (ed.), Development and Decline, pp. 265 -290. (2) For Manila — Albert Chan, “Chinese-Philippine Relations in the Late Sixteenth Century and to 1603”, Philippine Studies 26 (1978), pp. 51 -82; José Eugenio Borao Mateo, “Percepciones chinas sobre los españoles de Filipinas: la massacre de 1603”, Revista española del Pacífico 8 (1998), pp. 233 -254; Gil, Los Chinos en Manila, esp. pp. 149 et seq., pp. 467 et seq. (3) For Batavia — Johannes T. Vermeulen, De Chineezen en Batavia en de troebelen van 1740 (Leiden：N. V. Boek- en Steendrukkerij Eduard Ijdo, 1938); Willem Remmelink, The Chinese War and the Collapse of the Javanese State 1725 -1743 (Leiden：KITLV Press, 1994年); various works by A. R. T. Kemasang.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 50 8/7/17 3:53 PM
51to the 1630s, when Dutch squadrons chased Portuguese vessels in the Strait of Melaka and in the waters around modern Singapore. Ming losses at sea are rarely reported in the sources, we have no clear idea about the total number of casualties and the material sacrifice associated with such episodes. But it is most astonishing to see that, quite evidently, after a major disaster, merchant leaders often ordered the construction of new fleets, quickly acquired modern weapons and managed to hire fresh crews.True, China’s coast guard was not always efficient in warding off intruders, however, hundreds of vessels patrolled the shores of Fujian and Guangdong, forti-fied posts existed near all major ports and inlets, small and flexible troops could be moved from one location to the next, often within hours, and normally there were sufficient supplies. Local chronicles with data pertaining to the late Ming and early Qing periods suggest that much of China’s coast line was equipped with everything needed to support trade and defences. Presumably, the logistics of many Chinese “merchant empires” was equally well developed.Without doubt, there was a gap between European and Chinese military tech-nology, but that gap did not matter very much as the VOC’s disaster on Taiwan clearly suggests. Zheng Chenggong crossed the Taiwan Strait with a large number of vessels and several thousand men – an operation comparable in size to the allied invasion of northern France in 1944 – and succeeded in eroding Dutch positions within days. Fort Zeelandia was heavily defended, but in the end Zheng’s troops forced the VOC to surrender.11 The preparation for this war, as for so many other clashes along the China coast, between rival groups, required sophisticated and highly flexible infrastructures, adaptable to times of peace and violence. Whether any of the colonial systems established in the Far East during this period can really be compared to the mighty structures put up by Chinese groups, is hard to tell. 11 Recently on the war between Zheng Chenggong and the VOC: Tonio Andrade, Lost Colony. The Untold Story of China’s First Great Victory over the West (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton Univ. Pr., 2011). Also see his How Taiwan Became Chinese. Dutch, Spanish, and Han Colonization in the Seventeenth Century (New York: Columbia Univ. Pr., 2008; and “gutenberg e-book”), pp. 240 -244. Among the many Chinese works one finds, for example, Jiang Shusheng 江樹生, Zheng Chenggong he Helan ren zai Taiwan de zui hou yi zhan ji huanwen dihe 鄭成功和荷蘭人在臺灣的最後一戰及换文締和 (Taibei: Hansheng zazhi she, 1992), and Tang Yunxuan 湯韻旋, Zheng Chenggong shoufu Taiwan 鄭成功收服臺灣 (Fuzhou: Fujian jiaoyu chubanshe, 2007). Older works include: Samuel Kalff, “De val van Formosa”, De Gids 61 (1897), pp. 104 -138; Charles R. Boxer, “The Siege of Fort Zeelandia and the Capture of Formosa from the Dutch, 1661 -1662”, Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society of London 24 (1927), pp. 15 -47. — An important primary source is C. G. Molewijk (introduction and comment), `t Verwaerloosde Formosa, of waerachting verhael, hoedanigh door verwaerloosinge der Nederlanders in Oost-Indien, het Eylandt Formosa, van den Chinesen Mandorijn, ende Zeeroover Coxinja, overrompelt, vermeestert, ende ontweldight is geworden (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 1991). — Also see R. P., “Zur Befreiung Taiwans vom holländischen Joch: Die Vertreibung der Niederländer durch Zheng Chenggong vor 350 Jahren”, Saeculum 62.1 (2012), pp. 113-134.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 51 8/7/17 3:53 PM
52Already much earlier, if we think of Kublai Khan and his campaigns against Japan and Java, the Far East was able to mobilize giant fleets and stage impressive military activities on the high seas and in coastal waters. Moreover, Fujian had a long tradition in acquainting itself with imported technology. Under the Song and Yuan, Islamic merchants, so it appears, provided geographical, navigational, commercial and other knowledge to the residents of the Quanzhou 泉州 region. In the early fifteenth century, when Zheng He 鄭和 and Wang Jinghong 王景弘 (who hailed from that province) led huge fleets across the Indian Ocean, they probably relied – to some measure at least – on the experiences of Fujianese sailors and pilots, merchants and shipbuilders, and the knowhow ultimately inherited from a distant “Islamic past”. Much later, when the Portuguese and Dutch had made their appearance in Chinese waters, efforts were undertaken to copy Euro-pean ships and artillery. Most definitely, the Japanese, curious about Portuguese fire arms already since the mid-sixteenth century, were not the only ones to move towards new technological horizons. The Zheng group, so it seems, tried its best to bridge the military gap.In short then, what we are looking at in the case of early seventeenth-century coastal China and the island belt in front of its doors, is not just a complex matrix of ports and networks related to each other in variegated ways, but a system that was much more dominated by one group than has been conventionally assumed. To some this group is the Chinese in their totality, others believe it should be disaggregated into different branches, or “sub-groups”, with each or most of these entities numerically more powerful over long decades in time than any of their non-Chinese competitors.Fujianese Ports and SearoutesIn the late sixteenth century, after the relaxation of trade prohibitions in 1567, several ports along the shores of Fujian were involved in coastal and foreign exchange. Fuzhou had a reputation of being in touch with various locations in Zhejiang and some ports farther north, as well as with Okinawa and Nagasaki. The areas of Xinghua 興化 and Hui’an 惠安 also participated in trade, but at a reduced scale. While Fuzhou remained influential towards the end of Ming rule and thereafter, Xinghua prefecture, with Putian 莆田 county and Meizhou 湄州 Island as two of its best-known sites, experienced difficult times in the early seventeenth century, due to unfavorable conditions.1212 For Fuzhou, see, for example, Tang Wenji 唐文基 (ed.), Fujian gudai jingjishi 福建古代經濟史 (Fuzhou: Fujian jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995), pp. 484 -485, 607 -614; Fuzhougang shizhi bianji China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 52 8/7/17 3:53 PM
53To the south of this region, Quanzhou was a major location. Its merchants mostly traded along the so-called eastern trade route (dong hanglu 東航路) asso-ciated with the “Eastern Ocean” (Dongyang 東洋). This route connected Fujian to the Penghu Islands 澎湖群島, southern Taiwan, Luzon, the Sulu zone and various regions now belonging to eastern Indonesia. By contrast, Zhangzhou was certainly more closely tied to the western trade axis (xi hanglu 西航路) and the “Western Ocean” (Xiyang 西洋). The western corridor extended from Fujian to Guangdong and Hainan, the Vietnam coast, the Gulf of Siam, the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula and various destinations around the Java Sea.13 Portuguese written sources and maps often refer to Zhangzhou and its vicinity under the name “Chincheo”. More important however, Zhangzhou and Quanzhou were competitors.Yuegang, already mentioned above, a port near Zhangzhou, was particularly active in the middle of the sixteenth century and closely associated with smuggling activities. In 1567 it became a local administrative center and changed its name to Haicheng 海澄. Zhangzhou and Quanzhou were rivals in their efforts to make use of this town. To the northeast of Haicheng one finds several islands. One of these places – Ludao 鷺島 – rose to great importance because of another location, the port of Xiamen 厦門, also called Amoy in the local dialect, and poetically referred weiyuanhui 福州港史志編輯委員會 (ed.), Fuzhougang shi 福州港史 (Beijing: Renmin jiaotong chubanshe, 1996), pp. 36 -72. For Xinghua and Putian: Edward B. Vermeer, “The Decline of Hsing-hua Prefecture in the Early Ch’ing”, in same (ed.), Development and Decline, pp. 101 -161.13 For the sea routes, especially the eastern route, see, for example, J. V. G. Mills, “Chinese Navigators in Insulinde, about A.D. 1500”, Archipel 18 (1979), pp. 69 -93; Zeng Shaocong 曾少聰, Dongyang hanglu yimin. Ming Qing haiyang yimin Taiwan yu Feilübin de bijiao yanjiu 東洋航路移民. 明清海洋移民台灣與菲律賓的比較研究 (Nanchang: Jiangxi gaojiao chubanshe, 1998); Yang Guozhen 楊國楨, Min zai hai zhong. Zhuixun Fujian haiyang fazhanshi 閩在海中. 追尋福建海洋發展史 (Nanchang: Jiangxi gaojiao chubanshe, 1998); R. P., “Jottings on Chinese Sailing Routes to Southeast Asia, Especially on the Eastern Route in Ming Times”, in Jorge M. dos Santos Alves (ed.), Portugal e a China. Conferências nos encontros de história luso-chinesa (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 2001), pp. 107 -131; Liu Yingsheng, “The Taiwan Strait between the Twelfth and Sixteenth Centuries and the Maritime Route to Luzon”, Journal of Asian History 46.2 (2012), pp. 167 -180. — In that context one may also mention new research on the Shunfeng xiangsong 順風相送 (a book on navigation) and a recently discovered Chinese map in Oxford. See, for example, Zhang Rong 張榮 and Liu Yijie 劉義傑, “‘Shunfeng xiangsong’ jiaokan ji biancheng niandai xiaokao” ‘順風相送’ 校勘及編成年代小考, Guojia hanghai 國家航海 3 (2012); Qian Jiang 錢江, “Yi fu xin faxian de Mingchao zhongye caihui hanghai tu” 一幅新發現的明朝中葉彩繪航海圖, Haijiaoshi yanjiu 海交史研究 59 (2011), pp. 1 -7; Guo Yusheng 郭育生 and Liu Yijie, “‘Dongxi hanghai tu’ chengtu shijian chutan” ‘東西洋航海圖’ 成圖時間初探, Haijiaoshi yanjiu 60 (2011), pp. 67 -81; Tang Jintai 湯錦台, Minnan haishang diguo — Minnan ren yu Nanhai wenming de xingqi 閩南海上帝國 — 閩南人與南海文明的興起 (Taibei, etc.: Ruguo chuban shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 2013), appendix; Robert Batchelor, “The Selden Map Rediscovered: A Chinese Map of East Asian Shipping Routes, c. 1619”, Imago Mundi 65.1 (2013), pp. 37 -63; Timothy Brook, Mr. Selden’s Map of China. Decoding the Secrets of a Vanished Cartographer (New York, etc.: Bloomsbury Press, 2013).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 53 8/7/17 3:53 PM
54to as Lumen 鷺門. Like Yuegang, Xiamen had a reputation for sheltering crimi-nal elements, but there were military installations on the island (thus also called Zhongzuosuo 中左所) as well and at some point in time officials suggested to move the local customs authority to Xiamen. This led to fresh discussions between Zhangzhou and Quanzhou; subsequently a new site, Guiyu 圭嶼, was suggested for that purpose.14In the further course of time Xiamen became a central location for the activities of the Zheng clan. This group also developed several other places, including Anhai 安海, later renamed Anping 安平, a town circa fifteen kilometers to the south of Quanzhou. In the early 1650s, when Zheng Chenggong led a campaign on the mainland, government troops moved to Xiamen, but Zheng quickly retook this place. Four years later Zhongzuosuo was renamed Simingzhou 思明州, “Thinking of the Ming”; through this name Zheng Chenggong wished to express his loyalty to the defeated dynasty. In 1661 he sent his invasion fleet to Taiwan, liberating the island from the Dutch (1662), as was already said. Shortly thereafter Zheng Chenggong died and was followed by his son Zheng Jing 鄭經. In 1663 the latter lost Xiamen, this time to a Qing force that received VOC support. But his troops came back and restored Xiamen for several years. However, the Qing launched a major counter-offensive, not only taking this port for good, but also all the Zheng installations on Taiwan. This marked the end of Zheng rule over the island. The key figure on the Manchu side was Admiral Shi Lang 施琅, a former subordinate of Zheng Chenggong.1514 For Yuegang / Haicheng and Xiamen, see, for example, Chen Ziqiang 陳自强, “Shi lun Mingdai Zhangzhou Yuegang de lishi diwei” 試論明代漳州月港的歷史地位, Haijiaoshi yanjiu 5 (1983), pp. 90 -97; Chang Pin-tsun, Chinese Maritime Trade, esp. pp. 257 et seq.; Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society. The Amoy Network on the China Coast, 1683 -1735 (Singapore: Singapore Univ. Pr., 1983); Tang Wenji, Fujian gudai jingjishi, pp. 615 -622; Zheng Yong 鄭鏞 (ed.), Huashuo Zhangzhou: Lishi huimou 話說漳州: 歷史回眸 (Fuzhou: Haichao sheying yishu chubanshe, 2003), pp. 45 -56; several articles in Zhonggong Longxi diwei xuanchuanbu, Fujiansheng lishi xuehui Xiamen fenhui 中共龍溪地委宣傳部,福建省歷史學會廈門分會 (ed.), Yuegang yanjiu lunwenji 月港研究論文集 (Xiamen: Fujiansheng lishixue hui Xiamen fenhui, 1983).15 There are many works on Shi Lang. Some examples: Shi Weiqing 施偉青, Shi Lang pingzhuan 施琅評傳 (Xiamen: Xiamen daxue chubanshe, 1987); same Shi Lang nianpu kaolüe 施琅年譜考略 (Changsha: Yuelu chubanshe, 1998); same (ed.), Shi Lang yanjiu 施琅研究 (Xiamen: Xiamen daxue chubanshe, 2000); Xie Bilian 謝碧蓮, Shi Lang gong Taiwan 施琅攻臺灣 (Taibei: Tainan xian wenhua ju, 2004). There are also several serial volumes entitled Shi Lang yanjiu, by different publishers. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 54 8/7/17 3:53 PM
55The Evacuation Policy and Qing StrategyWhile several Fujianese ports and merchant groups had participated in overseas trade during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century – with varying suc-cess, as we saw –, the situation in the 1660s, still prior to the conquest of Taiwan, was very different. This calls for some comments on how the early Qing govern-ment perceived the maritime periphery and how one should interpret the overall constellation in the East and South China Seas more generally.16 Below, we shall look at the principal issues and regions.To begin with, during these years the Manchu court tried to improve controls over China’s shores by ordering the evacuation of the entire coastal belt, includ-ing major towns and settlements. The principal idea behind this policy measure was that if cities and villages were emptied, Zheng forces and other “rebel” groups would find it difficult to recruit new personnel and secure supplies in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong. Although government officials followed the evacuation order very rigorously, there were loopholes in this artificially created “no man’s zone” and China’s coast was never completely sealed.17 This has led to various scholarly discussions on the efficiency of the evacuation policy – whether it really contributed to achieve the original objectives, and to what extent it promoted the gradual downfall of the Zheng regime. It also remains unclear, how far-sighted the central court acted when it decided to implement these measures. Did the Manchu state simply want to remove all “bad elements” from the maritime periphery? At which stage did it develop “constructive” visions for the time after the extinction of active anti-Qing resistance?According to some scholars, the early Qing court understood very well that much of coastal China could not survive without sea trade. Hence, the implicit calculation certainly was that one should eliminate the Zheng “empire” first; only thereafter would it become possible to gradually re-open major ports and permit peaceful exchange with the outside world. In a sense then, Shi Lang was not simply the conqueror of Penghu and Taiwan – above all he served to achieve long-term policy objectives. This strategy aimed at permanently tying 16 Bodo Wiethoff, Chinas dritte Grenze. Der traditionelle chinesische Staat und der küstennahe Seeraum (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969), discusses spatial, conceptual, terminological and other aspects of China’s coastal management. There are many more recent works which provide similar details, but these are not listed here.17 One “classical” study is Xie Guozhen 謝國楨, “Qing chu dongnan yanhai qianjie kao” 清初東南沿海遷界考, Guoli Beijing daxue guoxue jikan 國立北京大學國學季刊 2.4 (1930), pp. 797--826. Also see, for example, Zhu Delan, “Qing chu qianjieling shi Zhongguo chuan haishang maoyi zhi yanjiu” 清初遷界令時中國船海上貿易之研究, in Zhang Yanxian (ed.), Zhongguo haiyang fazhanshi lunwenji, vol. 1 (Taibei: Academia Sinica..., 1986), pp. 105 -159. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 55 8/7/17 3:53 PM
56the maritime zone, including parts of the island belt beyond the coast, to the orbit of a multi-dimensional empire.18Certainly, such an interpretation cannot excuse the human tragedy associated with the evacuation policy, but it moves certain events into a different perspective. The Kangxi court in particular has often been described as far-sighted and taking decisions only after weighing all options. Regarding the empire’s outer borderlands, especially the southwestern, northern and inner-Asian ones, it had to invent complex strategies to achieve its military goals. This policy had begun during the early years of Qing rule, under the Shunzhi emperor. Already at that time, the land frontiers mattered much more than the maritime periphery, which enabled various ports in Fujian to develop quite freely and the Zheng regime to expand internationally.While the Shunzhi government opposed the Zheng clan, it may not have been totally displeased with the fact that there was much competition between rival groups – and that, later on, Zheng Chenggong emerged as the leading figure in this “dark game”. When the latter expelled the Dutch from Taiwan, the Manchu side was left with only one major “maritime player” to deal with. Seen from that vantage point, the Zheng conquest of Formosa belonged to an intermediary stage and was instrumental to a larger “scheme”, namely the gradual incorporation of coastal and insular China into the Manchu empire, a task accomplished under the Kangxi emperor, as had been explained.Dealing with the Japanese, Controlling TaiwanBut this may not be the entire story. Besides the possibility of adding other ports and networks – such as Nan’ao 南澳, the Chaozhou 朝州 merchants, those from Wenzhou 温州 and Ningbo 寧波, the role of the Zhoushan Islands 舟山群島, etc. – to the earlier stages of our panorama, thus further “disaggregating” the Chinese element within the overall setting, we must also consider certain developments at the international “frontier”.19 Let us begin with events in the “Northeast”. In the view of 18 See, for example, Lian Xinhao 連心豪, Zhongguo haiguan yu duiwai maoyi 中國海關與對外貿易 (Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2004), pp. 36 -64. Liao Dake 廖大珂, Fujian haiwai jiaotong shi 福建海外交通史 (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2002), to cite a second example, emphasizes other dimensions; see pp. 304 et seq., there.19 For these ports, see, for example, Liao Laibao 廖來保 (ed.), Chaozhou erqiannian 潮州二千年 (Chaozhou: Chaozhoushi difangzhi bangongshi, 1991), pp. 31 -97; Zhang Zhenzhong 張鎮中, Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi, etc. 中國人民政治恊商會議..., Wenzhou difang shigao 溫州地方史稿 (Wenzhou: Zhongguo renmin..., Zhejiangsheng Wenzhoushi Luchengqu weiyuanhui..., 1993), pp. 197 -266; Wan Ming 萬明, “Mingdai Jiajin nianjian de Ningbogang” 明代嘉靖年間的寧波港, Haijiaoshi yanjiu 42 (2002), pp. 60 -69; Hu Baozhu 胡寶柱, Xiao Wenshuai 肖文帥 and R. P., “Ming Yongle zhi Longqing Nan’ao de haishang huodong. Fu: Zaoqi Puwen ziliao China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 56 8/7/17 3:53 PM
57many Ming scholars, Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s 豊臣秀吉 invasion of Korea during the 1590s was the most complex Wokou operation that ever took place. It required mas-sive Chinese intervention in support of the Korean side.20 Furthermore, the Japanese also thought of attacking Manila and there were plans to gain a permanent foothold on Taiwan. Although these events did not occur simultaneously, taken in sum, they made it clear that Japan had emerged as a dangerous and highly ambitious force in late Ming times and that one had to monitor Japan’s further moves.21One element of the East China Sea scenario was the Okinawa chain. As was mentioned, Fujianese groups had undermined the commercial position of the Ryukyuans from the mid-Ming period onwards. Later on, Fujianese trade to Okinawa appears to have ebbed off, but China continued to receive sulphur from Ryukyu (needed for the production of powder), and the court in Beijing did not question the political status of these islands. It even assisted Ryukyu in maintain-ing contacts to Korea.22While China acted peacefully, the daimyo of Satsuma 薩摩藩 on Kyushu harbored aggressive plans (just as Hideyoshi had done). In 1609 he conquered Okinawa with a small force and nominally incorporated the Ryukyu chain into his domain. Tokugawa Ieyasu 德川家康, the shogun in Edo, supported these moves, but evidently, to avoid a larger conflict, the Japanese side allowed Okinawa zhong de Nan’ao” 明永樂至隆慶南澳的海上活動. 附: 早期葡文資料中的南澳島, Haijiaoshi yanjiu (to appear 2014); Yue Chengyao 樂承耀, “Lun xingzheng quanli dui Mingdai Ningbo haiwai maoyi de yingxiang” 論行政權力對明代寧波海外貿易的影響, Ningbo daxue xuebao 寧波大學學報 16. 1 (2003), pp. 81 -84; Tang Wenji, Fujian gudai jingjishi, pp. 626 -629; Zhang Bincun, “Shiliu shiji Zhoushan qundao de zousi maoyi” 十六世紀舟山群島的走私貿易, in Zhang Yanxian (ed.), Zhongguo haiyang fazhanshi lunwenji, vol. 1 (Taibei: Academia Sinica..., 1983), pp. 71 -96.20 For Hideyoshi and his invasion, see, for example, Maria Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Pr., 1989); Kitajima Manji 北島万次, Toyotomi Hideyoshi no Chōsen shinryaku 豊臣秀吉の朝鮮侵略 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 1995); Stephen Turnbull, Samurai Invasion: Japan’s Korean War 1592 -98 (London: Cassell & Co, 2002).21 For the Japanese and Taiwan, see, for example, Iwao Seiichi 岩生成一 (tr. Xu Xianyao 許賢瑤), “Zai Taiwan de Riben ren” 在臺灣的日本人, in Naojirô Murakami 村上直次郎 et al. (eds.), Helan shidai Taiwan shi lunwenji 荷蘭時代台灣史論文集 (Yilan: Foguang renwen shehui xueyuan, 2001), pp. 155 -185; Andrade, How Taiwan Became Chinese, pp. 48 -53. For Japanese plans against Manila: Juan Gil, Hidalgos y samurais. España y Japón en los siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1991), pp. 36 et seq.; Manel Ollé, Estrategias filipinas respecto a China: Alonso Sanchez y Domingo Salazar en la empresa de China (1581 -1593), 2 vols. (Barcelona: Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 1998; unpublished doctoral dissertation), I, pp. 92 -93. Also see relevant sections in some of the works in n. 28 here.22 For Ryukyu-Korea, see, for example, S. M. Hong-Schunka, “An Aspect of East Asian Maritime Trade: The Exchange of Commodities between Korea and Ryukyu (1389 -1638)”, in Angela Schottenhammer (ed.), Trade and Transfer Across the East Asian ‘Mediterranean’ (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005), pp. 125 -161, esp. p. 128. For sulphur and other commodities shipped from Ryukyu to China: Chang, Chinese Maritime Trade, esp. table on pp. 355 -357. There are many useful statistics related to Ryukyu’s foreign relations; one source is Seiki Akamine 赤嶺誠紀, Daikōkai jidai no Ryūkyū 大航海時代の琉球 (Naha: Okinawa Taimususha, 1988).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 57 8/7/17 3:53 PM
58to continue its nominal vassalage vis-à-vis the declining Ming.23 Henceforth, the Ryukyu Islands had two masters, and a kind of “double-identity”, somewhat like Macau, which was subject to both the Estado da Índia and China.Supposedly, the central authorities in late Ming China were not pleased with Satsuma’s behaviour and the new situation at the outer fringe of the East China Sea (if they really knew all the details), but in the 1610s and the following decades, Beijing became more and more worried about unrest in the interior, as well as along its northeastern frontier, mainly due to the emerging Manchu state. Naturally, this constellation entailed a gradual decline in public concern for minor scenarios like Ryukyu, which in turn enabled the Fujianese to shape their relations with Okinawa and the Japanese quite freely. By and large, the same state of affairs can be observed under the early Qing, during the Shunzhi reign and prior to the evacuation order, when the government had no means to fully control the coastal sector.While some Fujianese groups from both the Fuzhou and Zhangzhou regions continued to trade across the East China Sea, other groups moved to Taiwan. Vari-ous push and pull factors contributed to this development. Difficulties in finding suitable work on the continent, as well as new trading opportunities offered by the Spanish in Manila, and later by the Dutch in and around Fort Zeelandia, induced the poor to go abroad. Chinese migration along the “eastern route”, from Fujian to Taiwan and Luzon, became an important element in the maritime world of East Asia. Considering the above, one may argue, therefore, that aggregated Fujianese activities during the Ming-Qing transition were symptomatic for the inefficiency of state power at the maritime frontier, but at the same time these activities also concealed the weakness of that authority.The explanation for the second point sounds very simple if one tries to look into the minds of China’s contemporaries. Foreign observers, it is clear, only had a vague knowledge of the Middle Kingdom’s internal problems. The strong numeri-cal presence of Chinese groups in parts of the East and South China Seas continued to be impressive. Supposedly many seventeenth-century “analysts” associated the uncoordinated thrusts of Chinese migrants and merchants across these seas with an implicit message: it showed what China could achieve once its maritime periphery would be more tightly organised.Indeed, there were some early warnings, like the ousting of the Dutch from the Penghu Islands in the 1620s.24 Forty years later Zheng Chenggong’s success 23 An early English work on Satsuma’s policy towards Ryukyu is Mitsugu Matsuda, The Government of the Kingdom of Ryukyu, 1609 -1872 (Okinawa: Yui Shuppan Co., 2001; originally a doctoral dissertation, 1967).24 For the Dutch on Penghu, see, for example, Leonard Blussé, “The Dutch Occupation of the Pescadores (1622 -1624)”, Transactions of the International Conference of Orientalists in Japan 18 (1973), pp. 28 -44; Lin Weisheng 林偉盛, “Helan ren ju Penghu shimo” 荷蘭人據澎湖始末, Guoli China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 58 8/7/17 3:53 PM
59against Fort Zeelandia made it evident that Chinese troops were able to gain decisive victories over strong enemy positions. From a geostrategic point of view, the Zheng clan had driven a wedge into the maritime world of East Asia. The control of Taiwan meant that the route from the South China Sea to Japan had become “longer” for non-Chinese ships, and more risky, because now, there was no foreign stopover on Taiwan. For two decades, the VOC’s access to Nagasaki depended, in theory at least, on how the Zheng group would treat Dutch vessels in the waters off Taiwan. Differently put, the East and South China Seas were now held together and, at the same time, kept apart from each other mainly through one single force – the Zheng regime. Zheng power had considerably strengthened “China’s” position, the Qing inherited the fruits of earlier events and from the 1680s onward had a theoretical chance at least to take over a leading role in the maritime world. Japan was now held at a distance from the mainland. Politically, the Ryukyu chain continued to be a “buffer zone” between Japan and China, serving two masters, as before. Needless to add, for the Qing, this state of affairs was perfectly acceptable, because they had gained Taiwan, which definitely constituted a territory much more important than the thin island chain to its north.From Fujian to the Philippines – Information and Mutual PerceptionsThe evacuation policy and two decades of continued warfare between the Manchu side and the Zheng clan, it is true, entailed a drop in Chinese shipping arrivals to such places as Manila; this led to a decreased circulation of various commodities along the entire trading arc from southern Japan down to Batavia.25 In terms of commerce and finance, the mid-seventeenth century was a period of crisis and depression, as historians have often explained, but from a geo-strategic zhengzhi daxue lishi xuebao 國立政治大學歷史學報 16 (1999), pp. 1 -45; Wang Yaohua 王耀華 and Xie Bizhen (eds.), Min Tai haishang jiaotong yanjiu 閩台海上交通研究 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2000), pp. 25 -30; Naojirô Murakami (tr. Xu Xianyao), “Penghu dao shang de Helan ren” 澎湖島上的荷蘭人, in same et al. (eds.), Helan shidai Taiwan shi lunwenji, pp. 1 -21; Yang Yanjie 楊彦傑, Heju shidai Taiwan shi 荷據時代台灣史 (Taibei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 2010), pp. 6 -32. For the history of Penghu more generally: Cai Pingli 蔡平立, Penghu tongshi 澎湖通史 (originally Taibei: Zhongwen tushu gufen youxian gongsi, 1959; new ed. Taibei: Lianming chubanshe, 1985). Important documents in Xia Deyi 夏德儀 (comp.), Ming ji Helan ruqin ju Penghu candang 明季荷蘭入侵據澎湖殘檔 (Taibei: Datong shuju, 1984).25 This is reflected, for example, in the number of incoming Chinese ships. See the relevant statistics in Chaunu, Les Philippines et le Pacifique des Ibériques; Gil, Los Chinos en Manila, appendix V; Leonard Blussé, Strange Company. Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia (Dordrecht / Riverton: Foris Publications, 1986), pp. 115 et seq., especially tables on pp. 120 and 123 (annual averages: Chinese ships going to Batavia, from different locations). China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 59 8/7/17 3:53 PM
60perspective, the Zheng intermezzo and, thereafter, Shi Lang’s conquest of Taiwan cemented China’s position in the eastern seas. The times of Hideyoshi were over, Japan no longer constituted a major threat. Seen through Chinese eyes, this was certainly a major improvement.To round off this “positive” picture, we still have to consider three additional “elements”: the role of Manila, the circulation of information, and the Sulu zone. Zheng rule over Taiwan and, later on, the Qing administration of that island both implied that Spain was held at a distance from the Asian mainland. Readers know that “regular” cross-Pacific traffic had started with Magellan. Only a few decades later, still prior to Hideyoshi’s Korea campaign, persons like Alonso Sánchez had suggested a major military move against China. The idea was to conquer the Ming empire, or at least the province of Fujian, with a combined force of Spanish, Japanese and local Filipino soldiers. Sánchez also tried to involve the Portuguese, but Macau declined the offer.26 Thereafter Manila repeatedly thought of acquir-ing a permanent base along the China coast, a natural port or bay comparable to the harbour of Macau; again, these efforts came to nothing. When the VOC had settled on southwestern Taiwan, Spanish soldiers occupied small sites along the northern shores of that island. The purpose was to have easier access to Japan and China, if needed, and to use these locations for provisioning ships on their way from Manila to Central America.27 As is widely known, the end of Spanish trade to Japan came before the con-quest of Beijing through Manchu forces, but in Chinese eyes, Manila certainly remained a heavy-weight, even after the loss of its Taiwanese dependencies to the Dutch in the 1640s. It was only with the expansion of Zheng power to Taiwan, that this constellation began to alter. Direct trade between Japan and Manila, though very limited, was now in the hands of Chinese merchants, who substituted earlier Spanish efforts on that route. Zheng vessels from Taiwan and other Chinese ships also reached Manila, offering silk and leaving with silver. This situation was acceptable to all sides, but keeping the Spanish away from the China coast was more important still, especially in view of past experiences under the Ming, as had been said. After the conquest of Taiwan through the Qing, the 26 See, for example, the relevant parts in Helga Gemegah, Die Theorie des spanischen Jesuiten José de Acosta (ca. 1540 -1600) über den Ursprung der indianischen Völker aus Asien (Frankfurt etc.: Peter Lang GmbH, Europäischer Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1999); Manel Ollé, La invención de China. Percepciones y estrategias filipinas respecto a China durante el siglo XVI (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000), and Estrategias filipinas respecto a China.27 Recently on the Spanish and Taiwan: José Eugenio Borao Mateo, The Spanish Experience in Taiwan, 1626 -1642. The Baroque Ending of a Renaissance Endeavor (Hongkong: Hong Kong Univ. Pr., 2009). And in “short form”: Manel Ollé, “Castillians in the North of Taiwan: Frontier Interactions at Ilha Hermosa”, in Angela Schottenhammer (ed.), Taiwan — A Bridge Between the East and South China Seas (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2011), pp. 57 -73.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 60 8/7/17 3:53 PM
61geo-strategic panorama along the “eastern route” remained quite similar; what changed were certain conventions and the magnitudes associated with trade and commerce.28Here we may turn to our second point. What remains unclear about such constellations is the circulation of relevant data from port to port. Presumably Chinese government authorities on the mainland, and later on Taiwan, collected all kinds of news. But how much did they really know about the situation inside Manila? One may ask similar questions in regard to the Spanish and the VOC. Dutch civil and military servants, so it seems, underestimated the military strength of Zheng’s troops. The Spanish probably knew very little as well, when confronted with threats that a Chinese force might sail to Luzon and attack Manila.29 Yet, some of the arguments presented above rest on the assumption that each group understood the intentions of the “other side”. In some cases this may be correct. The Zheng camp was adequately informed about its European competitors on Taiwan. But whether, for example, Chinese merchants and officials received detailed intelligence reports about the plans and projects discussed in Satsuma and Edo, among the VOC officers in such distant locations as Batavia, or in other administrative centers like Ayuthaya, we shall never know. On the other side, assuming they knew nothing at all, seems risky and inappropriate as well.30The problem of acquiring appropriate information is a delicate issue, indeed. This becomes evident from the Sino-Spanish clashes that shook Manila / Luzon in 1603, 1639, 1662, and 1686. These violent encounters did not come overnight; 28 For Japan-Luzon and Zheng-Luzon relations, see, for example, the relevant sections in Zheng Ruiming 鄭瑞明, “Taiwan Ming Zheng yu Dongnanya zhi maoyi guanxi chutan: Fazhan Dongnanya maoyi zhi dongji shiwu ji waishang zhi qianlai” 臺灣明鄭與東南亞之貿易關傒初探: 發展東南亞貿易之動機實務及外商之前來, Lishi xuebao 歷史學報 14 (1987), pp. 57 -108; Gil, Hidalgos; Fang Zhenzhen 方真真, Ming mo Qing chu Taiwan yu Manila de fanchuan maoyi (1664--1684) 明末清初臺灣與馬尼拉的帆船貿易 (1664 -1684) (Taibei: Daw Shiang, 2006); Nakajima Gakushō 中島楽章, “Jūroku seiki matsu no Fukken Philippine Kyūshū bōeki” 十六世纪末の福建 — フィリピン — 九州貿易, Shien 史淵 144 (2007), pp. 55 -92; same “The Invasion of Korea and Trade with Luzon: Katō Kiyomasa’s Scheme of the Luzon Trade in the Late Sixteenth Century”, in Angela Schottenhammer (ed.), The East Asian ‘Mediterranean’: Maritime Crossroads of Culture, Commerce and Human Migration (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2008), pp. 145 -168 (a special chapter of these “contacts”); Gil, Los Chinos en Manila.29 See, for example, Domingo Abella, “Koxinga Nearly Ended Spanish Rule in the Philippines in 1662”, Philippine Historical Review 2.1 (1969), pp. 295 -334; Lee Yuchung 李毓中, “Ming Zheng yu Xibanya diguo: Zheng shi jiazu yu Feilübin guanxi chutan” 明鄭與西班牙帝國: 鄭氏家族與菲律賓關傒初探, Hanxue yanjiu 漢學研究 16.2 (1998), pp. 29 -59; and references in some of the titles listed in the previous note. — The issue of information is also important in the well-known case of Lin Feng 林鳳 (Limahong).30 These questions still deserve detailed research. For some suggestions related to special cases, see for example, Watanabe Miki, “The International Maritime Trader — Torihara Sōan: The Agent for Tokugawa Ieyasu’s First Negotiations with Ming China, 1600”, in Schottenhammer (ed.), The East Asian ‘Mediterranean’, pp. 169 -176, and Schottenhammer’s own contribution to that volume, pp. 376-377.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 61 8/7/17 3:53 PM
62they were driven by rumors, false assumptions and much fear. Community leaders perceived the early symptoms of possible disasters, they were sensitive towards the thoughts and moves of the other side, but the flow of reliable information was poor and, above all, efficient mechanisms to control the outbreak of open hostili-ties did not exist.31 Here we may briefly switch sides. Although the Chinese on the continent and / or Taiwan did not retaliate militarily, the process of Fujianese expansion along the “eastern route” was an alarming development as seen through Spanish eyes. The situation was truly paradoxical. There were periods in which Manila expected a worst case scenario, but the city depended on Chinese imports and had no means to develop alternative trade routes or markets of equal importance. Moreover, the Span-ish presence on Luzon induced migration via Taiwan to the northern Philippines. Hence, if the Chinese trade axis would have collapsed, Chinese migrants would have moved to other parts of Southeast Asia, much to the disadvantage of Manila.Chinese southbound trade and migration did not stop in the Manila region. Already in earlier times, Fujianese ships had sailed to various locations inside the Philippines. One destination was the Sulu archipelago, nominally a tribute vassal of China in the days of Zheng He and again, under the Qing, in the eighteenth century. Clearly, one ought not overstress the economic and political weight of this Islamic polity, but over long periods Sulu maintained close ties with Brunei and, naturally, it was in constant touch with its Muslim neighbours on Mindanao. Sulu-China relations, it seems, were not totally different from the relations between Ryukyu and the Ming. There was nominal subordination, but in daily life, these “remote” islands followed their own rhythm and aspirations.32We cannot exactly tell, how Muslim communities around the Sulu zone perceived events in continental China and on Taiwan; however, while Spain con-stituted a constant threat to them, the Chinese had never staged hostile activities. Therefore, it is possible that some Islamic groups were pleased with the presence of Fujianese merchants in the Sulu world. Hypothetically, an end of the Manila-China axis bore the danger of increased Chinese activities in the Muslim zone, something that would not have been in the interest of Catholic Spain.31 For the massacres in Manila, see relevant works in n. 10, above.32 Chinese materials on the relations between Sulu and the Ming and Qing are collected in: Zhongshan daxue Dongnanya lishi yanjiu suo 中山大學東南亞歷史研究所 (ed.), Zhongguo guji zhong youguan Feilübin ziliao huibian 中國古籍中有關菲律賓資料滙編 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980). — More generally, one may also consult the “classical studies” by Najeeb M. Saleeby and Cesar Adib Majul, for example Saleeby’s The History of Sulu, Filipiana Book Guild 4 (Manila, 1963), esp. ch. 2 and 3; Majul’s Muslims in the Philippines (2nd ed. Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press, 1973), and “An Analysis of the ‘Genealogy of Sulu’”, in Ahmad Ibrahim et al. (eds.), Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia, Social Issues in Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), pp. 48 -57.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 62 8/7/17 3:53 PM
63In sum, from a geostrategic point of view, the Chinese side – whether Ming, Zheng or Qing – had several cards to play, at least in theory. The Philippines con-stituted a compartmentalized scenario. It was necessary to keep an eye on Manila and Luzon, to survey the activities of the Chinese residing in that region, and to remain in touch with the Muslim areas in the deep south, as well as with the cen-tral sections of the archipelago. The conclusion is that China, through its “agents” from Fujian, was in a position much stronger than we tend to think – if it really understood the dimensions of this extraordinary constellation...Conclusion: Firm and Flexible ReactionsSymbolically, the quest for circumglobal power and influence was cemented with the famous treaties of Tordesilhas (1494) and Zaragoza (1529). After the discovery of the trans-Pacific route Spain undertook various efforts to underline its claims on different territories in the Far East. Several sixteenth-century maps project these visions; following the foundation of Manila, it only took a short time until Japan, Taiwan and the China coast moved into the Spanish “orbit”.33 Hideyoshi’s war against Korea and Japanese plans directed against the China mainland, Taiwan and even Luzon came only a few years later, almost at the same time. When the Dutch began appearing in Southeast Asia, as a third competitor for supra-regional power, they proved no less aggressive than the Japanese. For a brief period in time the VOC occupied some positions along the shores of Taiwan. But running amok against Chinese vessels in the Taiwan Strait and killing Chinese settlers on the island itself, did not help the Dutch: on the contrary, such activities contributed to Zheng Chenggong’s vision that Taiwan had to be cleared from the Calvinist joke.Zheng Chenggong’s attack was a special episode in the long history of Fujia-nese maritime expansion that had already started in Song and Yuan times. This expansion proceeded peacefully, with or without support of the imperial court. However, during the Ming-Qing transition completely new conditions emerged and this unusual panorama required a different approach. The Zheng clan reacted quite autonomously, to the long-term advantage of the Chinese nation, by putting an end to a counterproductive and “wrong development in history” that had been set off by the Dutch.34 When Shi Lang took over Taiwan, the Qing inherited the 33 For such maps and their interpretation, see, for example, relevant sections in Gemegah, Die Theorie. There are many works on this fascinating theme, which Gemegah addressed in later research.34 See, for example, Xu Xiaowang, “Lun Zheng Chenggong fu Tai zhi ji Taiwan de falü diwei” 論鄭成功复臺之際臺灣的法律地位, Fujian luntan: renwen shehui kexue ban 福建論壇: 人文社会科学版 10 (2012), pp. 118 et seq.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 63 8/7/17 3:53 PM
64fruits sown by the Zheng clan. Moreover, the Zheng clan, and thereafter the Qing, also thwarted Japanese territorial ambitions for nearly two centuries, with basically one exception only, namely that the status of the Ryukyu chain had marginally changed due to Satsuma’s intervention.The Portuguese, one should perhaps add, constituted the only major group in the Far East which completely abstained from violent activities during that period. Next to the Fujianese they were among the winners on a complex his-torical stage full of dangerous traps. The spiritual “empire” of the Jesuits assisted Macau in surviving the gloomy mid-seventeenth century crisis. Moreover, Portu-guese envoys did not arrogantly voice territorial demands; they simply reminded the Qing side of the ancient privileges allegedly granted to the city of Macau by the Ming. This “Confucian” attitude was well-understood by the Kangxi court: Macau survived, unlike the commercially orientated Dutch, who, without access to the intellectual elite in Beijing, did not even last for forty years in front of China’s doors.35Macau, at that time almost isolated from the rest of the Estado da Índia, had no other way to go. For its daily provisions it relied on the mighty Chinese empire. To some that empire was a benevolent giant; it did not display global interests at the maritime frontier, but only followed very modest aspirations, essentially to defend itself. In the end, it were these forces – especially the Fujianese – which made the game, and not the “globalists”, as we have seen.One may be tempted to link this “story” to a highly symbolic episode, the granting of the famous jingtian 敬天 tablet to the Jesuits.36 Much has been writ-ten on that “aphorism”, which seems to enclose a world of its own. Until today, no one can tell what the young Kangxi emperor really had in mind when he put down these two characters in 1675, two full sixty-year cycles after the foundation of Macau (which dates back to 1555, according to some specialists). The two words in question are vague and have led to divergent interpretations. But one thing is clear: the jingtian “matrix” exposes Qing-China’s standards, politically, on a multi-cultural stage. The act itself was benevolent, yet firm. It certainly came in 35 For a comparative view, see R. P. “Comparing the Incomparable: Some Thoughts on 17th Century Macau and Fort Zeelandia”, Aomen yanjiu 澳門研究 / Boletim do Estudos de Macau / Journal of Macau Studies 51 (2009), pp. 1 -11. Also in Luís Filipe Barreto and Wu Zhilang (eds.), Port Cities and Intercultural Relations, 15th -18th Centuries (Lisbon: Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau und Fundação Macau, 2012), pp. 33 -51. For impressionistic “additions”, see R. P. (tr. from German), “Portugal and China: An Anatomy of Harmonious Coexistence (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries)”, in Laura Jarnagin (ed.), Portuguese and Luso-Asian Legacies in Southeast Asia, 1511 -2011. Vol. 2: Culture and Identity in the Luso-Asian World: Tenacities and Plasticities (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2012), pp. 225 -242.36 Recently on the jingtian question: relevant sections in João de Deus Ramos, Portugal e a Ásia Oriental (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 2012).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 64 8/7/17 3:53 PM
65recognition of the Jesuits’ merits, as a sign of respect (for a multi-cultural “body”), and it came at a time, when the struggle over the maritime frontier, against the Zheng clan, was still going on. Whether emotions played a strong part in it, we shall never know. The “all-inclusive” semantics of jingtian was equal to something like “aggregated flexibility”; it could be applied to different views (and religions) – provided the recipient was open-minded. “Guided tolerance” was one essential message. Perhaps these elements can also be linked to the long-term vision that is associ-ated with our theme. The Fujianese had begun their rise under the Song or even earlier. They were as flexible as the Qing, who understood the mechanics of a rapidly changing maritime world. Some of these changes were the result of global developments. The Manchu answer to these early challenges was firm, yet open. Within this scenario the Fujianese resembled pawns and the Zheng clan acted like a solo-tower. After the conquest of Taiwan the game was closed and those who had not respected the tian element, had to stay outside – for some time at least.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 65 8/7/17 3:53 PM
66CCCM COLLOQUIUM, 14-16 OCTOBER, 2013 CHINA/MACAU: GLOBALIZATIONS PAST AND PRESENT GODDESSES OF THE SEAS: RELIGIOUS PATRONAGE AND SINO-PORTUGUESE MARITIME HISTORYR. Po-chia HsiaA-Ma Temple MacauLanding by boat at the Macau Maritime Museum, if that were possible, visitors would disembark at the Largo do Pagode da Barra. Facing them, on a low hill, is the temple after which the street is named: the A-Ma Temple, or in Portuguese the Pagode da Barra. One would like to think this is the site where the Portuguese first landed in Macau, sometime in the early 1550s. Like today’s visitors, they would also have seen a temple or shrine, the earliest version of today’s extensive complex, dedicated to A-Ma, this goddess of the sea, better known as Mazu up and down the length of the Chinese coast. The goddess Mazu, Lin Moniang (林默娘) (960-87) was born during the Song dynasty in Meizhou (湄州) in Putian County (莆田縣), Fujian Province. Legend has it that in a dream she had saved her father, a fisher-man, from drowning; after her death she became known as the patron for seafarers China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 66 8/7/17 3:53 PM
67in distress. Winning recognition from the imperial state in the Yuan dynasty, Mazu obtained an official title and rituals; she was elevated to the rank of Tianfei (Consort of Heaven) in the Ming and Tianhou (Empress of Heaven) in the Qing dynasty.1Lin Moniang saving her father from shipwreck in a dream. Source: MWSH (3rd series), Paintings, vol. 1, p. 12.When was the A-Ma Temple built? Seventeenth century records attribute its foundation to Minnan merchants, who fulfilled their vows to Mazu when they were saved from a perilous journey near Macau. It was the site of a meeting between Chinese and Portuguese officials in 1564 in planning an expedition to suppress a mutiny by Ming sailors. Jin Guoping and Wu Zhiliang argues persuasively that in 1 For a brief orientation, see Kristofer Schipper, The Taoist Body (Berkeley: University of Cali-fornia Press, 1982, pp. 39-40, 42-3.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 67 8/7/17 3:53 PM
68all likelihood a temple had existed prior to the Portuguese settlement and that its name, A-Ma-ge (阿媽閣), from the Minnan nomenclature, was the origins of the Portuguese appellation for their new settlement, Amacao.2The early provenance of A-Ma Temple is supported by the existence of another Mazu temple in the Pearl River Estuary: the Tianfei Temple at Chiwan (赤灣) in Nanshan (南山), today in the Shekou (石口) district of Shenzhen, during the Ming under the jurisdiction of Dongguan (東莞) xien. This was the site where shippers leav-ing the safety of the Pearl River would bid farewell to the goddess, whose temple, like that in Macau, was located on a hill overlooking the open sea. Its origins going back to the Southern Song, the Chiwan Tianfei Temple, unlike the A-Ma Temple, was used for official rituals. An inscription from 1464 recorded that all Ming envoys to South-east Asia would make an offering to Mazu on the beach in front of the temple prior to their voyage.3 Between the founding of the dynasty and 1449, no fewer than 42 countries sent 371 tribute missions to China (Annan — before its conquest under the Yongle reign, Champa, Cambodia, Siam, and Java sent the most missions; in return, dozens of Ming emissaries sailed to Southeast Asia.)4 Of the three ports officially open to foreign shipping, Guangzhou — the other two were Quanzhou and Ningbo — was the first destination of the Southeast Asian voyages. With Minnian sailors providing the bulk of the manpower for Chinese ships, Mazu, carried on each and every junk, also extended her cult to the coastline of Guangdong, Hainan, and beyond.Mazu as private cult and as imperial state ritualOriginating as a local and regional cult, Mazu worship spread rapidly with the maritime voyages of Minnan sailors. With Quanzhou in southern Fujian as the center of maritime trade during the Southern Song dynasty, the Mazu cult gained official recognition, with local magistrates offering sacrifices at the temple of Weian County.5 But only in the Yuan dynasty did the imperial state honor 2 See Qin Guoping 金國平 and Wu Zhiliang 吳志良, Zaoqi Aomen shihlun 早期澳門史論 (Guangzhou: Guangdong Renmin chubanshe, 2007), pp. 321-53.3 Inscription by Huang Qien, commemorating the newly-built back palace to the Tianfei tem-ple in Chiwan, in Mazu Wenxian Shiliao Huibian 媽祖文獻史料彙編 (Beijing: Zhongguo danan chubanshe, 2007), document no. 45, p. 52.4 Qiu Xuanyu 邱炫, “Mingchu nanhai zhufanguo zhi chaogong maoyi”《明初與南海諸蕃國之朝貢貿易 1368-1449 in Zhongguo haiyang fazhanshi lunwenji 《中國海洋發展史論文集, vol. 5, editors, Zhang Bincu 張彬村 and Liu Shiji 劉石吉 (Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1993), pp. 111--51; see tables 1-3, pp. 123, 130-32, 135.5 Mazu Wenxian Shiliao Huibian (1st series), Volume: Essays, documents 6-13, pp. 5-9; Volu-me: Inscriptions, documents 1-1-5, pp. 1-6 (Beijing: Zhongguo danan chuban she, 2007). Hereafter cited as MWSH.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 68 8/7/17 3:53 PM
69Mazu as Concubine of Heaven, Ming painting. Source: MWSH (3rd series), Paintings, vol. 1.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 69 8/7/17 3:53 PM
70Mazu, when the goddess reportedly saved a grain fleet from a storm as it sailed from Zhejiang to the north.6 Mazu received her appellation as Tianfei (天妃), Concubine of Heaven, having previously been invoked variously as Madame Lin (Lin furen 夫人), holy girl (shenlü 聖女), and holy concubine (shengfei 神妃). The title of Tianfei has an ancient provenance, wrote Lu Rong (陸容) (1436-1494) in the Ming dynasty: “The ancients called heaven emperor and earth empress, and honored water as concubine, whereas Tianfei, the concubine of heaven, refers to water gods.”7The expansion of the Mazu cult got a big boost in the early Ming when the Yongle Emperor composed a text in her honor for the dedication of a new Mazu temple in the imperial capital of Nanjing (1416). The occasion was the return from the fourth voyage of Zheng He (1413-15), which took the Ming fleet to the east coast of Africa, the longest and most arduous of his voyages. The inscription reads:We have dispatched ambassadors to civilize the various barbarian nations overseas, to teach them rituals and morals in order to change their customs. At first, when the ambassadors ventured into the ocean, they encountered strong winds and black rain, a darkened heaven with thunder and lightning, crushing high waves, monstrous dragons and fish, dashing in and out of the water, a most terrifying scene. Then a holy person appeared on the clouds, weaving in and out of sight, after which a red light like the sun flew over the ships and brightened the sky. The fog vanished, the waves died down, and the sea became calm as a mirror, with the blue sky stretching into the infinite horizon. Dragons and fish fled; all monsters went into hiding. With wind-filled sails, the ships dashed a thousand li as fast as the stars. They said: “This is the Concubine of Heaven showing a miracle to help us.” When this was reported to Us upon their return, We are gratified to grant a reward and the appellation of ‘The Miraculous and Merciful, and all-compassionate Concubine of Heaven, Protec-tor of the state, Helper of the people.8Indeed it was Zheng He, ‘Admiral’ of the Ming fleets, who reported Tianfei’s miracles to the Yongle emperor, as he testified in two inscriptions he had composed. One dated from 1430 and represented the text from a stele in the Tianfei temple in Nanjing;9 the other, carved in 1431, prior to Zheng He’s last voyage, com-memorated the renovation of the Tianfei temple on the peak at Changle (長樂), 6 MWSH, Essays, document 15, p. 10.7 MWSH, Essays, document 30, p. 21.8 MWSH, Inscriptions, document 37, pp. 42-43.9 MWSH, Inscriptions, document 38, pp. 44-45; document 39, pp. 45-47.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 70 8/7/17 3:53 PM
72the point in Fujian where the fleets stopped hugging the familiar coast to venture into the dangerous open ocean; here, at the point where the ships turned their steer, a temple to Mazu was built high on the hill in 1412 at the initiative of Zheng He. Both texts credited Tianfei with saving the fleets from shipwreck, calming stormy seas with the sudden appearance of a bright, red light that illuminated the sky.The role of Tianfei as protector of the Ming continued even after the cessation of long-distance maritime voyages. Year in and year out, she watched over diplomatic vessels that sailed from Guangzhou to Southeast Asia, enjoying the sacrifices made to her by mandarins at Chiwan Temple, built at the point where ships originat-ing from Guangzhou left the Pearl River Estuary for the open seas. The earliest stele dated from 1464, recording a ritual that was initiated by Zhang Gongyuan (張公源), envoy to Siam in the eight year of Yongle (1410). On the beach in front of the Tianfei temple, constructed on a low hill overlooking Chiwan bay, a sacrifice of animals was made in the sacrificial burner, “with only the hide the meat having been removed,” a ritual named “Farewell to the Sand (chisa 辭沙).”10 At Fuzhou, closer to her birthplace, the goddess cared for the voyages to the Ryukyu Islands and Japan, saving the 1534 diplomatic fleet from shipwreck, as we shall see, as recorded by the grateful Chen Kan (陳侃), the mandarin who presided over the almost fatal voyage.Honored as protector of diplomatic voyages, Mazu was tasked with a further role in the mid-16th century: the Concubine of Heaven helped the Imperial state to stem the rising tide of piracy, the so-called wokou (倭寇). It was clear that the imperial adoption of the Mazu cult originated with the religious beliefs and practices of Minnan seamen, the most active contingent of Chinese mariners on both official and private voyages. In the early 16th century the reversal of Ming maritime policy and the prohibition of maritime trade turned many of these sea-men and merchants into pirates. Involuntarily, the goddess was dragged into the war between Ming forces and pirates, whose main base, at the Island of Shuangyu (雙嶼) near the port city of Ningbo, protected a large fleet of Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese pirates. Ferñao Pinto described the presence of a Catholic church on the island, in proximity to more than a dozen Mazu temples built by Minnan sailors. When the Ming official Zhu Huan (朱紈) stormed the base in 1547 dispersing the pirate fleets, he burned down the Tianfei temples.11The goddess was put in an impossible position: honored by the imperial state she enjoyed also the universal worship of Chinese seamen, many of whom had turned to piracy in order to sustain their livelihood. It was imperative for the state to deny Mazu’s efficacy to outlaws. As the pirates shifted their operations southward toward the Fujian and Guangdong coasts after the destruction of Shuangyu, Mazu temples 10 MWSH, Inscriptions, document 45, p. 52.11 MWSH, Essays, document 42, p. 35.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 72 8/7/17 3:53 PM
73there also became sites of contestation. In 1552, the Cantonese pirate He A Ba (Number Eight He 何亞八), a native of Dongguan was suppressed by government troops. A notorious captain who recruited Chinese pirates from Siam, He ravaged the Guangdong coast before incorporating pirates from Shuangyu who had escaped Ming forces. His forces thus greatly expanded, He and his associates raided the coast from southern Zhejiang to Hainan before his eventual capture and execution. Once, at the Mazu temple in Hainan, where all sailors heading for Southeast Asia stopped to make offerings, He went to pray and make sacrifices, hoping for the goddess’s aid in attacking Guangzhou. Two boys were holding a coscinon or divination sieve (ji 箕), but there was no sign from the goddess. Again, He offered his prayers and the word ‘death’ was given. Enraged, He took a sword, decapitated Tianfei’s statue, and killed the two boys. “At this, his gang knew he would be defeated.”12Her orthodoxy and loyalty not in doubt, Mazu became the protector of govern-ment troops in their campaign to pacify piracy. In 1568, Yu Dayou 俞大猷, one of the two leading generals in the Wokou suppression campaign, led his troops in an offer of sacrificial animals to the goddess prior to embarking on a campaign to attack Zheng Yiben 曾一本, a notorious pirate who had surrendered and rose again in rebellion.13 During the next century, Tianfei’s protection transcended dynastic change, and her greatest merit for the imperial state occurred during the reign of Kangxi in the Qing dynasty, more than a century after the Wokou wars.The Manchu conquest of China (1644-1660s) remained incomplete even after the defeat of the regional Southern Ming regimes. One of those emperors, Prince Zhu Yujian 朱聿鍵, ascended the throne as the Longwu 隆武 Emperor in Fuzhou 福州, and ruled between June 1645 and September 1646. The core of his military consisted of the large naval force commanded by Zheng Zhilong 鄭芝龍. A native of Anping in southern Fujian, Zheng Zhilong spent his adolescence in Portuguese Macao with a maternal uncle, an apprentice in the Macau-Nagasaki trade. In that Catholic enclave, Zhilong converted to Catholicism and took the name Nicolau. Referred to as Nicolau or Yiguan 一官 in western sources, Zhilong rose to become a prominent merchant in Nagasaki, where he married a Japanese woman. Eventu-ally amassing the largest fleet in the East China Seas, Zheng Zhilong became the hegemon merchant-pirate in these waters, alternatively battling and submitting to Ming forces.14 When the Ming dynasty fell, Zheng’s fleet represented a formidable 12 From the text written by Wu Gueifang 吳桂芳, Vice-Minister of the Board of War, Governor of Guangdong and Guangxi and supervisor of military affairs, in MWSH, Essays, document 53, pp. 45-6.13 MWSH, Essays, document 54, p. 46.14 See Leonard Blussé, “Minnan-jen or Cosmopolitan? The Rise of Cheng Chih-lung alias Nico-las Iquan,” in E. B. Vermeer, ed., Development and Decline of Fukien Province in the 17th and 18th Centuries (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990), pp. 245-64.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 73 8/7/17 3:53 PM
74maritime force. Zhilong’s loyalty to Emperor Longwu quickly yielded to realistic calculations; in 1646 he surrendered to the Manchus, who seemed destined to become the new masters of China. Many members of the large Zheng clan, how-ever, refused to go along.Among those who continued to resist the Manchus was Zhilong’s son, Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功, who would become well-known in Dutch sources as Koxinga 國姓爺, after his honorific title granted by the southern Ming. Rallying his naval forces, Zheng Chenggong resisted Qing forces and when the latter threatened his land bases in southern Fujian, he sailed in 1661 to Taiwan and expelled the Dutch, making Taiwan a bastion for resistance for the next twenty years.It was quite probable that Zheng Chenggong had beseeched Mazu in his cam-paign against the Dutch. Although baptized, Zheng Zhilong had stopped practic-ing Catholicism and the Zheng boys received an orthodox Confucian education. It was certain that Zheng’s sailors, almost all Minnan sailors, believed fervently in the efficacy of Mazu. The ‘Red-Hair Barbarians’, the appellation of the Dutch in Chinese sources, had no chance to begin with. Not only was Mazu on the side of their enemies, the Dutch had also offended the Bodhisattva, Guanyin. In the winter of 1665, after a protracted and finally unsuccessful series of negotiations between the Qing and the Dutch East India Company for a joint attack on the Zheng, Dutch sailors landed on Putuo Island, off the coast of Ningbo, the holiest site of Guanyin devotion. The Dutch not only plundered temples and convents, they also smashed statues of Guanyin and the luohans 羅漢 in a iconoclastic storm. The bodhisattva got her vengeance when the Dutch ships left the harbor and sank in a stormy sea amidst lightning and thunder, the hulk of their vessels pierced by ‘iron lotus’ that appeared out of nowhere in the water.15A thorn in the side of the new Qing empire, Taiwan under the Zheng family eluded imperial rule until 1683, when a Zheng defector, Shi Lang 施琅, com-manded an expeditionary force to defeat the Zheng navy. Attributing his victory at the Pengwu Islands to Mazu’s intervention, Shi Lang led a triumphant Qing flotilla into the harbor at Tainan to receive the surrender of the last Zheng ruler, a ceremony that took place at the Tianfei temple, in whose honor Shi Lang erected the first stele in 1685 to commemorate the event and render thanks to the goddess.16 Having conquered Taiwan, in his report to the imperial court, Shi Lang attributed the god-dess’s help in providing fresh water from a spring and favorable tides in defeating the Zheng forces. His memorial to the Board of Rites for the deification of Tianfei 15 The lotus is of course the symbol for the bodhisattva. See Jiang Risheng 江日昇, Taiwan Waiji 台灣外記. (Taipei: Taiwan Datong, 1987), p. 233. I am indebted to my student Ryan Holroyd for bringing this source to my attention.16 MWSH, Inscriptions, document 93, pp. 101-2.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 74 8/7/17 3:53 PM
75Mazu helping Shi Liang conquer Taiwan. Source: MWSH (3rd series), Paintings, vol. 1, p. 50.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 75 8/7/17 3:53 PM
76was denied, although the mandarins approved a sacrifice in her honor. This decision was overturned by the Kangxi Emperor, who asked the Board for a more favorable decision.17 As a result, Mazu, Tianfei, the Concubine of Heaven, was elevated in rank to Tianhou, the Empress of Heaven, a title she retained to this day.18Catholic MissionariesUpon encountering the Chinese in Malacca, the Portuguese were well aware of the devotion to Mazu. What interest us here are the reports of Catholic mission-aries, as they were particularly sensitive to the cult of a rival maritime patroness. There are four documents I would like to cite: two from Spaniards, a third from a Portuguese, and the fourth from a Frenchmen, with three Jesuits and one Augus-tinian; three of the texts were written in the 16th and one in the 17th century. The earliest was a 1549 letter written in Kagoshima by the Apostle of the East, the Jesuit Francisco Xavier:On St. John’s Feastday (24 June), in the summer of 1549 we embarked in Malacca in order to come to these parts in a ship of a Chinese merchant, who made an offer to the Captain of Malacca to transport us to Japan; and having departed, we gave God much thanks for giving us good weather and wind, as much inconstancy reigned among these peoples, as the captain began to vacil-late as it seems that he did not want to sail to Japan, and thus he sailed without any need to some islands that we went to.There were two things which were most remarkable on our voyage: the first was that the good weather and wind that God Our Lord had given us did not help us, and that we missed the monsoon to go to Japan, and were forced to wait one year, wintering in China, waiting for another. The second was the continuous and repeated idolatries and sacrifices that the captain and gentiles performed toward the idol that they took with them on the ship, which we were powerless to prevent; they performed many divinations, asked questions as to whether we were able to go to Japan and whether the winds necessary for our voyage would hold. Sometimes, the divinations were positive, sometimes negative, which they believed in and told us.17 Qingdai Mazu danan shiliao huibian 清代媽祖檔案史料匯編 (Beijing: Zhongguo Danan chubanshe, 2003 ), document 1, p. 1. Hereafter cited as QMDSH. See also MWSH, Archive, docs. 31-32, pp.20-21.18 See QMDSH, document 2, pp. 2-5, on the memorial to the Yongzhen emperor on embelli-shing the Tianhou temple in Taiwan.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 76 8/7/17 3:53 PM
77One hundred leagues from Malacca on the way to China we arrived at an island, where we provisioned for wood necessary against the strong winds and seas of China. Having accomplished this, they resorted to divination, first performing many sacrifices and festivals in honor of the idol, worshipping it many times, and asking whether we would have good wind; then divination told us that we will have good weather and must not stay any longer, and thus we lifted anchor, rolled down the sails, everyone quite light-hearted, the Gen-tiles trusting in the idol which they placed with much veneration on the poop of the ship with lighted candles and incense, and we, trusting in God, creator of heaven and earth, and in Jesus Christ his son, for whose love and service we are going to these parts in order to increase his holy faith.En route the Gentiles began to perform divinations and ask the idol ques-tions, whether the ship we were on should turn back from Japan to Malacca, and the divination turned out that we should go to Japan and not return to Malacca. At this point I began to suspect they would not go to Japan and would winter and wait for a year in China.Around 21 July, when the ship was off the coast of Vietnam, two accidents hap-pened. Xavier’s companion Manuel the Chinese fell into the water-pump and cut a wide gash on his head, and the captain’s daughter fell into the rough seas: “There were such crying and lamenations day and night, which was a a very great piety in view of such spiritual misery on the part of the Gentiles and the danger of life for all of us who were on this ship. The whole day and night without resting, the Gentiles offered sacrifices to the idol, killing many chickens as food offerings. [The Captain] asked in divination why his daughter had to die; the reply was that she would not have fallen into the ocean and drowned if our Manuel had died instead.”This experience, and the inability to prevent the Chinese from worshipping Mazu, sent Xavier into a long and bitter reflection on the machinations of the Demon in inhibiting the work of the missionaries and to confound the hearts of the Gentiles.19Our second testimony comes from Martin da Rada, a Spanish Augustinian, who sailed from Bolinao in northern Luzon to Zhangzhou in July, 1576. He writes:After leaving the port of Bolinao, we navigated with fair winds until the follow-ing Sunday, when we sighted the land of China; and on Tuesday 5 July we entered into the port of Tiongzozou (Zhongzhuoso, Xiamen). And for the honor of Our 19 Letter of Xavier to Jesuits in Goa, 5 November, 1549, Kagoshima, Letter no. 90 in Epistolae S. Francisci Xavierii aliaque eius scripta, eds., G. Schurhammer and I. Wicki, 2 volumes, Vol. II (1549-1552) (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1996), pp. 179-215 (=Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, vol. 68); on Mazu and the storm at sea, see pp. 179-83.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 77 8/7/17 3:53 PM
78Lord I do not wish to keep secret that in the dangers in which we saw ourselves during a day and a night of storm, the Chinos told us that God had delivered them because of us Religious who were there; and they had abandoned on our account the ceremonies which they usually make in such perils to some idols which they carry in the poops of their ships, seeing that we had told them that they were vain, and that they should ask help from one true God alone. And if they did make some ceremonies to their idols, they did so in secret, without our seeing it. And the Captain Aumon bowed deeply before our images, prostrating himself on the ground, and even saying that he would become a Christian.20Remarkable in this passage is not so much the offense Rada had felt (perhaps less indignant than Xavier), but the ease with which the Chinese captain readily accepted the Virgin Mary as an equivalent goddess, who might possess the same powers to calm the waves and rescue sailors.A third narrative came from the Portuguese André Palmeiro, Visitor of the Jesuit missions in Japan and China, who traveled north from Guangzhou in the winter of 1628 and 1629 in the entourage of a Portuguese military detach-ment sent to help the Ming defenses against the Manchu. Describing the river boat he traveled on, Palmeiro admitted he was given an honored cabin. However, in the stern of these boats “there is a secluded spot with private access where the owner of the boat lives with his whole family. There are also hens for laying eggs, ducks being raised, a dog for the watch, and a pig for the slaughter, meaning that at the crack of dawn and at many reprises during the day I heard children crying, the pig snorting, the roosters crowing, the dog barking, and the ducks squawking. In their boats (and there is none which does not have them), the Chinese put little statutes of their idols, and if the boatman is poor he has at least a painted image, in front of which they light candles and burn incense every day. There is no poverty so great which impedes this devotion…And as I learned that the place where the idol was located was close by, I ordered that the foot of my bed be turned toward it. Since I could not tread upon it with my feet, at least in this way I could defile it through my intentions.”21While Palmeiro briefly mentioned the rituals that attended Mazu on his river boat, a great deal more details was provided a generation later by the French Jesuit Louis Lecomte (1655-1728), who was traveling from Siam on a Chinese junk with four French Jesuits bound for Ningpo China22:20 Narrative of the mission to Fujian, June-October, 1575 by Fr. Gaspar de San Agustin, OESA, in C. R. Boxer, ed., South China in the Sixteenth Century (London: Hakluyt Society, 1953), p. 244.21 Quoted by Liam M. Brockey in The Visitor. André Palmeiro and the Jesuits in Asia (Cambrid-ge MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), p. 231.22 A compleat history of the empire of China: being the observations of above ten years travels through that country: containing memoirs and remarks Geographical, Historical, Topographical, China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 78 8/7/17 3:53 PM
79We were on board a small Chinese vessel, called a Somme (junk) by the Portuguese, without any shelter against the weather, and so straightened for want of room, that we could not lie at length; placed near an idol, black with the smoke of a lamp continually burning in its honor, and, which did not a little offend us, worshipped everyday with a diabolical superstition…Three meals of rice were our daily allowance, though the captain, I confess, often invited us to eat some meat with him; but that being always first offered as a sacrifice to the idol, we looked on it rather with horror than appetite. In this manner we spent about a month, endeavoring, by our patience and prayers, to inspire those idolatrous people with an esteem for our holy religion, our small acquaintance with their language not permitting us to do it by declaring its most sacred truths.‘Tis true, we sometimes, with the help of our interpreter, attempted to con-vince them of the absurdity of that worship they were unfortunately engaged in, by means of their education. One day especially they flocked about us; the dispute grew sharp, and, at length, so hot, that we were constrained to drop it. All seamen are generally very obstinate; and ours took great offense at what we had said of their idol, and, soon after, advanced towards us, with threatening aspects, armed with lances and half-pikes.We impatiently expected the event, but found, at last, there was no reason to fear. The mariners had armed themselves only to prepare for a procession in honor of their idol; perhaps to appease the anger she might have conceived at the rude treatment which she received from us in the late dispute. I scarce believe there is a nation more superstitious than the Chinese, who worship the very compass they steer by, continually censing it with perfumes, and often offering it meat as a sacrifice. Twice a day regularly they threw little pieces of gilt paper, like money, into the sea, as it were to keep it at their devotion. Sometimes, they would present it with little boats made of the same stuff, that, being employed in tossing and ruining them, she might have no leisure to annoy us. But when the unruly element flighted this kindness, and became troublesome, being, as they believed, agitated in an extraordinary manner by a Physical, Natural, Astronomical, Mechanical, Military, Mercantile, Political, And Ecclesiastical. Par-ticularly upon Their Pottery and varnishing Silk and other Manufactures, Pearl-Fishing, the History of Plants and Animals, with a Description of their Cities and Publick Works, Number of People, Manners, Language, and Customs, Coin and Commerce, their Habits, Oeconomy, and Govern-ment, the Philosophy of the Famous Confucius. With an Account of the Conquest of China by the Tartars, and many other curious Particulars. Written by the learned Lewis Le Comte, Confessor to the Dutchess of Burgundy, and one of the French King’s Mathematicians, who was a Missioner in China near twenty Years. A new translation from the best Paris edition, and adorn’d with copper--plates. London: James Hodges, 1739, pp. 7-9.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 79 8/7/17 3:53 PM
80daemon that governs it; they burned some feathers, whose noisome smoke and pestiferous scent were, indeed, more than sufficient, to fend the fiend going, were he the cause, had he been endowed with sense.Passing once near a hill on which one of their temples is built, their superstition then out-did itself; for, besides the usual ceremonies, consisting in meat-offerings, burning of candles and perfumes, throwing little baubles of gilt paper into the sea, and infinite other floppiness, all hands were at work, for five or six hours together, in making a little vessel, in the likeness of ours, of about four feet in length. It was very artificially wrought, wanting neither masts, tackling, sails, nor flags; it had its compass, rudder, and shalop, its arms, kitchenstuff, victuals, cargo, and book of accounts. Besides, they had daubed as many small pieces of paper, as we were men in the ship, and disposed of them in our places. This machine, being placed on two staves, was, with great ceremony, at the noise of a tabor and a brazon bason, raised up in the view of all the crew. A seaman, in a bonze’s habit, was the principal person among them, playing several apish tricks with a quarter-stuff, and, now and then, shouting forth loud huzza’s. At length the mysterious toy was committed to the waves, and eyed as far as sight could reach, accompanied with the bonze’s acclamations, who roared with all his might.These words represent the most detailed records of rituals honoring Mazu historically performed in the late 17th century. Interpreted as mere superstitions in the eyes of a Catholic missionaries, Le Comte’s observations nonetheless provide valuable information for an analysis of this ritual action.Invocations, sacrifices, divinations, and substitutionPractitioners of cults seldom feel the need to explain their ritual actions; and if called upon to do so they may very well be at a loss for words. Like anthro-pologists, observers alien to cultic practices were often able to offer insightful and essential information. Such is the case represented in the missionary accounts quoted at length in the previous section, which offer us observations to analyze and understand these ritual actions. Before we undertake to formulate a theory of ritual action, let us examine in some detail one of the rare Chinese language sources that record the subjective experiences of the goddess’s intervention. The occasion was the embassy by the Ming official Chen Kan to the Ryukyu Islands in 1534, during which the goddess delivered the crew from a shipwreck.Chen Kan’s voyage started in Fuzhou, where the embassy ship was built in the state’s shipyard. The launch was marked by sacrifices made to Mazu. On the 18th China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 80 8/7/17 3:53 PM
81of the 4th month, the ship left Nantai, some 100 li from the sea. Waiting for a strong contrary wind to subside, Chen postponed until the 5th of the 5th month to sail into the ocean. With favorable winds to their back, the ship passed Little Ryukyu (xiao Luquo 小琉球) on the 9th, Diayutai on the 10th, and reached Ryukyu on the 13th. But then a strong north wind prevented the ship from weigh-ing anchor in a bay under a mountain. Chen Kan remembered:For 24 hours a strong wind lashed the ship, and the sailors feared the main masts, constructed out of five shorter lengths, would break apart. Furthermore, in constructing the ship, the shipwrights had used insufficient nails and fax ropes and water was pouring into many gaps. Crying, “It won’t stay”, everyone shouted the name of Tianfei, cutting their hair and making offerings, keeping an all night vigil. Suddenly, a servant crawled into the cabin and held my feet, terrified beyond words. After a long while, he said, “Please ask the goddess for protection for the ship is wrecked!” We were terrified when we heard this.Some of the elderly there remained calm and said one did not need to fear the wind, but the gaps in the boards must be filled. Others advised turning the ship around downwind to stabilize it. This was done. On the 16th, the wind direction turned, blowing from the south, enabling the Ming embassy to land.Chen’s embassy left on the 12th day of the 9th month to return to China; on the 21st, they encountered a strong wind. The mizzen mast broke, the rudder was damaged, crying and lamentations filled the ship. Everyone invoked the name of “Tianfei” for help. Then a red light was sighted and the mariners said to one another: “Tianfei has arrived! We will live!” The wind indeed slackened. The next day, a strong wind arose again, and nobody dared to replace the damaged rudder nor stop the leaks in the cabin. Unsure whether to change rudder in the middle of a storm, the mariners decided to consult Tianfei by divination and got a propitious sign. They leapt to their feet and changed the rudder. Having survived this storm, the crew saw a butterfly on the 26th: some saw it as a sign that land was near; others saw it as a spirit warning them of a coming calamity. Then, a yellow bird rested on the mast. That evening, a strong wind whipped up mountains of waves. Chen remembered:Terrified we sat down in our official uniforms; to alleviate our fears, we wished for a quick drowning. Sighing, we said to one another: “The majesty and virtue of the sacred Son of heaven is known inside and beyond the realm, all gods serve him, how can the Consort of Heaven not save us! If she can save our several hundred lives, it will indeed be a remarkable merit deserving of a tablet, and we will certainly write up a report to the emperor. After this speech, the wind slacked and the ship flew on the water. By the morning, we saw the China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 81 8/7/17 3:53 PM
82hills of Fujian. The crew rejoiced as if they had died and been reborn. They knelt and kowtow in front of Tianfei, as if they were knocking themselves out.23In this passage, we see the gratitude hidden from the critical eyes of western Catholic missionaries, who dismissed the rituals of Chinese seafarers as useless super-stitions. Apprehension, terror, hope, relief, joy, and gratitude: these were the emotions keenly felt and vividly expressed in Chen Kan’s record of his nearly fatal diplomatic voyage. How exactly did one propitiate the goddess, Mazu, and invoke her help?Before attempting to construct a theory of ritual action, we may want to examine the ritual objects mentioned in the texts cited in this paper and recorded in the collection of Mazu documents hitherto published. These consisted of hon-orific objects (statues and images of Mazu, candles and incense), sacrificial objects (oxen, chicken, paper money, paper boats, ship model), oratory objects (prayers, charms, incantations, and amulets), divinatory objects proper such as sieves, lots, and oracular verses, and finally indirect divinatory objects, the primary one being the compass. In addition, there existed a plethora of para-ritual objects around the Mazu cult, including chap books, poetry collections, temple signs, paintings, and inscriptions. Materiality aside, rituals consisted precisely of distinct actions. In texts we read that her worshippers prayed, burned incense, offered meat, questioned, invoked, cried, and shouted her name. They formed processions in ships, threw paper money and little boats into the sea, and even constructed a replica of a real ship and crew to toss into the ocean. Some ritual actions were confined to land, such as the sacrifices in temples; others could only be performed at sea, namely the blessing of compass, the offering of paper boats; still others were amphibious, a prime example being the act of divination, the asking about direction of voyage or the outcome of an undertaking, whether by drawing lots or using paper sieves. This last action was especially diverse. In the documents cited, we read about Chinese seafarers asking the goddess for propitious winds, the direction of sailing, the reason of accidental deaths, and the decision to change rudder. Ritual action provided an additional insurance to navigational science when that knowledge encountered its limitations in the midst of vicissitudes and adversities: storms, high waves, broken rudders, snapped masts, uncharted waters, and uncertain winds.Much of this was common to traditional Chinese religious practices: offering sacrifices and prayers to images and statues of deities, resorting to divination for guidance to action, and producing material objects — talismens, amulets, incan-tations, printing devotional, prayer, and divinatory books, constructing temples — for the propagation of that cult.23 Chen Kan’s account, Shi Luquo lu 史琉球錄 is published in Mazu Wenxian shiliao Huibian, series 1, essays (Beijing: Zhongguo danan chubanshe, 2007), vol. 3, pp. 25-30.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 82 8/7/17 3:53 PM
83The first sacred scripture devoted to the Mazu cult was published in 1416 in fulfillment of a vow by a member of Zheng He’s crew upon his safe return from the voyage. Entitled Taishang laojun shuo Tianfei jiuku lingyan jing (Scripture of the Miracles [Worked] by the Celestial Consort for Saving from Distress, Pronounced by Taishang Laojun 太上老君說天妃救苦靈驗經), this scripture incorporated Mazu into the Taoist pantheon. In the text Mazu became the incarnation of a Jade Maiden who dwelled in the Northern Dipper, protector for those who encountered dangers in seafaring, commerce, and childbirth. After the invocation of her titles and the description of her place in the Taoist pantheon, the text includes a formula of invocation and a fu (talisman), which has the interesting shape reminiscent of twin masts.24The scripture begins with fourteen verses of seven characters of encomium, fol-lowed by a prayer of recollection, invocatory incantation, a ritual incantation, fol-lowed by the main body of the text, a description of her descent onto earth and the powers and paraphernalia granted to her by Taishang laojun, the Grand Supreme Elderly Lord, personification of the Tao.25 Reciting to her a promissory chant, the Lord admonished Tianfei to deliver the virtuous and destroy evil, whereupon she swears an oath in 15 items, beginning with “I vow to help merchant ships to reach safe shores, and to protect merchants and give them peace and happiness.”26 After her vows, the Lord bestows on Tianfei her garments, paraphernalia, and her entourage, and pronounces final verses of benediction. The scripture ends with a picture of a talisman, “Consort of Heaven deliverance Talisman”, with the accom-panying chant and the instruction that “in case of emergency, burn incense, recite the previous chant seven times, draw this talisman, burn and dissolve its ashes in well water for internal use.”The prominence of commercial seafaring was evident in this scripture. Tianfei was a Maiden of the Northern Dipper, a navigational constellation, who vowed to protect merchant ships and commercial seafarers. She also occupies a central role in Ming dynasty prayer texts for the dedication of compasses. In the Diluojing xiazhen-shenwen (Sacred Text for the launching of the Compass 地羅經下針神文), Mazu is the only deity in the pantheon who is invoked twice.27 Like the Taishang laojun shuo Tianfei jiuku lingyan jing, this Compass dedication prayer pertains also to the Taoist tradition and ends with a picture representing five talismanic injunctions.24 For a brief description of this scripture The Taoist Canon. A Historical Companion to the Daozang, 3 volumes, Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, eds., (Chicago: University of Chica-go Press, 2004), vol. 3, pp. 1224-5. The text itself has been published in MWSH (3rd series), Scriptu-res and Oracles, (facsimile), pp. 1-8 (for 1416 edition) and pp. 9-18 (for 1420 illustrated edition).25 The Taoist Canon, vol. 1, p. 76. MWSH (3rd series), Scriptures and Oracles.26 MWSH (3rd series), Scriptures and Oracles, p. 4.27 MWSH (3rd series), Scriptures and Oracles, pp. 19-21.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 83 8/7/17 3:53 PM
84Consort of Heaven Deliverance Talisman. Source: MWSH, Scriptures and Oracles, p. 16.From our discussion we can draw the following conclusion. The virgin Lin Moniang, in life a shaman, in death a deity, was initially worshipped by the communities of seafarers in her home county as a spirit to ward off evil fortunes. By no means limited to the protection of seafarers, Mazu saved women from life-threatening childbirth, travelers from robbers, and seafarers from storms. With the expansion of Fujian maritime trade, her cult spread not only to the coastal communities of the entire province, but northward and southward to the shores of Zhejiang and Guangdong frequented by Fujian merchants and sailors. Saving the imperial grain fleet during the Yuan dynasty elevated the worship of Mazu to a state cult, more a recognition rather than a cause of her popularity. In the maritime voyages of the early Ming, she became the protector of the impe-rial fleet and won greater state honors. The first scripture dedicated to her was China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 84 8/7/17 3:53 PM
85published at this time, in which the goddess was incorporated into the Taoist pantheon and explicitly identified as the protector of merchant shipping.Mazu’s elevation into the Taoist and imperial pantheon shows the highly porous and syncretistic nature of her cult. A protector of all sailors, she was worshipped by the Muslim and Buddhist crew on Zheng He’s voyages, the admiral being raised a Muslim himself. Toward the late Ming dynasty, there were signs that the Consort of Heaven was also being assimilated into the cult of Guanyin, being presented as one of her avatars, apparently trading in her Taoist celestial status but without displacing the Taoist rituals that honored her.28 The porosity of Mazu’s cult, her elevation into the Taoist pantheon, her incorporation into rituals of the Late Imperial State, and her transformation into an avatar of the Bodhisattva, all underscored, in fact, one central facet: the social basis of her cult in communities of Fujian seafarers. It was above all the maritime voyages that spread the worship of Mazu. Her temples were erected along the southeastern Chinese coast between the 11th and 17th centuries, spreading southward to Guangdong, Hainan, and Vietnam, northward to Zhejiang, Shangdong, and Liaodong. Even Korean envoys to early Ming China wrote poems in her honor.29 But her cult spread only slowly to the inland communities of Fujian, her native province, with the first temples in many localities erected only in the 18th century.30The ritual process in honor of Mazu, therefore, was predicated upon a social action — seafaring — initially practiced by seamen of her local county and gradually to all Fujian seamen. And while the goddess protected river boats, rafts, and all vessels, she came to be identified especially as the patron of maritime trade, for it was precisely the mercantile communities of Minnan (other than the Imperial state) who possessed the means to erect temples in her honor and to propagate her cult. The close identification between Mazu and a specific socioeconomic activity gave the cult a polyvalent porosity and endowed its ritual with a great deal of textual and ceremonial flexibility and adaptabil-ity. In contemporary Taiwan, for example, Confucian and Taoist rituals in her honor were performed simultaneously in the same location.31 In Ming China, as we have seen, oxen were offered at sacrifices sponsored by the imperial state, in accordance with norms in the classic Book of Rites, whereas ship captains and boatsmen, less well endowed than the state, served chicken to the goddess. (In any event, the meat was consumed by the attendants in both cases). Cultic 28 Kenneth Dean, Taoist Ritual and Popular Cults of Southeast China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 79.29 MWSH (1st series), Poems, pp. 33-5.30 Barend J. Ter Haar, “The Genesis and Spread of Temple Cults in Fukien,” in Vermeer, ed., Development and Decline of Fukien Province, pp. 349-96, see p. 389.31 Dean, Taoist Ritual, p. 159.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 85 8/7/17 3:53 PM
86porosity and flexibility implied the possibility of ritual substitution: when oxen were too expensive, offer chicken instead; if a statue could not be commissioned, the image of the goddess on a piece of paper could always be acquired cheaply. Ritual substitution itself is predicated upon convergence: different ritual objects and actions could arrive at the same goal, namely, the performance of a valid sacrifice to honor the goddess and elicit her help. The very functionality of her cult — the intertwined nature of a ritual and social action — signified the pos-sibility of convergence, substitution, and, given the right set of circumstances and alternative ritual system, conversion.Convergence: A Theory of ConversionAs protector of Chinese seafarers, Mazu’s realm extended over the East and South China Seas, and for a few decades, even into the Indian Ocean. But in the oceans of the early modern world, another patroness of seafarers was invoked in the global maritime voyages of the Iberian empires.Let us turn to a passage in which an Italian Jesuit on board a Portuguese vessel, en route to India in 1579, reported on a night vision. The Bom Jesus was rounding the Cape of Good Hope, called earlier the Cape of Storms, when the ship, battered for days by huge waves and strong headwinds, suddenly sailed into a quiet southern night sky all ablazed. Michele Ruggieri, the Italian Jesuit, saw St. Elmo’s Fire in the southern latitudes for the very first time. Astounded he wrote:… and in that night of St. Pedro Gonzalez, patron saint of mariners, in the crown of lights the Blessed Virgin appeared above the stern mast, the mizzen mast, and the Main topsail; there were many trustworthy people who saw this vision. In this peril, the fathers withdrew and heard confessions from the pas-sengers, and told them that in these great dangers it is normal for the sailors to receive the help of the Blessed Virgin for their salvation.32On another ship, separated from the Bom Jesus in the same voyage, the mood was more desperate. Battered by storms at the Cape, Jesuit missionaries who served as chaplains on the voyage led the terrified crew in procession from poop to stern, praying to God and the Virgin Mary and throwing Agnus Dei and other sacred objects into the sea to calm the waves.32 ARSI, Jap-Sin 101 I “M. Ruggiero Relaciones 1577-1591.” See my A Jesuit in the Forbidden City. Matteo Ricci 1552-1610 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2-010), p. 34.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 86 8/7/17 3:53 PM
87All who departed for the convoys for India were conscious of the dangers, as Luis Camões, poet of heroic maritime Lusitania and himself a veteran of the oceans, wrote in these verses:The people considered us already lostOn so long and uncertain a journey,The women with piteous wailing,The men with agonizing sighs;Mothers, sweethearts, and sisters, madeFretful by their love, heightenedThe desolation and the arctic fearWe should not return for many a long year.Em tão longo caminho e duvidoso Por perdidos as gentes nos julgavam, As mulheres cum choro piadoso, Os homens com suspiros que arrancavam. Mães, Esposas, Irmãs, que o temeroso Amor mais desconfia, acrecentavam A desesperação e frio medo De já nos não tornar a ver tão cedo.Camões, Os Lusíadas, Canto IV.89Such sacrifices brought Portugal mastery of the waves and domination of the world, as Camões would proudly proclaim, but her domination was due to the powers of the Mother, the Virgin Mary, as the poet proclaims in another Canto of his epic poem:A vós, ó geração de Luso, digo, Que tão pequena parte sois no mundo;Não digo ainda no mundo, mas no amigo Curral de quem governa o céu rotundo; Vós, a quem não somente algum perigo Estorva conquistar o povo imundo, Mas nem cobiça, ou pouca obediência Da Madre, que nos céus está em essência;Canto VII.2China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 87 8/7/17 3:53 PM
88A protector of voyages, a savior of seafarers, the Virgin Mary also delivered to Christian fleets triumphal glory over enemies of the faith. Just as she helped Por-tuguese fleets to victory against ships from Aceh and the Ottoman Empire in the India Ocean, the Virgin interceded on behalf of the combined Venetian, Spanish, and Papal fleets that crushed the Ottoman navy at the 1571 Battle of Lepanto. Pietro Giustinian of Murano, a Venetian nobleman, who took part in the naval bat-tle, probably commissioned this ex-voto painting, executed by Paolo Veronese. In the top part of the canvas, above a curtain of cloud, saints Peter, Roch, Justine and Mark present a female personification of Venice and implore the Virgin to grant victory to the Christian fleet. In answer to this an angel hurls burning arrows at the Turkish vessels, depicted in a fierce battle scene in the lower half of the canvas.Patroness of voyages, protector of sailors, deliverer of victories: these were roles common to the Virgin Mary and Mazu, both crowned Queens of Heaven (Regina Coeli, Tianfei, Tianhou). Perhaps for these reasons the Fujianese captain who fer-ried Martin da Rada from Manila to China readily prostrated himself before the Christian images presented to him, when the Augustinian friar claimed they were more efficacious than Mazu. Perhaps for the same reason, Catholicism represented an attractive religion to the young Zheng Zhilong, learning his trade and making his mark on the Macau-Nagasaki trade.This paper advances a hypothesis on convergence and conversion. When Europeans first arrived in China during the 16th century, they sometimes mistook statues of the bodhisattva Guanyin as vestiges of early Syriac Christian missions.33 During the first decades of the Jesuit mission in Late Ming China, images of the Virgin Mary and Infant Jesus probably influenced visual representations of the Son-Giving Guanyin. While the Virgin Mary never displaced Mazu from the East China Sea, she succeeded in making converts out of the Minnan seafarers and migrants who plied the sea routes between China and the Philippines. For it was to the warm, eternal feminine force, whether in the figure of a virgin or a mother, that mariners of the early modern world sought solace and safety when faced with the dangers of a cold watery grave.33 Such was the impression of the Portuguese Dominican Gaspar da Cruz, who visited Guan-gzhou in the 1560s, see “The Treatise of Fr. Gaspar da Cruz,” in Boxer, ed., South China in the Sixteenth Century, p. 213.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 88 8/7/17 3:53 PM
90THE EUROPEAN CIRCULATION OF ÁLVARO SEMEDO’S WORK Isabel Murta PinaIntroductionAppointed as Procurator of the Vice-Province of China to Europe in 1636, in the following year the Portuguese Jesuit Álvaro Semedo (1585-1658)1 departed from Macau. He therefore started a journey that spanned eight years, until 1645, the year of his return to that port city.In Europe the procurator’s name was by any means foreign to an audience interested in East Asian issues, namely in the Chinese Empire and the mission-ary work developed there by the Jesuits. Indeed, as far as the China mission is concerned, Semedo had played a key role in the accounts of the 1616/1617 crisis, for instance the one included in the Lettere Annue del Giappone, China, Goa, et Ethiopia, published by 1621, in Italian (Naples). Furthermore, he had been the author of the annual letter from China for 1622, that circulated all over Europe, translated from Portuguese into Italian, French and Latin. This letter was inserted in a letterbook of annual letters from Japan and China for 1621 and 1622, that 1 For earlier sketches of Semedo’s biography, see, for example, Louis Pfister, Notices Biographiques et Bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’Ancienne Mission de Chine, 1552-1773, San Francisco: Chinese Material Center, 1976 (1st published in 1932-1934), pp. 143-147; L. Carrington Goodrich & Fang Chaoying (eds.), Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1368-1644, 2 vols. New York-London: Columbia University Press, 1976, pp. 1157-1158; Charles E., O’Neill & Joaquín Mª Domínguez (eds.), Dic-cionario Histórico de la Compañia de Jesus, 4 Vols. Rome-Madrid: Institutum Historicum-Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2001, pp. 3552-3553. For a recent account see our work “Representations of China in Álvaro Semedo’s Work” in Luís Saraiva and Catherine Jami (eds.), History of Mathematical Sciences: Portugal and East Asia V — Visual and textual representations in exchange between Europe and East Asia (forthcoming). See also, Maria Pinto Pereira Romana, “Álvaro Semedo. Relação da Grande Monarquia da China (Percursos de uma Obra)” in Revista Oriente-Ocidente, 33, 2nd series, 2016, pp. 16-24.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 90 8/7/17 3:53 PM
91came to light in 1627.2 However it was through a much larger work, first published in 1642 under the title Imperio de la China i Cultura Evangelica en èl, that Semedo’s name eventually became rather well-known. 1. The production of the text and the process of publication (editio princeps)Semedo closely followed the example of Nicolas Trigault (1577-1628), the former procurator of the China mission, that preceded him by almost twenty-five years, and who during his European tour published the book De Expeditione Christiana apud Cina3 (Augsburg, 1615). 4 Based in the manuscritp of Matteo Ricci (1552 -1610), Trigault’s book may be regarded as the first major work about China and its mission, published by the Society of Jesus.5 Similarly, in the course of his journey through Europe, Semedo took the oppor-tunity to publish a book, that was to become the second major work on China by the Society. This book that significantly contributed to improve and update the European knowledge on the Ming Empire and its mission, was published in four 2 Lettere Annue del Giappone dell’Anno MDCXXII e della Cina del 1621. & 1622, Rome: per Francesco Corbelletti, 1627; Histoire de ce qui s’est passé es (sic) Royaumes dv Iapon, et de la Chine, Paris: Chez Sebastien Cramoisy, 1627; De Novis Christianae Religionis Progressibus et certaminibus in Iaponia, anno M.DC.XXII in Regno Sinarum M.DC.XXI. et M.DC.XXII. Litterae, Münster: Ex--Officina Typographica Michaelis Daelii, 1627. The Portuguese version of the annual letter from China for 1618 is also signed by Semedo (Macau, 20/11/1618, ARSI, Jap.Sin. 114, ff. 166 -175v, 1st via). However, the Italian version, the one that was published, was instead signed by Alfonso Vagnone (1568/1569-1640). See Lettere Annue del Giappone China Goa et Ethiopia, Naples, 1621, pp. 255 -276 (Italian handwritten version by Vagnone: ARSI, Jap.Sin. 114, fls. 152-163v, 2nd via).3 This work, originally in Latin, was based in the journals of Matteo Ricci, that Trigault translated and to which made some additions. It was first published in Augsburg (1615), and a second in Lyon (1616). Also in Lyon, still in 1616, was published a first version in French. In 1617, appeared the German version. To my knowledge, there are five Latin editions, three Italian, one German, and also a Spanish one. Further to this, some excerts of this work are to be found in Samuel Purchas, in his book His Pilgrimages (1625). See Donald Lach & Edwin J. Van Kley, Asia in the making of Europe, vol. III, A Century of Advance, Chicago-London: The University of Chicago Press, 1993, pp. 400, 512.4 The classic study of this European tour is Edmond Lamalle, “La Propagande du P. Nicolas Trigault en faveur des Missions de Chine (1616)”, Archivo Historico Societatis Iesu, vol. IX., Rome, 1940, pp. 49-120; further see Emanuele Raini, “Nicolas Trigault: Il Gigante Tra Successi i Fallimenti” in Luisa Paternicò (ed.), Sulla Via del Catai, La Generazione Dei Gianti II. Altri protagonisti del dialogo culturale fra Europa e Cina, Centro Studi Martino Martini, 2014, pp. 49-59.5 Along with some of the annual letters, a couple of some other short works were published before Trigault’s book, as was the case of Niccolò Longobardo’s Breve relatione del regno della Cina, in 1601; and Diego de Pantoja’s Relación de la entrada de algunos padres de la Compania de Iesus en la China (1605). Pantoja’s work was recently republished by Beatriz Moncó (Alcorcón: Instituto de Estudios Históricos, 2011). China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 91 8/7/17 3:53 PM
92different European languages: Spanish (two editions); Italian (three); French (two); and English, in a total of at least eight editions during the seventeenth century.Despite its wide circulation, at least until the end of the seventeenth century, there are still several issues related to this work, and thus it deserves to be further explored.First of all, we should note that some mistakes about this work have been persistently repeated over the years, even though they are not difficult to correct. Such is the case, for instance, of the completion date of an original manuscript by Semedo. According to Louis Pfister and Donald Lach after him, along with many other scholars, Semedo would have finished his text in 1638, while in Goa, in his way back to Europe.6 However, we easily became aware, only by reading the text, that the mentioned year and city are related to a letter from D. Afonso Mendes (1579-1656), the Patriarch of Ethiopia, quoted at the very end of the Italian edi-tion of Semedo’s book. Thus, those authors wrongly took the final sentence “Da Goa 11. di Nouembre 1638”, that immediately preceded “IL FINE”7, as corre-sponding to Semedo’s text, when clearly it is not.Reading the text, further enable us to realize that actually it was written shortly after the abovementioned year, and already in Europe. Indeed, in the chapter con-cerning Chinese language and writing, Semedo specifically states that “we wrote this Account” [“escrivimos esta Relacion”] in 1640.8 So, when he arrived in Lisbon, by 1639, or at the latest by 1640, Semedo was not carrying with him, from Goa, any finished manuscript.On the other hand, although not a scrap of an original manuscript has, to my knowledge, survived to present9, it is often stated that this would have been writ-ten in Portuguese, and it is even assigned it a Portuguese title. For example, again Louis Pfister, as well as Charles Sommervogel, both claimed that its original title was Relação da propagação da fé no reino da China e outros adjacentes [Report on the dissemination of the Faith in the kingdom of China and its surroundings], an information that was then repeated by several other scholars.10 6 Louis Pfister, Notices Biographiques, p. 145. Donald Lach e Edwin J. Van Kley, Asia in the Mak-ing of Europe, p. 349.7 Semedo 1643, p. 3098 Semedo 1642, p. 50.9 The only manuscript known is for the Italian version. As a matter of fact, Antonio Sisto Rosso reports that an Italian manuscript is to be found in the Wason Collection, at Cornell University. See Apostolic Legations to China of the eighteenth century, South Pasadena: P.D. and Ion Perkins, 1948, p. 112, n. 22. Unfortunately, we had no access to this manuscript, and thus we cannot confirm whether it actually corresponds to a previous manuscript of the Italian edition or just to a handwritten copy from a later period. 10 Pfister, Notices, p. 145; Charles Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, Brus-sels, 1890-1909. See, for example, Dictionary of Ming Biography, p. 1158; Min-sun Chen, “China China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 92 8/7/17 3:53 PM
93Nevertheless, I believe this is an abusive interpretation most likely based on the information provided by authors such as Philippe Alegambe, S.J., João Franco Bar-reto, or even António Franco, S.J. In fact, as soon as 1643, Alegambe stated in his Bibliotheca Scriptorum that he had had in his own hands a book by Semedo, pub-lished in Madrid in 1641, titled Relationem de propagatione Ecclesia in Regno Sinarum, & aliis eiusdem Regni rebus.11 Later on, we find that reference already translated into Portuguese in the works by Barreto, Bibliotheca Luzithana, Autores Portuguezes (unpublished)12, as well as by Franco, Imagem da Virtude em o Noviciado da Com-panhia de Jesus.13 In addition, this long-lived assumption of an original Portuguese text of Imperio de la China may be further associated with the existence of another printed work by Semedo, that was precisely written in Portuguese, the Breve Recop-ilaçam dos Principios, Continuaçam, e estado da Christandade da China, em que está ao presente [Brief Recompilation about the Beginnings, Progress and current state of the Chinese Christianity].14 Entirely devoted to the missionary activity in China, this rare and short work (eleven pages) came to light in Lisbon in the very same year of Imperio de la China, i.e. 1642. These aspects together with the fact that Semedo was Portuguese may have contributed to the aforementioned assumption of a Portuguese original version, which I am convinced had never existed.15 The lack of any manuscript on which the edition of Imperio de la China was based raises a few questions related to its own authorship, that are quite difficult or even impossible to overcome. The same is also extended to the way the text took its shape.16Regarding the question of the authorship, this is all the more important as it has came to the fore by the publisher himself, Manuel de Faria e Sousa (1590 -1649).17 As a matter of fact, this one, in his work Asia Portuguesa, posthu-in the early seventeenth century: Alvarez Semedo’s history of the Great and Renowned Monarchy of China”, Annals of the Philippine Chinese Historical Association, vol. 8, p. 21; and Donald Lach & E. Van Kley, op. cit., p. 350.11 Antwerp: Apud Ioannem Mevrsivm, 1643, p. 24.12 Barreto mentioned Semedo’s book on the dissemination of the Church in the kingdom of China and other matters about that same kingdom. 1st part, p. 172.13 Franco alluded to Semedo’s accounts on the dissemination of the faith in the kingdom of China [“Relações da propagação da Fé nos Reynos da China]. Lisbon: Officina Real Deslandesiana, 1714, p. 852.14 Lisbon: Paulo Craesbeeck, 1642.15 See also Björn Löwendahl, Sino-Western Relations, conceptions of China, cultural influences and the development of Sinology: disclosed in Western printed books 1477-1877, The catalogue of the Löwen-dahl — von der Burg collection, I: 1477-1776, Hua Hin: The Elephant Press, 2008, p. 50.16 On the control exercised by the author over the form of publication of the text, see Roger Chartier, The Order of Books. Readers, Authors, and Libraries in Europe between the Fourteenth and Eighteenth Centuries, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994, p. 53.17 Faria e Sousa spent most of his adult life in Madrid, at the service of the Habsburgh crown. Following several other authors of his own time, he used to wrote in Spanish, in order to get a wider audience to his books. See Donald Lach & E. Van Kley, pp. 354-355; Diogo Ramada Curto, “Uma China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 93 8/7/17 3:53 PM
94mously published between 1666 and 167518, claimed for himself the authorship of Imperio de la China. According to him, he had prepared the work from the materi-als made available to him by Semedo. Indeed, he mentions explicitly the history that due to a request from Semedo he “wrote under the title Empire of China” [“(...) de que resultò la Historia que despues escrevi a su instancia con el Titulo de Imperio de la China”]19; and in another passage he reaffirmed “Our book of the Chinese Empire, taken from the papers and news of Father Alvaro Semedo, from the Society of Jesus” [“Nuestro libro del Imperio de la China, sacado de los papeles, y noticias del Padre Alvaro Semmedo, de la Compañia de JESUS”].20 Besides Faria e Sousa incorporated verbatim several passages of Imperio de la China in his own book Asia Portuguesa.Even though we do not believe that Faria e Sousa was the actual author, it seems to us perfectly possible that the work was to a large extent composed in close cooperation. We should keep in mind that 1640, the year that according to Semedo the account was being written, both men were together in Madrid, as confirmed by Faria e Sousa.21 At least by the end of December, Semedo was already there. On that occasion, he addressed a letter to Superior General Mutio Vitelleschi (1563-1645), reporting him that he was taking longer in Madrid than he had initially predicted, and that he still didn’t know when he would be able to depart to Rome.22 On the other hand, we know that Semedo carried from Asia a set of “loose papers and annual letters from the Jesuits” [“Papeles sueltos, y cartas Annuas de los Jesuitas “], as was later stated by Manuel de Faria e Sousa.23 Semedo himself mentions “some papers” that he was bringing with him. As he told us, he had previ-ously planned to include some notes he had written in some of those papers taken autobiografia de Seiscentos: a Fortuna de Faria e Sousa” in Cultura Escrita: Séculos XV a XVIII, Lis-bon: ICS, 2007, pp. 145-188. On the use of Spanish, see for example Ana Isabel Buescu, “Aspectos do bilinguismo português — Castelhano na Época Moderna” in Hispania, Revista Española de His-toria, número temático, coord. Rafael Valladares, Jan-April, vol. LXIV/I, nº 216, 2004, pp. 13-38.18 This work was first published in three volumes after Faria e Sousa’s death (Lisbon: Oficina de Henrique Valente de Oliveira, 1666-1775).19 Faria e Sousa, Asia Portuguesa, vol. I (no page number).20 Faria e Sousa, Asia Portuguesa, vol. I (no page number).21 In the first pages of Imperio de la China, Faria e Sousa declares that he had seen Semedo in Madrid [“i yo vi a èl en Madrid”]. Semedo 1642. He further confirms that information in his Asia Portuguesa: “Tratèle en la Corte de Madrid (buscado dèl, mereciendo èl que le buscassen otros mejo-res que yo) el año 1641”. Faria e Sousa, Asia Portuguesa, vol. III, p. 223.22 Semedo wrote the Superior General that “[...] currently I’m not able to go and I don’t even know when I will be able to, so I am sending some issues that are not dependent of my presence there [...]” [“Como não vou agora nem sei quando poderei ir não escuso de ir mandando alguns negocios que não dependem tanto de minha presença”]. He further stated “As I have to stay longer [...]” [“como me detenho”]. Letter from Álvaro Semedo to Superior General, Madrid, 31/12/1640, ARSI, Jap.Sin. 161, ff. 224-224v.23 Faria e Sousa, Asia Portuguesa, vol. I (no page number).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 94 8/7/17 3:53 PM
95from India inside a chest, which had been lost during the sea journey.24 Those “papers”, referred by both men, were certainly at the hearth of the work that was being written in 1640, and most probably still in early 1641.We therefore believe that the role played by Faria e Sousa in all the process regarding the production of the book should have been quite important, right from its organization and structuring. But his role was probably far reaching. Indeed it seems quite reasonable that he had been responsible for at least some of the remarks that were apparently added, together with the translation (writing) into Spanish. That his role was not to be limited to that of a translator, leave us no doubt. Indeed, as he himself declared in some initial remarks, found in the first edition of the work, not all the opinions in the book were attributable to Semedo.25 Even the title itself, Imperio de la China i cultura evangelica en el (so different from all the following editions), could have perfectly been choosen by Faria e Sousa. However, we must stress one more time that until a manuscript appears, these are, of course, rather speculative issues. To reconstitute the process through which the text took its final form will only be a feasible task by way of a manuscript.Despite the close cooperation of both man that can justify Faria e Sousa’s claims, in the title page of the work’s first edition, the authorship of the text is clearly attrib-uted to Semedo, whereas Manuel de Faria e Sousa appears as the publisher (“Com-puesto por el Padre Alvaro Semmedo de la propia Compa ñia [...] Publicado por Manuel de Faria i Sousa”).26 Moreover, we have the personal nature of the speech, in which the “I” (meaning Semedo) is generally used in the first two parts of the book.Anyway, what we do know for sure is that on December 1641, the text in Span-ish was already concluded, as it obtained its first permission for being published. This was accomplished in 1642, when two editions were brought to light.27 2. The Italian edition (1643)Swiftly a copy of the text on which the Spanish edition was based was sent to Rome, most likely still in its manuscript form. In Rome, where Semedo went in 1641, the text reached the Jesuit circles and a new edition was promptly 24 Semedo 1642, p. 201.25 “El seguirse aquella opinion, no corrio por cuenta del Padre Alvaro Semedo, i la persona que la siguiò, le descarga della con esta advertencia” ou “(...) porque si el Padre Alvaro Semmedo no lo quiso, o no lo pudo dezir, dixolo quien sabe (...)”. Semedo 1642, p. 4.26 Semedo 1642.27 We found no other difference between these two editions than the dedications. In fact, whereas the first printing was dedicated by Semedo to Francis Xavier; the second printing was dedicated by Manuel de Faria e Sousa to D. Marcelino de Faria i Guzman, from the Council of the Spanish king Philip IV. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 95 8/7/17 3:53 PM
96prepared. This one included the translation into Italian, done around 1641-1642, by a prominent figure in the European cultural scene, the Italian Jesuit Giovanni Battista Giattini (1601-1672).28 This Jesuit, who had taught at the Roman college, was particularly well-known for his linguistic skills. During the abovementioned period he was retired at the German college in Rome, probably to carry out the translation. The new edition also included several adjustments, the so-called “toilette littéraire”, which meant some cuts and omissions, as well as new additions. On the other hand, it further implied misinterpretations of the original meaning, or even typographical and printing errors, some of which quite significant.29 By November 1642, the Italian version of Semedo’s work was ready, as it was then issued its first permission to print, reconfirmed in the following month. By 1643, this newly translated and revised edition eventually appeared under the title Relatione della Grande Monarchia della Cina — reminding a later and shorter text by Semedo, which title also includes the very same expressions “Report”/“Relação” and “Monarchy”/“Monarquia”.30It was precisely this edition prepared in the Jesuit circles in Rome, that would become the main edition, on which all the following editions were based — with the only exception of a new Spanish edition, launched in 1731, in Lisbon, that recovered the original text.3. Further editions during the seventeenth centuryOn the course of the seventeenth century, five further editions were issued, all based on the Italian one: • the French edition, without delay in 1645, titled Histoire Universelle du Grand Royaume de la Chine (Paris). Translated from the Italian by the French Jesuit Louis Coulon (1605-1664), the work was dedicated to Cardinal Jules Mazarin (1602-1661), the chief minister of France from 1642 until 1661;• another Italian edition in 1653 (Rome), Historica Relatione del Gran Regno della Cina. 28 Backer 1876; Sommervogel. On Giattini, see Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 2000, vol. 54; O’Neill & Dominguez, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 1726. SI & Joaquín Mª Domínguez SI (eds.), Diccionario Histórico de la Compañia de Jesus, Rome-Madrid: Institutum Historicum-Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 4 vols, 2001, vol. 2, p. 1726.29 See Noël Golvers, Building Humanistic Libraries in Late Imperial China, Rome-Leuven: Edi-zioni Nuova Cultura, 2011, p. 123.30 “Breve Relação do Estado actual da Monarquia da China, composta pelo Padre Álvaro Seme-do”, Macau, 30/11/1645, ARSI, Jap.Sin. 161, ff. 306-307.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 96 8/7/17 3:53 PM
97• an English edition followed this shortly, in 1655 (London), The History of that Great and Renowned Monarchy of China, translated by Thomas Henshaw (1618-1700)31. To this edition was added, also in English, Martino Martini’s text De bello Tartarico in Sinis Historia, first published in Latin the previous year.32 Some maps and engravings were also added, with the proclaimed goal of “satisfie the curious, and advance the Trade of Great Britain”. It is worth noting that in the title page of this edition, Semedo was not identified as a Jesuit but only as a Portuguese: “Lately written in Italian by F. ALVAREZ SEMEDO, a Portughess, after he had resided twenty two yeares at the Court, and other Famous Cities of that Kingdom”.33• a new French edition came out in Lyon, in 1667. Likewise it included Mar-tino Martini’s text; • and finally, another Italian edition in 1678 (Rome and Bologna), following the 1643 edition, i.e., without Martino’s text.34 Unfortunately we have no information regarding the number of copies pro-duced in each editon. Anyway, as stressed by Roger Chartier, according to some seventeenth century printers’ manuals, the ordinary pressrun for an edition was 1,500 copies.35 If we take into account these figures, although one of the examples Chartier provides is dated from the late seventeenth century Spain (the manual published by Alonso Victor de Paredes, ca. 1680), this means that during the said century (from the 1640s onwards) there could have been around 12,000 copies of Semedo’s book circulating, in four different languages. We are perfectly aware that this is a rather speculative figure, and certainly exagerated. Nonetheless, the amount of copies still extant seems to suggest a large number of books printed.31 See Stephen Pasmore, “Thomas Henshaw, F. R. S. (1618-1700)” in Notes and records of the Royal Society of London, 36, N.º 2 (1982), pp. 177-188.32 Antwerp, B. Moret. Republished in Martino Martini, S.J., Opera Omnia, 3 vols., ed. Franco Demarchi and Giuliano Bertuccioli, Trento, 1998-2002. In its English version, the text was titled “Bel-lum Tartaricum, or the Conquest of The Great and most Renowned Empire of China, By the Invasion of the Tartars, who in these last seven years, have wholly subdued that vast Empire” (pp. 251-308). 33 On the omission of references to Catholic missionary activity by the Protestants, see Nicholas Koss, “Matteo Ricci on China via Samuel Purchas: Faithful Re-Presentation”, in Christina H. Lee, Western Visions of the Far East in a Transpacific Age, 1522-1657, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012, pp. 85-100. 34 After this, in 1731, another Spanish edition was printed (Lisbon), as well as two Portuguese editions in the 20th century (translated from the Italian into Portuguese by Luís Gonzaga Gomes), in 1956 (Macau: Notícias de Macau) and in 1994 (Macau: DSEJ-Fundação Macau); another French edition appeared in 1998 (Jean Pierre-Duteil, ed., Paris: éditions Kimé), and most recently an English facsimile edition in 2011 (Primary Sources, Historical Collections). For a fascinating case-study on one book, The Courtier, and its several editions, translations, metamorphoses as well as its reception, see Peter Burke, The Fortunes of the Courtier, University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996. 35 Roger Chartier, The Author’s Hand and the Printer’s Mind, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2014, p. 99. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 97 8/7/17 3:53 PM
98As for the languages in which Semedo’s work was published (Spanish, Italian, French and English), we might note that they do coincide, apart from the German, with those European vernaculars with the larger number of speakers in the seven-teenth century. In fact, as Peter Burke states, at the beginning of that century, there were around eight and a half million Spanish speakers; nine and a half million Italian speakers; around fourteen million French speakers; and six million English speakers.36 4. MetamorphosesLet us now turn our attention to the adjustments the work went through between its first edition in 1642 and the following Italian edition of 1643.This former Spanish edition was dedicated to Francis Xavier, twenty years after his canonization in 1622. In the title page he was called the “second Apostle of all Asia and second Fellow of St. Ignatius of Loyola” [“segundo Apostol de toda la Assia, i segundo Compañero de S. Ignacio de Loyola”].37 This 1642 edition, printed in the house of Juan Sanchez, located in Madrid, was supported by Pedro Coelho, a prominent bookseller.38 Both these men had been previously associated with Faria e Sousa, for instance in 1639, when he published his Spanish and commented edi-tion of Os Lusíadas.39Between the Spanish edition and the Italian one there are a number of impor-tant differences. One of the more obvious is probably the title, from Imperio de la China y Cultura evangelica en él to the abovementioned Relatione della Grande Monarchia della Cina (i.e., “Empire of China and Evangelic Culture in it” to “Report on the Great Monarchy of China”).On the other hand, from the original three parts in which the Spanish edition was divided, the Italian one was restructured into only two: the former devoted to Ming China and the latter to the China mission.4036 Peter Burke, Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge-New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004, p. 82. Unlike Trigault, whose first edition of his De Expeditione, was in Latin, Semedo’s book wasn’t published in this language. This may be associated with the fact highlighted by authors such as Peter Burke, that from around the mid-seventeenth century the Latin started loosing its position (Ibid., p. 58). However, it seems worth stressing that after Semedo’s work, other books published by the Jesuits about China were still in Latin. 37 Semedo 1642. In 1640, Semedo reported in a letter to Superior General that he was carrying with him from Goa two of Xavier’s teeths (Madrid, 31/12/1640, ARSI, Jap.Sin. 161, f. 224v).38 Semedo 1642, title page.39 We find both the printer and the bookseller once again associated in the following year, in the book of Rodrigo Mendes Silva (1606-1670), Vida y hechos heroicos del gran Condestable D. Nuño Alvarez Pereyra, Madrid, 1640.40 In the 1642 edition, the first two sections are devoted to China, and the third to the history of the mission. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 98 8/7/17 3:53 PM
99Further to this, we may also refer that some of the original chapters were divided in the Italian edition, and thus its number increases: from 32, they became 44. Similarly, several paragraphs were also divided, thus introducing, as noted by Chartier, “breathing space, breaking up an uninterrupted continuous text”, in order to render the text easier to read.41 We should also note the incorporation of indications in the margins along the text, pointing out the topics discussed.Also the several editions have different dedicatees. As abovementioned the first Spanish edition was dedicated to Francis Xavier, deceased almost a century earlier; whereas the Roman edition of 1643 was dedicated to someone still alive and actu-ally very influential in those days, Cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597-1679), the nephew of Pope Urban VIII, a distinguished bibliophile, and Cardinal Protector for Aragon and Portugal.The Italian edition was prepared in one of the best Roman printing houses of its time, that of Lodovico Grignani, a prominent printer and a very trusted man of renowned authors. This printing house was known, for instance, for the high quality of its work, namely in terms of the frontispieces there executed.42In the 1643 edition, apart from the frontispiece, nonexisting in the Spanish edition, we can also find, for the first time, the famous portrait of Semedo, based on the work of the Italian painter Massimo Stanzione (1585-1656). This one, in 1641, depicted the procurator wearing the black silk garment used by the Jesuits in China, with his long and white beard, holding in his hands a brush and a book with what supposedly were some Chinese characters. This same portrait would also be included in three of the following five editions published in the seventeenth cen-tury: the two Italians of 1653 and 1678; and the English one of 1655. As stressed by Roger Chartier, “the portrait of the author, (...) makes the assignation of the text to a single “I” immediately visible”. Thus “the function of the author’s portrait is to reinforce the notion that the writing is the expression of an individuality that gives authenticity to the work”. Those representations, further states Chartier, are often of the author shown in the act of writing.43Those are, therefore, some of the main differences that we can highlight between the editio princeps of 1642 and the following version of 1643. Moreover, and despite both texts are very close to one another, in the parts devoted to the Chinese Empire, there are several minor differences, among which we can include small adjustements. This is the case of some omissions, namely 41 See Chartier, The Order of Books, p. 11.42 This printing house was by then located near the Roman College. During the 1640s, it in-creased its production, with a much larger number of titles that were printed there. 43 The portrait is frequent in printed books of the sixteenth century. However, he notes, that the same is true for manuscripts from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Chartier, The Order of Books, p. 52.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 99 8/7/17 3:53 PM
100related to comments that were suitable to a Portuguese audience, or even Span-ish, but would made no sense for other nationalities’ audiences. Most likely due to this kind of reason, those remarks were then omitted in the Italian edition and the followings.In this context, one emblematic case is the reference to Luís de Camões, mentioned as “our poet” [“nuestro poeta”] in the Spanish text. This allusion is to be found among a description of the Chinese rules of courtesy and the proper way to ask about the health of sick people.44 As was explained, in China, instead of using the word “disease” [“doença”], people often used expressions such as “noble indispositon” [“nobre indisposição”]. It was then added the com-ment that, likewise, the poet had classified as beautiful the disease of a lady45 — as indeed occurs in its lyric poems46 —, and thus it was stated that this was probably a Chinese influence: once in India, it was affirmed, Camões could have learned that expression.47 Not surprisingly this comment was omitted in the Italian edition. Furthermore, it is worth noting that the comment may be a visible trace of Faria e Sousa’s intervention, as he was closely associated with Camões, as his biographer, commentator and editor.48 Tellingly, another Jesuit author, António de Gouveia (1592-1677), that in his Ásia Extrema also alludes to the “noble disease”, doesn’t include any comment relating the Chinese expres-sion with Camões.49Likewise we can find several other omissions or supressions in the Italian edi-tion, as is clear in various other comments or comparisons. For example, when the Chinese literati dresses for visits were described, in the 1642 edition a comparison was made regarding the hats used in Spain by the religious during the visits to their superiors — which disappears.50 The same is true for the comment about the nobles that in China emulated the dress code of the literati, due to the their social prestige; and the consequent claim that it would be a reason for major scandal in “our Spain” [“nuestra España”], where the noble people, at least in Portugal, felt such a big aversion to letters.5144 Semedo 1642, p. 93.45 “[...] como nuestro Poeta llamò hermosa, a la enfermedad de una Dama; acaso porque en la India supo este termino Chino”. Semedo 1642, p. 93. 46 Deu, senhora, por sentença/Amor que fosseis doente,/Para fazerdes à gente/Doce e formosa a doença. Não sabendo Amor curar,/ Foi a doença fazer,/ Formosa para se ver./Doce para se passar.47 Semedo 1642, p. 94.48 Likewise in his edition of Os Lusíadas (1639), Faria e Sousa explains in his “Advises to read more clearly this book” that whenever the reader found, in Faria’s comments, “N.P.” it was to mean “Nuestro Poeta”, in other words, Luis de Camões. 49 Ed. by Horácio Araújo, 1st part, book I, Lisbon p. 260.50 Semedo 1642, p. 86.51 Semedo 1642, p. 86.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 100 8/7/17 3:53 PM
101Therefore, quite often (but not always) we can see that some comments, com-paring the situation in China with that in Portugal or Spain, just disappear. For instance, such was the case of “thing in which our Spain differs so much” [“cosa en que tanto varia nuestra España”]52; anyway even some comparisons with “our Europe” [“nuestra Europa”] are also erased.53The same is true regarding some comments in which the Portuguese nation was praised. For instance: “It seems to be such a unique gift, that the same earth has conceded to the Portuguese nation to be treated all over the world with such a particular trust” [“I parece tambien ser don singular, que el mismo cielo concedio a la nacion Portuguesa, para ser tratada en todo el mundo con particularissima confiança”] — obviously that made no sense in the Italian edition.54 Further removed were some explanations about terminology, as was the case of “that the Portuguese call letria, the Italians vermicieli, and the Castillians fideos” [“a que llaman los Portugueses letria, los Italianos vermicieli, i los Castellanos fideos”]55, or “that in Portugal are called apples of Anafe, and Açufayfas in Castile» [que en Portugal llaman, mançanas de Anafe, y Açufayfas en Castilla] 56; or “Upadas is what Portuguese call to scourges” [“Vpadas llaman los Portugueses a los açotes”], and so forth.57Sometimes, there is the removal of what can be regarded as criticisms. To quote but one example, it was omitted from the Italian edition a comment about bribery, in which was stated that the problem far from being exclusively Chinese, was undoubtedly a “universal plague” [“peste universal”].58But if the 1643 edition has some omissions, when confronted with the Spanish one, the opposite is also true. That is to say, that some new information or topics are included in the Italian edition. This is, for instance, the case of a new chapter on the games played by the Chinese59; or the chapter devoted to the death of emperor Wanli 萬曆 (r. 1572-1620). When dealing with the topic of Chinese sacrifices, the Italian version is larger, providing more accomplished information.60 In the same way, in the chapter on the prisons, judgements and punishments, the Italian version, a little bit longer, has two more paragraphs than the Spanish one. 61 Futher to this, the life of Li Zhizao 李之藻 (1565--1630), the topic of the final chapter, was not included in the Spanish edition.52 Semedo 1642, p. 9453 Semedo 1642, p. 168.54 Semedo 1642, p. 159.55 Semedo 1642, pp. 97-98.56 Semedo 1642, p. 30.57 Semedo 1642, p. 184.58 Semedo 1642, p. 168.59 Chap. XIV, “Delli Guiochi, che vsano li Cinesi”, Semedo 1643, pp. 87-89.60 Semedo 1643, pp. 121-122.61 Semedo 1643, pp. 177-178.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 101 8/7/17 3:53 PM
102We can further say that in the Italian version the references to Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) have a little more emphasis — which makes sense in an edition directly controled by the Society.62 We can also find adjustments, for example, when sentences in Spanish in the original edition are translated into Latin in the Italian one.63 Adaptations are also to be found in the measurements and currencies. For instance, “ducados” in the Spanish edition turn to “escudos” or “julius” in the Italian one.64Another worth mentioning difference, in the chapter devoted to the language and writing, lies in the inclusion of some Chinese characters in the Italian edition, to illustrate the examples provided by the author.65 Finally, lets now look to some distortions that took place from one edition to another, namely due to typographical and printing errors. Among the most sig-nificant distortions, two are particularly interesting and are related to information on Confucius and Laozi, that were well known for a long time.About Confucius, the Spanish edition dated his birth from the year 550 BC.66 However, in the Italian edition it was printed 150.67 From then on, this error was always repeated (except for the Spanish edition of 1731). Consequently, recent scholars have incorrectly charged Semedo with this important mistake.68As for Laozi, there was a similar error, since the traditional eighty years during which he had remained in his mother’s womb, and that was correctly reported in the edition of 1642, turned into only eight years in the Italian edition, and then was repeated in the following editions.69 We should stress that in the Italian edition, several other typographical errors were added, especially in numbers.The distortions aforementioned further include misinterpretations of the origi-nal meaning, that we can check through the confrontation of the 1642 and 1643 editions. Among several examples, we can mention, for instance, that while in the Spanish edition was written: “few pecuniary penalties” [“Condenationes pecuni-62 For instance, if in the Spanish edition Ricci is mentioned inside brackets and in a shorter way, in the Italian one the brackets disappear and the confirmation of a certain information provided by Ricci is stressed, as he had been in China over the course of a long time and had a great knowledge about the country. Semedo 1643, p. 124. 63 “Hinchamos el vientre oy, porque moriremos mañana”. Semedo 1642, p. 96. In the Italian edition, we have: “Comedamus & bibamus, eras enim moriemur”. Semedo 1643, p. 84.64 Semedo 1642, p. 104; Semedo 1643, pp. 94, 171, 173.65 Semedo 1643, pp. 45-46.66 Semedo 1642, p. 72. 67 Semedo 1642, p. 72. Semedo 1643, p. 63.68 See, for instance, Min-sun Chen, op. cit., p. 50; and D. E. Mungello, Curious Land: Jesuit Ac-commodation and the Origins of Sinology, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989, p. 84. Mungello, expressed his surprise, since the year of Confuciu’s birth was perfectly known at Semedo’s own time. According to him, the confusion caused by the Jesuit was a significant and uncommun lack of accuracy.69 Semedo 1642, p. 119; Semedo 1643, p. 111; Semedo 1645, p. 122.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 102 8/7/17 3:53 PM
103arias pocas”], in the Italian one it was stated that “the penalties are pecuniary” [“Le condennationi sono pecuniarie”].70 Or, whereas in the Spanish text was reported that there was no rhubarb in any other place, as the author supposed/“presumo”; in the Italian version, this word “presumo” was wrongly translated as “Profumo”, i.e. perfume — thus turning the rhubarb into a perfume.71 In sum, the European circulation of Semedo’s work, in its various editions and translations, implied several changes. These were particularly pronounced between the Spanish (first) editon and the Italian (main) edition, as the confrontation among the texts clearly show us.Also important to highlight is that the most significant differences are to be found in the final part of both editions, on the missionary activity in China. Indeed, as far as this section is concerned it is clear that the Italian text was not based on the Spanish one. On the other hand, taking into account its editions, Semedo’s work seems to have had a more direct impact until the end of the seventeenth century. From then on, except from one edition dated from 1731, it was not until the middle of the twentieth century that new editions reappeared once again, namely the first Portuguese one.70 Semedo 1642, p. 184; Semedo 1643, p. 177. 71 Semedo 1642, p. 26; Semedo 1643, p. 24.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 103 8/7/17 3:53 PM
104“ADDITIONAL NOTES ON MATERIA MEDICA: THE BENCAO BU 本草補 BY PEDRO DE LA PIÑUELA (1650-1704)”Chiara BocciIntroductionA rare Chinese manuscript1 deserves the attention of scholars interested in the history of the materia medica in traditional China, in particular in the contri-bution of Western missionaries to this vast domain. This little known work was written towards the end of the XVIIth century by the Franciscan missionary Pedro de la Piñuela from Mexico. It demonstrates the multiple interests of the religious of the time, not only limited to metaphysical questions but embracing other mat-1 Just two copies of this work are known: one in the French National Library (Bibliothèque Nationale de France) in Paris, the other one preserved in Rome, in the archives of the Jesuits. For the present study I have used a scan of the Parisian copy. For the Roman specimen, see Nicolas Standaert et Adrian Dudink (eds.), Yesuhui Luoma dang’an guan: Ming Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian 耶蘇會羅馬檔案館: 明清天主教文獻 Chinese Christian Texts from the Roman Archives of the Society of Jesus, 12 vols. (Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute, 2002), XII, pp. 105-144. For a short presentation of the work and its author, see Albert Chan, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in Rome. A Descriptive Catalogue; Japonica-Sinica I-IV (Armonk, NY, etc.: Sharpe, 2002), pp. 396-398. Read also the long study by the Franciscan Antonio Sisto Rosso who praises the qualities of Piñuela’s work: “This is, indeed, a precious book worth studying, all the more that, according to information kindly given me by Mr. Wang Chung-min, National Library of Pei-p’ing, the copy preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale is possibly the only one extant”; see A. S. Rosso, “Pedro de la Piñuela, O. F. M., Mexican Missionary to China and Author”, Franciscan Studies, 8 (1948), pp. 268-269. Concerning Piñuela and the Franciscan Mission in China, see also Nicolas Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 2 vols., I (635-1800), in particular pages 145, 253, 328 et seq., and p. 803, chapter “Botany”: “Bencao bu (Addition to the materia medica). Composed by the Franciscan missionary Pedro de la Piñuela (1650-1704) and written down (1697) by a Chinese convert Liu Ning 劉凝 (ca. 1625 — ca. 1715)” and Anastasius van den Wyngaert O. F. M. (ed.), Sinica Franciscana. Relationes et Epistolas Fratrum Minorum, 10 vols. (Firenze: Quaracchi, 1942), IV: Saeculi XVII et XVIII, pp. 252-372. On p. 262, the Bencao bu is quoted in Latin with the title “Virtutes aliquarum herbarum et lapilorum”.For more references about the Bencao bu and its author, see my complete translation in Journal Asiatique 302.1(2014) pp. 151-209, especially footnotes n.1 and 2 (pp. 151-153).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 104 8/7/17 3:53 PM
105ters too, like natural sciences. In this particular case, we shall speak of botany and mineralogy. The missionary wrote it directly in Chinese,2 as this work was not intended for a Western audience, but conceived to allow the Chinese literati to increase their knowledge about particular plants and stones from the West or from other countries like the Philippines, where Piñuela had lived for quite a long time, or finally to let the Chinese fully exploit the medicinal properties of certain local plants such as mints. It seems that his plentiful knowledge came from personal experiences and observations, augmented and sustained by reading treatises, like those written by the Jesuits Giulio Aleni (1582-1649)3 and Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688),4 explicitly mentioned by the author as authoritative sources in deepest admiration. This fact shows that the thirst for knowledge and the desire of spreading the Western sciences, to be considered also as a means of conversion, were much stronger than the disputes which traditionally divided the Jesuits and the mendicant orders: while at that time these different orders officially acted against one another,5 they were often collaborating and exchanging knowledge on a private level, as this particular case shows.This work represents an ambitious first attempt at merging two distant medical traditions: the Western and the Chinese, and it should be seen as the continua-2 Piñuela had certainly studied Chinese, see Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana…, IV, p. 265: “Epistola ad prov. Michaelem a S. Maria Madridejos, Samiang 24 Febr. 1667: P. Petrus de la Piñuela ad pagum Mouyang vadit ad linguam sinicam addiscendam…”, and p. 266: “...con la aiuda del P. Fr. Francisco Varo estudie unos quantos meses la lengua...”. However it is difficult to know how far he mastered the written language of the literati. It is more likely that his Chinese friend Liu Ning helped him write the text or even authored it entirely, as N. Standaert suggests (see n.182).3 Piñuela quotes a short passage from the Zhifang waiji 職方外紀 in the chapter on the “Stone which protects the heart”, which will not be presented in this paper. For a full translation of Aleni’s work, see Giulio Aleni and Paolo De Troia (transl.), Geografia dei paesi estranei alla Cina. Zhifang waiji (Brescia: Fondazione Civiltà Bresciana, Centro Giulio Aleni, 2009).4 From the Belgian missionary’s treatise “On the Poison-Absorbing Stone” Piñuela quotes a long passage to present the same stone in his work. This item will not be treated here, despite its extraordinary nature, because of the number of articles and notes which have already been dedicated to it; see for instance Ulrich Libbrecht, “Introduction of the Lapis Serpentinus into China: a Study of the Hsi-Tu-Shih of F. Verbiest, S. J.”, Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica, 18 (1987), pp. 209-237, and Chiara Bocci et Roderich Ptak, “The Animal Section in Boym’s (1612 -1659) Flora Sinensis: Portentous Creatures, Healing Stones, Venoms, and Other Curiosities”, Monumenta Serica, 59 (2011), pp. 373-378.5 According to traditional opinion, the “Rites Controversy” began in 1632, involving the mendicant friars and the Jesuits. It essentially concerned the method of evangelisation: the Jesuits being favourable to a cultural adaptation (they tolerated for instance the Chinese cult of ancestor worship), the Franciscans on the contrary were in favour of a stricter respect of Christian orthodoxy. At the time Piñuela wrote, this dispute had reached its apogee; see Michel Masson (ed.), Matteo Ricci, un jésuite en Chine. Les savoirs en partage au xviie siècle (Paris: Éditions Facultés Jésuites de Paris, 2010), p. 66. See also what Piñuela writes in Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana…, IV, p. 318: “Las questiones y controversias sobre cosas de jurisdicion y privilegios estan trabajosas por aca, los padres de la compañia [the Jesuits] son los que hazen grande guerra”.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 105 8/7/17 3:53 PM
106tion of the achievements of Piñuela’s glorious predecessors, such as the Chinese botanist Li Shizhen (1518-1593), and the European missionaries Michael Boym (1612-1659) and Johannes Schreck Terrentius (1576-1630), the author of the lost botanical work Plinius Indicus.To gain an insight into the reasons and the circumstances that gave birth to such a work, one should read the words written by the Chinese scholar Liu Ning,6 a close friend of Piñuela’s. In a long erudite preface, with a strong rhetorical style, he presents the work in an attitude of profound admiration towards his friend from the West, whom he respectfully calls “Master”. Of this long preface, we will only quote a few excerpts here, those judged essential to the comprehension of the work itself.Concerning the importance of this book for subsequent generations, we must say that it apparently was of minor importance, but it remains probably the first contribution by a European to the history of Chinese medicine and it seems to have been highly rated among some Chinese scholars who followed: the famous botanist Zhao Xuemin 趙學敏 (1719-1805) quoted ample passages of the Bencao bu in his work Bencao gangmu shiyi 本草綱目拾遺, which was later included in the imperial encyclopaedia Siku quanshu 四庫全書.7Regarding the items presented, it should be pointed out that their identification was sometimes very challenging8 since the author attributed new bizarre Chinese names to plants and stones of Western origin, according to different formation principles: the semantic principle was adopted more often, but the phonetic prin-ciple was used too, as in the case of ricinus (castor) oil: rijing you 日精油.6 About Liu Ning, see N. Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, I, pp. 435-436 and Knud Lundbaek, “Liu Ning (Er Zhi). A Chinese Christian Author of the 17th-18th Century”, Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal 12 (1991), pp. 1-3; see also notes 182 and 183 above.7 Zhao Xuemin, Bencao gangmu shiyi (Taipei: Hongye shuju, 1985). This work was not published until 1871. On the author, see Carla Nappi, The Monkey and the Inkpot (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2009), pp. 142 et seq. See also P. U. Unschuld, Pen-Ts’ao: 2000 Jahre traditionelle pharmazeutische Literatur Chinas (München: Heinz Moos Verlag, 1973), pp. 143-1468 About the question of the identification of plants, Joseph Needham writes: “This tractate is now an extremely rare book, which few have seen, but in it the Franciscan described four useful plants (not yet identified) which he had introduced from Spain or the Philippines and thought were new to China”; see J. Needham et al., Science and Civilisation in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), VI/1, p. 323. There are many studies on the books of medicine and botany sent to the Jesuit missionaries in Peking from Europe; see for instance Noël Golvers, “The Jesuits in China and the Circulation of Western Books in the Sciences (17th-18th Centuries): The Medical and Pharmaceutical Sections in the SJ Libraries of Peking”, East Asian Science, Technology and Medicine 34 (2011), pp. 15-85 and N. Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning for China. Circulation of Western Books between Europe and China in the Jesuit Mission (ca. 1650- ca. 1750), vol. I Logistics of Book Acquisition and Circulation, Leuven Chinese Studies XXIII (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Institute, 2012) and vol. II Formation of Jesuit Libraries, Leuven Chinese Studies XXVI (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Institute, 2013). Since Piñuela wasn’t a Jesuit and didn’t work in Peking, he probably didn’t have access to these sources to write down his Bencao bu.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 106 8/7/17 3:53 PM
107A comparative study of the Western sources that Piñuela might have had at his disposal while writing down his work was very helpful in identifying plants and minerals, while the vast knowledge of experienced sinologists and professors I had the pleasure to discuss with, unveiled the nature of some other “mysterious” items. This is the case of the black “stone which conjures convulsions” (bi jingfeng shi 避驚風石), for whose identification I am deeply indebted to Prof. Arturo Giráldez. I would like to express my gratitude here to him, to Prof. Noël Golvers for the precious information about Ferdinand Verbiest’s correspondence, to Prof. Hermann Tessenow for discussing with me issues of traditional Chinese medicine and finally to Prof. Roderich Ptak for his continuous support.Preface to the Bencao bu: a selection of relevant passages“In the beginning Fuxi drew the eight trigrams to penetrate [the secret] of the unfathomable spirit of mankind. Shennong tasted the hundred herbs to provoke chronic diseases [which affect mankind].9 In this way they have rendered our nature more virtuous while protecting our body [from disease] at the same time”.[...] Spirit and body encounter pain, what a pity! Master Peter (Pedro, “stone”)10 who comes from the West, with his subtle and profound arguing, will get rid of the deafness and blindness of mankind. Moreover, with his boundless knowledge he will highlight the differences among the various substances and will present their action on the vital area between the heart and the diaphragm.11 In this way he will [show] his mercifulness towards spirit and body. How is it possible to take care of both at the same time”?[...]“Before having our conversations this [work] had not been planned”.9 Shennong tasted all herbs, even the poisonous ones, and subjected himself to all sorts of diseases to get to know them better and find suitable cures for mankind.10 Shi Zhenduo 石振鐸 is the Chinese name of Pedro de la Piñuela; the first character (shi 石) means “stone”, like the name Pedro. The appellation Zhenduo (“Tolling Bell”) is the same as that of the founder of the State of Cao 曹: Shu Zhenduo 叔振鐸, one of the sons of King Wen; see Olivia Milburn, “The Five Types of Name: A New Methodology for Interpreting Zhou Dynasty Naming Practices”, Hanxue yanjiu 漢學研究, 24.2 (2006), p. 400. In ancient times, this expression was used for the masters, those who instructed people, because they made use of a little bell to summon the attention of the students. In the xviith century, the missionaries adopted this name in the sense of “priest”; the variant 司鐸 siduo (“charged of the bell”) was more often used though, especially by the Jesuits. See Michel Masson (ed.), Matteo Ricci, un jésuite en Chine. Les savoirs en partage au xviie siècle (Paris: Éditions Facultés Jésuites de Paris, 2010), p. 20.11 Gaohuang 膏肓: an area considered vital in traditional Chinese medicine. According to tradition it cannot be cured by medication; when struck by a disease there is no hope of recovery for the patient.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 107 8/7/17 3:53 PM
108[...]“Regarding the contents of this work, we find in it some [plants] which do not grow in China, but which are nowadays imported and planted instead. This is the case of the “fragrant herb” (xiang cao 香草) and of the “fetid herb” (chou cao 臭草).12 There are several other substances which come from foreign countries and which cannot be listed among the products of China’s waters and soils, like the fruit jiawanong of Luzon (Lüsong zhi jiawanong guo 呂宋之加穵弄果), the “stone which conjures convulsions” (bi jingfeng shi) that comes from Spain, or again the bark of the “welding tree” (duanshu pi 鍛樹皮), which is found in many West-ern countries. [Moreover] If a medicament is missing, it can be fabricated in the West. This is the case of the “heart-protecting stone” (baoxin shi 保心石), of the “poison-absorbing stone” (xidu shi 吸毒石), and of ricinus oil (rijing you). There are [some other substances] which are usually employed in China, but whose heal-ing properties have not been studied yet, like mint (bohe 薄荷), the leaves of the lou plant (louye 蔞葉) and Chinese broccoli (jielan 芥藍). Of each and every one of them a description will be given as well as a list of its [healing] effects. This is really filling a gap [in the knowledge of ] the materia medica.[...]“Once I entered [his room] and asked: In the countries beyond the sea so many bizarre prescriptions and so many different medicines can be found. Why can’t we spread [this knowledge], examine it and put it together [in a comprehen-sive work] in order for my country to profit from it”?[...]“Achieved in the year Dingchou of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1697), in the third month of summer, seven days before the Portiuncula Indulgence, preface humbly written on Saint Anna’s Day in the town of Nanfeng, in the Hall of Veneration of Yuling”.Index of the Bencao buAuthored by the Religious Sir Shi Duolu Zhenduo 石鐸琭 振鐸 from the West.— Xiang cao: The “fragrant herb”.— Chou cao: The “fetid herb”.These are two sorts [of plants] which are not found in China. The seeds that we have now imported could be planted everywhere.— Lüsong guo: The “fruit of Luzon (Strychnos Ignatii Berg.)”. Its name is jiawa nong).— Bi jingfeng shi: The “stone which conjures convulsions”.12 In both cases, cao is written with the traditional form of radical n. 140 艸; this is an example of the graphic style chosen for printing this work, which uses unusual and older graphic variants, that are sometimes difficult to read and identify.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 108 8/7/17 3:53 PM
109— Duanshu pi: The bark of the “welding tree”.— Baoxin shi: The “heart-protecting stone”. Its alternative name is bao shi 寶石 (“precious stone”).— Xidu shi: The “poison-absorbing stone”. It is also called she shi 蛇石 (“snake stone”).— Rijing you: ricinus oil.Of these six items, none of them is a Chinese product. The first three are naturally formed. The “heart-protecting stone” can be natural as well as fabricated, while the “poison-absorbing stone” and ricinus oil are both manufactured.— Bohe: mint.— Louye: betel leaves (Piper betle L.).— Jielan: “Chinese broccoli (Brassica alboglabra)”.— Machi xian 馬齒莧: purslane (“horse tooth xian”, Portulaca oleracea L.).— Jinsi cao 金絲草: The “golden silk herb”. This is a variety of tobacco.These five species are widely present in China; the novelty consists in knowing their effects as great medicines.— Simple prescriptions against fistulas (see addenda).— Simple prescriptions against smallpox pustules (see addenda).— Simple prescriptions for childbirth (see addenda).The “Fragrant herb”13A “fragrant herb” grows in the West. It thrives everywhere on higher grounds; it is over a foot high. It has intertwined branches and stems. It can survive winter without 13 It is most likely the well known lavender (Lavandula officinalis), see for instance the brief description in Andrea Mattioli’s famous work: I discorsi di M. Pietro Andrea Matthioli sanese, medico cesareo, et del Serenissimo Principe Ferdinando Archiduca d’Austria &c. nelli sei libri di Pedacio Dioscoride Anazarbeo della materia medicinale hora di nuovo dal suo stesso autore ricorretti, & in più di mille luoghi aumentati. Con le figure tirate dalle naturali et vive piante, et animali, et in numero molto maggiore, che le altre per avanti stampate. Con due tavole copiosissime spettanti l’una à ciò che in tutta l’opera si contiene: et l’altra alla cura di tutte le infirmità del corpo humano. Con privilegio del Sommo Pontefice, della Illustrissima Signoria di Venetia, & d’altri Principi (Venezia: Vincenzo Valgrisi, 1573), p. 32. The same passage is quoted in the Bencao gangmu shiyi; see Zhao Xuemin, Bencao gangmu shiyi, j. 5, p. 198. Zhao Xuemin claims to have taken information about this herb from the work of materia medica by Sir Peter from the Great West (Taixi shishi bencao 泰西石氏本草), to which he adds the following short notes: “Regarding its shape and properties, it resembles what we call today ‘herb of the suckling’ (nai hai’er cao 嬭孩兒草), whose proper nomenclature would be ‘herb of the milk intoxication’ (naihan cao 嬭酣草). Since frost makes it wither, it can’t pass winter without drying up. At the beginning of spring, its seeds can be planted. The old roots can no longer grow, that’s why they seldom exceed the length of a foot. Its branches and stems are intertwined. Maybe in the Great West, in places with mild climate and rich soils, it behaves like the plants qie 茄 of Guangdong [the Solanaceae] which can overcome winter without drying up and become as big as trees. [...]”China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 109 8/7/17 3:53 PM
110withering. Its flowers are small, of white and lilac colour. When they blossom they show a small black grain at the centre. If planted in spring it sprouts. [This plant] fears exceedingly rich soils and likes, on the contrary, rather dry soils. Upon the coming of summer small insects are born [on the plants] from their eggs. When little white dots are seen it is recommended to use a net to keep [these insects] away. By shaking the sleeves of a robe the fragrance will strike (and inebriate) the people around. It can be worn as an amulet [too]. In the following lines we will present its multiple usages.Its flowers can be collected and put into wardrobe trunks to protect clothes from all sorts of pest.If one is affected by melancholy, some of its flowers can be wrapped in a piece of cloth to be placed at the left side of the body. I don’t know which is more effec-tive [in such cases], this or the [so-called] herb xuan.14This herb can eliminate parasites and fleas and keep them away. Its stems and leaves should be collected and dried in the sun until it is possible to reduce them to powder. [In the end] this should be wrapped in a piece of cloth to be worn close to the skin. I heard that for this [remedy] to be effective a great quantity [of stems and leaves] has to be collected and that one should make sure that it is properly kept close to one’s body.In case of pestilential miasma stems and leaves have to be burnt; [this remedy] shall neutralise it.If a room is affected by humidity, it is enough to burn stems and leaves; their smoke shall fill the room and disperse the noxious vapours easily. When one’s body is shaking with cold, stems and leaves have to be decocted in water on a low flame. This decoction shall make [the patient] fall asleep and recover at once.In case of loss of appetite, some leaves should be decocted in wine, to be drunk on an empty stomach. Such a [drink] should accompany the consumption of cere-als. Salivation at the base of the tongue will become abundant and [the patient] will eat with voracity [again].If black spots appear on the face, one should take some leaves and boil them in water or wine, until the decoction has become thick enough. If applied every morning it will make the spots disappear and will favour a healthy complexion.If a tooth aches is loose and about to fall out, some leaves should be brought to boil in vinegar; when nice and hot they should be rubbed [on the tooth] and the mouth rinsed [with their decoction] afterwards.14 Xuan cao 萱草. See Francine Fèvre et Georges Métailié, Dictionnaire Ricci des plantes de Chine (Paris: Association Ricci — Les Éditions du cerf, 2005), p. 518: “Hemerocallis fulva L. Hémérocalle fauve, lis d’un jour [...] Plante herbacée, cultivée ou sauvage de l’Europe à L’Asie, introduite comme ornementale en Amérique”. See also Kangxi zidian, p. 1162: “The Yun hui 韻會 [古今韻會舉要] (calls it) ‘The herb which lets melancholy be forgotten’ (wangyou cao 忘憂草), this is the herb (known) today (as) lucong 鹿蔥”.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 110 8/7/17 3:53 PM
111The same remedy will also work for an inflamed stomach or bad breath.If the head is wounded with ulcers, one’s hair is dirty to the point of being dis-gusting and one’s memory is not reliable anymore, some leaves should be taken and decocted in water. When drinking, some vinegar will have to be added too. This will not only eliminate the external troubles of the head, but will soothe internal ones as well. People’s memories are in fact [stored] in the brain.The “Fetid herb”15The Western countries not only produce a “fragrant herb”, but a “fetid herb” too. Even though the one is fragrant and the other stinks, their effects and usages are the same. This shrub is little more than a foot high. Small yellow flowers blos-som on it, once collected they should be kept away from sunlight and dried before use. The flowers have the same properties as stems and leaves. When the seeds are ripe they can be burnt throughout the whole house; many of them [are needed] for every room. They can be planted in the second month of spring or autumn. When planted in spring they sprout. [This herb] can survive frost or snow and it doesn’t like exceedingly rich soils either. It has to be watered with pure water. When it is collected by hand, its fetid essence spreads all around, but it still cannot be compared to the stench of rotten tofu! Its effects and usages are equivalent to those of the “fragrant herb”.If one is affected by diarrhoea or by urinating problems, some leaves of the “fetid herb” should be eaten raw or decocted.They should be consumed in the case of poisoning [too]. Even in the case of snakebite, or being stung by a scorpion, a centipede or some other poisonous animals. In such cases some leaves of the “fetid herb” have to be eaten raw imme-diately. In this way the poison will dissolve by itself.15 It is most likely the common rue (Ruta graveolens), a herb widely spread in all southern European countries and in Latin America, known since antiquity for its extremely noxious smell as well as for its medical properties. In ancient times, rue was considered repulsive for all sorts of snake-like creatures, even for intestinal worms. The name “fetid herb” was used in ancient Chinese texts for other plants too, like the Melica scabrosa; see F. Fèvre et G. Métailié, Dictionnaire Ricci des plantes de Chine, p. 239. This latest plant is native to China, Korea and Mongolia, whereas the Ruta graveolens comes from the West.This passage about the “fetid herb” is quoted in the work Bencao gangmu shiyi after the description of the “fragrant herb”; see Zhao Xuemin, Bencao gangmu shiyi, j. 5, pp. 198-199. Zhao Xuemin just adds a few remarks to Piñuela’s description: “In the most critical cases of serious disease, if the patient is seized by vertigo, some leaves shall be gathered, boiled in vinegar and rubbed between the hands to warm them up well; once introduced in the nostrils the patient will recover consciousness”.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 111 8/7/17 3:53 PM
112If one has intestinal worms, some leaves of the “fetid herb” should be boiled in pure oil until they are reduced to a mash, to be applied to the navel. Gentlemen (junzi) should avoid eating too much of this.If one’s nose bleeds, a mash of leaves of the “fetid herb” should be applied in the nostrils: the bleeding will stop at once.In the case of earache a mash of leaves of the “fetid herb” should be made to extract its natural juice. This should be put in the skin of a pomegranate16 and after achieving the duan transformation process,17 it can be dripped into the ear.In case of pain of the eyes, some leaves of the “fetid herb” should be dipped in pure water, then left exposed to the air for two or three nights; the leaves imbued with water should then be used to dab the eyes.If one’s eyes are tired, some juice of “fetid herb” should be extracted, a drop of honey added and a very small amount of natural fennel juice; after blending, this [preparation] should be dabbed on the eyes. With time a very clear vision [will be recovered].In the case of syphilitic sores some drops of good wine should be added to the natural juice of “fetid herb” and stirred with some pure oil and water. As a cataplasm or decoction [this remedy] will heal them.When the qi of a woman’s heart causes her pain and uterine effusions, she should sniff the smell of some “fetid herb” leaves until she has recovered from her troubles. Once the Grand Officer Cao of Dayu18 used this remedy and praised its miraculous effectiveness.When the faeces of small children are expelled [exceedingly] by the intestines,19 some “fetid herb” should be decocted in good wine, a mash should be made of it to be applied as an ointment with a piece of fabric.If it is planted under a tree, it will kill the insects above. If it is planted in a vegetable garden, all sorts of poisonous creatures will keep their distance: snakes, scorpions, centipedes, etc.16 It is the “Pericarpium granati”. For an ample discussion about the history of the pomegranate in China, see Berthold Laufer, Sino-Iranica: Chinese Contributions to the History of Civilization in Ancient Iran, with Special Reference to the History of Cultivated Plants and Products. Anthropological Series XV.3 (Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1919), pp. 278-287.17 It is an alchemic processing method employed in traditional Chinese medicine, which enabled a transformation by heating. See the definition in the Hanyu da zidian 漢語大字典, III, p. 2218: “One of the processing methods in Chinese medicine. Medicinal substances are thrown into fire and burn. For instance gypsum undergoes the duan processing (to be produced) (中藥制法之一. 把藥材放在火里燒. 如煅石膏)”; see also Ute Engelhardt, “Prozessierungsmethoden von chinesischen Arzneimitteln (paozhi) in China — ihre historische Entwicklung bis in die Gegenwart”, Chinesische Medizin 3.12 (2012), p. 138, where this procedure is defined as “brennen” (to burn).18 Place in Jiangxi, the region where Liu Ning came from.19 It is not possible to determine the nature of this affliction, probably it is simply the incapacity of babies to retain faeces, or it might be something more serious like appendicitis.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 112 8/7/17 3:53 PM
113The Fruit of Luzon (Strychnos Ignatii Berg.)20The island of Luzon produces a fruit which is called jiawa nong. It is fleshy on the outside and has a kernel inside. It tastes bitter and is not edible.At the beginning this tree grew only in the thickest woods on the higher mountain ranges [of the island]. It is of remarkable height. Many natives are not familiar with it. With the arrival of the sea travellers on the island, a hun-dred years ago, people started to learn how to use its fruits. For thirty years its healing potential against all diseases has been known and many extraordinary experiments have been conducted with it. Later it was brought to China. The skin and flesh of this fruit have very remarkable effects. Some call it “precious bean”: “bean” because of its appearance, “precious” for its great value. Although Luzon is an island at sea, an ocean-going junk can reach it in a couple of weeks leaving from Guangdong with favourable wind.21 It is not as far away as the 20 As in the case of the “fetid herb”, the passage about the fruit of Luzon is quoted almost entirely in the Bencao gangmu shiyi; see Zhao Xuemin, Bencao gangmu shiyi, j. 5, pp. 348-349. This is a poisonous plant, described by the Jesuit Georg Joseph Kamel (Camellus, 1661-1706), who brought it to Europe from the Philippines. See G. J. Kamel, “De Igasur, seu Nuce Vomica legitima Serapioni”, Philosophical Transactions: Giving Some Account on the Present Undertakings, Studies and Labours of the Ingenious, in Many Considerable Parts of the World, 21 (1699), pp. 88-94: “florem balaustiae similiem fructus insequitur melone major, qui delicatissima cuticula, quae splendens, laevis, & coloris luridi, seu alabastrini, coopertus, subter quam alius cortex delitescit substantiae quasi lapidescentis. In hoc carne amaricante, flava & molli, qualis est caro fructus mangae, interjecta, nostrae seu legitimae Serapionis Nuces Vomicae, quae recentes ab argentea lanugine splendicant, juglandis vix non pares, inaequales, variaeque formae, non raro 24 coarctantur; quas Indus Igasur, & Mananaog, id est, victoriosas; Hispanus Nucleos, seu Pepitas de Bysayas, aut Cathalogan, alii Fabas S. Ignatii vocant. […] nodosae, durissimae, diaphanae, & quasi corneae substantiae sunt; saporis semine citri multo intentius amari: coloris autem inter album & glaucum, prout & Serapio tradidit”. See also Luigi Castiglione, Storia delle piante forastiere le più importanti nell’uso medico, od economico colle loro figure in rame incise da Benedetto Bordiga, 4 vols. (Milano: Giuseppe Marelli, 1791-1794), III, pp. 99-108: chapter on the “Igasur, ossia Fava di Sant Ignazio”. This sort of nut is the seed of the ignatia amara (Linn.), a plant from the Philippines which contains strychnine and is popularly called bean of St. Ignatius (from Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Jesuit order). The name “jiawa nong” given to it by Piñuela is probably the phonetic transcription of “aguason”, one of the names used for this bean on the Philippines.21 Concerning the commercial exchanges between China and the Philippines, see Ubaldo Iaccarino, “The ‘Galleon System’ and Chinese Trade in Manila at the Turn of the 16th Century”, Ming Qing yanjiu, 16 (2011), pp. 93-127. From the letters written by Ferdinand Verbiest, we know that the Jesuits went searching for certain medicinal products for the emperor as far as to the Philippine Islands. There is a short reference about it in a letter by Verbiest to Couplet, dated 20th August 1670; see H. Josson S. I. and L. Willaert S. I., Correspondance de Ferdinand Verbiest de la Compagnie de Jésus (1623-1688) Directeur de l’Observatoire de Pékin (Bruxelles: Palais des académies, 1938), pp. 166 -167: “Gratias iterum atque iterum ago R.V. (Ph. Couplet) pro Pharmacotheca quam per D(ominum) Legatum [i.e. Manuel de Saldanha) huc ad me misit...”. A longer and more detailed reference can be found in a letter by Verbiest to the “Padre Vizitador” (Andrea Giovanni Lubelli) dated 14th October 1680, preserved in the national historical archives China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 113 8/7/17 3:53 PM
115If a child suffers of worms in the bowels and presents a swollen abdomen, he should ingest some of it grated and blended with water: he will vomit the para-sites out.If a woman has a difficult childbirth, she should ingest it grated and blended with water.If one has ulcers on the head caused by parasites and suffers from burning cuts, the fruit should be chopped in small pieces to be boiled in oil; [the head] should be rubbed [with this preparation] and it will heal.If a youngster suffers from fengtan 風痰 (“windy phlegm”) to the point that all his limbs ache intolerably, [this fruit] should be chopped in small pieces and stir-fried in oil. Once nice and hot it should be rubbed all over their body. It is necessary that [the patient] be turned towards the fire to get warm. Afterwards the patient will be covered with a warm blanket that has been placed close to the fire until they fall asleep. Moreover, being covered by a blanket they will not be able to secrete pathogenic winds (feng 風).In case of recurring fever, it should be ingested, grated and blended with water; this [remedy] will lower the patient’s temperature. After the following waves of fever, their temperature will gradually drop.The “Stone which conjures convulsions”23There is a place in Spain where a [particular] stone can be found. It is black, shiny and graceful. After extraction it is cut making it possible to obtain bigger 23 Black stone of vegetable origin: it is the jet or the lapis gagates of Pliny the Elder and Dioscorides, also known as succinum nigrum. Traditionally mined in the Spanish region of Asturias, this stone (azabache in Spanish) has become a protective talisman for the pilgrims on the Camino de Santiago, particularly effective against the evil eye. Over the centuries, many extraordinary magical and medicinal properties have been attributed to it. See Anselmus Boethius de Boot, Gemmarum et lapidum historia (Lugduni Batavorum: ex officina Ioannis Maire, 1636), chapters CLXIII-CLXV “De Gagate” pp. 335-337: “Gagates nigrum Succinum exustum, & induratum videtur, splendet politum. [...] Niger, laevis & compactus est. [...] Suffitu serpentes fugat, daemoniacos prodit, ac daemonibus adversari creditur. Epileptici, aut morbo comitiali laborantes, si suffitum ipsius olfecerint, extemplo morbo corripiuntur.”This stone is also quoted by Zhao Xuemin; see Bencao gangmu shiyi, j. 5, p. 65, where it is called bi jing shi (辟驚石). Zhao Xuemin shortens Piñuela’s text a lot just quoting the initial description of the stone and its function as an amulet to protect against convulsions in children. To sum up its medicinal properties he asserts: “it heals convulsions, be they chronic or acute, as well as all pathologies of the kind tiandiao 天釣 and shizhu 尸疰”. Tiandiao is a convulsive state of the epileptic kind, according to the symptoms described in the medical dictionary Zhongguo yixue da cidian, 4 vols. (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1976), I, p. 478: “the head turns upwards and the eyes roll in (頭目仰視) [...] the patient looks like an evil spirit (狀如鬼祟)”. According to the same dictionary I, p. 327, shizhu is a disease which implies “stagnation of cold in the stomach, (胃中冷滯) against China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 115 8/7/17 3:53 PM
116and smaller pieces. Children wear it on their chests. If they come into contact with some bad qi (xieqi 袤氣) they will suffer convulsions that can be chronic or acute. This stone attracts the noxious influence [in the child’s place] and the bad qi will be completely absorbed [inside it]. [The stone] will then break and the child won’t be hurt.There are children who have a natural defence against this trouble; this depends on [their] strong or weak constitution. To be forever safe [this amulet] should be worn without interruption. Such a substance really deserves to be considered a treasure.This kind of disease, caused by a pathogenic wind, penetrates the body of children and provokes chronic or acute states of convulsion as well as other pathologies.In the West some people have a poisonous glance. If they look at a baby it will fall sick at once; if they gaze at a horse [its worth] will be compromised. I think there are only a few people of this kind in China, which is why they are seldom seen. They can be compared to those with poisonous hands: if they plant a flower it will not survive, if they commit themselves to any business it will fail for sure.None of this happens to people who don’t have poisonous hands.It is the same with women who are menstruating: if seeds and plants are by misfortune touched by them they will fade and wither; the taste of wine and vin-egar will change at their touch.24If a house is hit by smallpox, strangers will not be allowed to enter it. During the preparation of medication and other drugs, women will not be permitted to come close, for fear that the contact with their impure qi could make them rot.which taking warm medicines won’t produce any effects (服熱藥無效)”, the only effective remedy would be the following weird “shamanic” practice: “drinking a decoction made with a corpse’s pillow taken out of its coffin can lead to healing (以死人棺中枕煑湯飲之可愈)”. The long passage that Piñuela dedicates to certain superstitions of the West (he talks about people with “poisonous” hands or eyes) is completely omitted in the Bencao gangmu shiyi. Zhao Xuemin apparently judged it inappropriate to mention this kind of beliefs, about which Piñuela amply reports. Concerning the description of this stone in the Bencao gangmu shiyi, see also P. U. Unschuld, Pen-Ts’ao, p. 145: “eine Droge namens Hütet-vor-Schrecken-Stein (pi-ching-shih) aus Spanien”, and p. 233, n. 239: “Ein angeblich schwarz-glänzendes Mineral, das in Spanien aus der Erde gewonnen wird. Man soll es Kindern als Amulett auf die Brust hängen, damit sie vor Schrecknissen und bösen Einflüssen geschützt sind. Der Stein selbst nimmt diese Gefährdungen auf und zerstört sie”.24 On these ancient superstitions, see for instance Pliny the Elder and Christophoro Landino (transl.) Historia naturale di C. Plinio Secondo... (Venetia: G. Iolito di Ferrarii, 1543), book VII, chapter XV “Mestruo muliebre”, p. 149: “...ma niente è più monstruosa cosa che il mestruo delle donne. Per la venuta di questo [...] gli horti si seccano, le seminate biade diventano sterili, e nesti periscono, le frondi & pomi degli arbori dove si pongono, caggiono, gli specchi abbacinano...”China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 116 8/7/17 3:53 PM
117The bark of the “Welding tree”25The elm, which is found on Luzon too, grows in the West. It is of reddish colour and it resembles the duzhong (Eucommia ulmoides).26In the past people used to take some elm bark to wrap minced meat in it; [in this way the pieces] of meat recomposed to form a single piece. It is by doing so that people started to discover the capacity of this bark to recompose flesh and bones; and it is for this reason that it is called the bark of the “welding tree”. Usually in case of wounded flesh or broken bones, one should take some bark, grind it and let it infuse in wine; it can then [finally] be ingested as an infusion. It is also possible to rub the leftovers on the wounded area: healing will thus be complete. It is an effec-tive remedy in all cases of wounds. But this tree comes from faraway and it is not possible to obtain much of it; some people say that the sappan tree27 can replace it.25 Tree of difficult identification, whose name duanshu is formed by the characters duan 鍛 of “welding”, normally used for metals, and shu 樹 (“tree”). Research in ancient European sources suggest that this tree might be an elm (Ulmus). See Mattioli’s work, I discorsi..., chapter XCIII “Dell’Olmo”, pp. 130-132, where Mattioli quotes the ancients Pliny, Dioscorides and Galenus: the authors of the past often used the verb “to weld” to describe the action of the elm in medicine: it was in fact considered able to cicatrise flesh and bones. On page 130 Mattioli states: “Le frondi trite, & applicate con aceto medicano la scabbia, & saldano le ferite. Il che molto piu fa quella parte piu sottile della scorza di dentro fasciatavi, & ravoltavi attorno, come una fascia: imperoche si piega cosi agevolmente, come se fusse cuoio. [...] La decottione delle frondi, & parimente della corteccia della radice, applicata in modo di fumento, fa presto consolidare l’ossa rotte”. This cicatrising action is certainly the reason why Piñuela chose the character duan when giving the tree a Chinese name.Even in this case Zhao Xuemin adds some considerations to Piñuela’s text warning about the risk of confusing this tree with another one whose name is written in a similar way (椵) but should be pronounced jia instead of duan. He then gives a detailed description of the jia tree and its many uses, without adding further information on Piñuela’s “welding tree” duan; see Bencao gangmu shiyi, j. 6, pp. 211-212.26 Chinese tree which enjoys a high reputation in traditional Chinese medicine for the properties of its bark. See Yang Shou-zhong, The Divine Farmer’s Materia Medica. A Translation of the Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing (Boulder, Colo.: Blue Poppy Press, 1998), p. 88: “Du zhong (Cortex Eucommiae Ulmoidis)”.27 Caesalpinia Sappan. It is the ancient “Brazil wood”, lignum brasilicum ou braxilii (lat.), verzino (ital.) already imported from the East in the Middle Ages and much appreciated in Europe to dye precious fabrics a red colour. See the related article by George Bryan Souza, “Tingir de vermelho: o sapão da Ásia do Sueste nos séculos xvii e xviii”, in Jorge M. Dos Santos Alves, Claude Guillot et Roderich Ptak (eds.), Mirabilia Asiatica: Produtos raros no comércio merítimo, produits rares dans le commerce maritime, seltene Waren im Seehandel, Series South China and Maritime Asia 16 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005), II, pp. 21-35. When Portuguese navigators discovered Brazil in 1500, they found a very similar tree available in great abundance along the coasts and they began to import it to Europe. On this subject see also the long discussion by Roland Greene, Unrequited Conquests. Love and Empire in the Colonial Americas (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1999), chapter “For Love of Pau-Brasil”: Objectification in Colonial Brazil, pp. 77-134. Regarding the production of red-dye with Brazil wood, see Pietro Maria Canepari, De Atramenti cuiuscunque Generis (Roterdami: Sumptibus Casparis Fritsch, 1718), chapter VI “De Brazilio, Verzinove Ligno tinctorio”, pp. 271--274. See also Eberhard Schmitt (ed.), Dokumente zur Geschichte der Europäischen Expansion, 7 vols. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 117 8/7/17 3:53 PM
118If one falls down and fractures a bone, one or two applications of Brazil wood [are necessary]. A sack costs one coin (qian 錢). The wood has to be ground into small pieces and then ingested decocted in water. At the same time, [the wounded area] should be rubbed with this raw pulp.When children suffer from a hernia qi, some elm bark should be taken, ground or grated and made into an ointment with the addition of oil. This will then be put with a piece of cloth on the sick area. The cloth can also be tightened around the waist and [worn like this] over a period of time of one and a half to three months, until healing. This disease is caused by a breaking of the abdominal wall which makes the intestine migrate into the inguinal canal provoking an almost unbearable pain and putting life itself at risk. If this medication is worn for a long time, the broken [abdominal] wall will cicatrize by itself and one will no longer suffer from it. After childhood this disease is difficult to heal though.28(München: C. H. Beck, 1986), I: Die Mittelalterlichen Ursprünge der europäischen Expansion, p. 49, n. 3. It is impossible to know if Piñuela is referring here to the eastern species (Caesalpinia Sappan) or to the Latin American tree (Caesalpinia Echinata) which had been largely imported to Europe for a couple of centuries.28 The already mentioned work by Mattioli presents similar notes about the treatment of hernia in children; see A. Mattioli, I discorsi…, p. 132: “...ho sperimentato, che il liquore delle vesciche sana ne i fanciulli le rotture intestinali, se bagnandovi dentro delle pezzette di tela si mettono sotto al bracchiere ben serrate spesse volte”.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 118 8/7/17 3:53 PM
119GLOBALIZATION AND EXCHANGE OF KNOWLEDGE BETWEEN WEST / EAST: THE MEANS (“MEDIA”) OF THE SCHOLARLY COMMUNICATION, AND ITS IMPACT ON CHINESE READERSHIPNoël GolversOne of the favorite themes of the symposia, organized by the Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau in Lisbon concerns precisely the role of Macau in the exchange of knowledge between Europe and the Far East, as the theatre of an early process of globalization. This is a phenomenon, which displays very many aspects, docu-mented by a wealth of Chinese and Western sources. For a better understanding of this exchange and interaction process, and an intelligible overview of its manifold manifestations I was looking for a grid of parameters, and found it in a four-fold approach, which enables us — as far as I see — to describe all aspects of this pro-cess. These four approaches concern: (1) the media or means of the communica-tion; (2) the routes of circulation, also the ‘routes of Learning”1, which coincided with the seven main commercial routes (‘via Lusitana’, etc.), overseas or over land; (3) the role played by particular places on these routes, where this knowledge was ‘produced’, and collected; (4) the people involved, either particular groups or individual “dramatis personae” operating, both in- and outside the ‘Jesuit circuit’. These four components constituted the framework in which knowledge — of a very different character (geographical; botanical; astronomical; cultural; historical, ethnographical, etc.) — was produced and circulating, in both directions. Com-plementary with previous contributions2 we will focus here on the various means (“media”) by which the Jesuits in China — after the constitution of the so-called Trigault-Terrentius libraries in 1616-16253, — were successively and continuously 1 For the term: see the ed. of F. Adri & M. Segala in the Biblioteca di Nuncius (Studi e Testi, LI). 2 For a complementary discussion on the ‘routes’ which this exchange / communication process followed, see my contribution in the Festschrift for R. Malek, forthcoming in Monumenta Serica.3 The formation process of this library was the result of (a) an incitement from China by Niccolò Longobardo (1613) and (b) an intensive search for appropriate books during the European ‘tour’ of Nicolas Trigault, and especially his ‘socius’ Johann Schreck Terrentius in 1615-1618, all envisaging the constitution of a small network of European libraries in China, with a ‘central’ library in Peking and several ‘branches’ elsewhere in the country, as a basis for a program of writing, teaching and China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 119 8/7/17 3:53 PM
120— although not in a linear way — kept informed on new discoveries and inven-tions very recently made in Europe, especially in the domains of mathematical and mechanical sciences, medicine and pharmacy, and natural history, and to what extent these were also communicated to the Chinese, and in which way they did participate themselves in this inter-continental circulation of knowledge.Preparations by individual missionaries for their journey to ChinaFirst, to take with them useful and recent materials, including books and instruments was always a concern of Jesuit candidates (“Indipetae”) during their immediate and direct preparation for the China mission. Because of the personal aspect of this preparation, the archival materials preserve only a few examples of this preparatory phase. Apart from the exceptional case of Trigault-Terrentius and the lists of their systematic purchases I recently found in the archives of the Officina Plantiniana,4 most other testimonies stem either from private letters or their deri-vations, or fragmentary archival annotations: I think of the references in Petrus van Hamme’s letters, afterwards resumed in the handwritten (and later) published biography, made by a relative;5 the medical books and surgical instruments the Paris procurator bought for the French ‘Indipeta’ Gilbert Bordes (1671-ca. 1712), before he left in 1711 for China; 6 the books reserved by the Procurator of the Provincia Germania Superior in Munich for the Fathers sent from there to the Mis-sions; the book list Manuel do Cenáculo prepared in Evora in 1783 for Alexandre de Gouveia, when the latter prepared his journey to Beijing.7A special category among the useful materials they collected after their elec-tion for the China mission certainly were lists of ‘personal annotations’, ‘excerpts’ and other residues of personal reading the Jesuits made before leaving Europe, the famous ‘adversaria’ and similar collections, made acc. to the particular advices of some Jesuit instructors, such as Francesco Sacchini and Jeremias Drexler. Even translating. For a more detailed description of this European search, see N. Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning for China, vol. 1, pp. 202-214 and vol. 2, pp. 74-76 and 107-112, and especially Johann Schreck Terrentius (forthcoming)4 For the complete transcription and identification, and the reconstruction of the entire ‘commercial’ context, see my Johann Schreck Terrentius. 5 Summarized in one narrative biography by his relative Robert-Wilhelm Van der Heyden, published in 1871 by C.P. Serrure as Het leven van Pater Petrus-Thomas Van Hamme, missionaris in Mexico en in China (1651-1727), Gent, 1871; the inventory of objects, incl. books and instruments Van Hamme collected for his journey to China in 1684 are on pp. 35 -36.6 For this and the following example: N. Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning, vol. 1, pp. 243-252.7 See the list in BPE(vora), cod. XCXXIX / 1 -28, 191, published by Antonio Graça de Abreu, D. Frei Alexandre de Gouveia, Bispo de Pequim, 2004, pp. 197 -198.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 120 8/7/17 3:53 PM
121when there is almost no direct evidence from China on this kind of evidence, some passages assume the presence of such series of compact and selected reading memo-ries. Also here we are best informed on Johann Schreck Terrentius (1576 -1630) who, before leaving Europe for China in 1618 made massive extracts from Para-celsus and such Paracelsian authors as Felix Platter, Petrus Forestus and Schenk von Grafenberg; a book of ‘recipes’ explicitly made for his future pupils in India and China, pointing thus to the intention of transmitting this knowledge; an unspeci-fied “ars generalis”, and in general the reported ‘hundreds of thousands excerpts’ he made — during a period of 10 years (ca. 1600 -1610) — from about 10.000 books, mentioned by Caspar Schoppius.8 It is clear that in this way the arrival of new Jesuits in China also implied the arrival of ‘recent’ information from Europe in China, which was also known to the Emperor who, during the first interview of a newly arrived Jesuit, always informed whether he had new mathematical (or medical) books with him. At any rate, a further analysis of the sources confirms indeed that, until the very end of the Jesuit mission (2nd half of the 18th century) the arrival of new missionaries was an occasion for a scientific ‘update’, because of hot new books and information they brought. But what happened after they had arrived and were ‘settled’ in China, and how was the communication line with their European basis kept open after this moment? I consider mainly five types of communication. 1. Correspondence. This represents the most evident way of communication-on-distance, prepared by a long tradition of letter writing, supported by an intensive preparation during the education in the Jesuit colleges and continuously improved by the reading of published correspondences, model books, treatises etc., also in China.9 As far as Jesuits were concerned, one can really speak of a ‘culture of communication’, expressed in a system of internal reporting between the members of the Society all over the world and their authorities, both bottom-up and top-down, not only 8 Schoppius’s estimation is to be found in his Philotheca Scioppiana, in: K. Jaitner, Kaspar Schoppe Autobiographische Texte und Briefe, I, Munich, 2004, pp. 354-355: “(…) tempus esse, ut voti damnatus fidem Deo servet, quod quidem Romae facere cogitet, simul ac sibi arcana sua, quae fortassis ad centum millia in omni disciplinarum genere partim ex libris, quorum non minus quam decem millia in omni disciplinarum inter decennium evolverit, et inde sententias omnes seu novas, seu singulares cum earum argumentis excerpserit, partim ex familiari cuiusquemodi hominum, etiam carnificum et anicularum usu hausta in adversaria notata haberet, suis capitibus distingueret atque in unum volumen referre contigisset, quod quidem ut facere posset, plus quandringentis scutatis huic eius conatui me expensum ferre nihil piguit”.9 See, among the extant books, such authors as Cicero, C. Plinius Minor, Manutius, Poliziano, Voellus.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 121 8/7/17 3:53 PM
122as a vehicle of information, but also as an instrument of creating or consolidating a coherent though world-spanning Societas.10 Also scholarly topics and scientific observations or discussions and requests for further information had a place in this correspondence, as we will immediately see.11 As for the mutual correspondence between Europe and the Far East (China), and vice versa, I have to distinguish between at least four different types of cor-respondence, which are represented in our documentation in an unequal way: 1.1.The incoming mail arriving from Europe and distributed from Macau / Canton over the Chinese residences at their arrival on their destination. These let-ters, or a selection of them were carefully kept in the archives of the local residences / colleges, and were only lost when these locations were left, between 1724 (the first anti-Christian decree) and — as far as the Nantang (Peking) is concerned — in the early 19th century. Therefore it is hard to prove the evident role of this vehicle in the inter-continental communication of (among others) science and new ideas. The main exceptions are, when the writers kept a draft / copy of their letters in Europe (as did Nicolas Fréret, Thomas Birch, Bertin, etc.),12 or the response letters written to Europe refer with some details to the contents of the incoming letters (dates, routes, themes, etc.); 1.2. The outgoing mail, on the other hand, dispatched from China to European destinations, — mostly through Macau and Canton, but since ca. 1730 also St. Petersburg — which survives for a large part, although dispersed now over a galaxy of collections, both archives and libraries, public and private, due among others to the suppression of the SJ and the general ‘secularization’ in Europe and the consecu-tive ‘re-distribution’ of former congregational archives at the end of the 18th and the 10 The most convincing demonstration on this communication and reporting network are in Markus Friedrich, Der lange Arm Roms? Globale Verwaltung und Kommunikation im Jesuitenorden 1540-1773, Frankfurt/New York, 2011; Luce Giard & Antonella Romano, ‘L’usage jésuite de la correspondance. Sa mise en pratique par le mathématicien Christoph Clavius (1570-1611)’, in: A. Romano (ed.), Rome et la science moderne entre Renaissance et Lumières. Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome, 403, Rome, 2008, pp. 65 -119. For a first description of the China-Europe correspondence in the direction from China to Europe, see my article: ‘Savant’ correspondence from China with Europe in the 17th-18th-centuries’, in: Journal of Early Modern Studies. I. Shaping the Republic of Letters. Communication, Correspondence and Networks in Early Modern Europe, pp. 21-42.11 Steven Harris, ‘Confession building, long-distance networks and the organization of Jesuit science’, in: Early Science and Medicine, 1, 1996, pp. 287 -318; id., ‘Long-distance corporations, big sciences and the geography of knowledge’, in: ConFiguretions, 6, 1998, pp. 269 -304; Maarten Ultee, ‘The Republic of Letters: Learned Correspondence, 1680-1720’, in: The Seventeenth Century, 2, 1987, pp. 95 -112.12 For the references: Libraries of Western Learning, vol. 1, p. 434.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 122 8/7/17 3:53 PM
123beginning of the 19th centuries.13 Information on China was obviously not only dis-tributed by common letters, but also by special reports (such as the ‘Litterae Annuae’ and the Relationes), and monographic treatises into which several of them developed;1.3. The ‘inner-Chinese’ correspondence between the Jesuits mutually (often with Macau, the administrative, budgetary and economic basis of the mission) and with representatives of other congregations inside China is — unless in some exceptional cases14 — mainly surviving when (copies of ) these letters were in a second moment forwarded to Europe;15 in some other cases parts of letters were copied in other letters to clarify or ‘justify’ some viewpoint;16 a special case are the letters which were sent to Macau, to be filed in the central archives of the (Vice-)Province; these were systematically copied in the mid-18th century and arrived as such in Madrid [the originals] and especially in Ajuda [copies]. On the intensity of this correspondence we are informed through the internal references in the extant letters, which often refer to other letters received or sent.1.4. Finally, there is the Chinese written correspondence between Jesuits and Chinese, either converts or not — of which we have a series of indications in other manuscripts, but only a few extant examples.1713 A tentative overview of these collections, with regard to location and typology I presented in: N. Standaert (ed.), Handbook of Christianity in China, vol. 1, pp. 161 -237 (for Jesuit correspondence in particular: see pp. 164 -174).14 See some Latin letters exchanged between Foucquet and the ‘Portuguese’ Jesuits in the Nantang, which are preserved by fortune as they are found within Foucquet’s manuscripts (see infra).15 See, for instance, F. Verbiest’s description of a strange celestial or meteorological phenomenon, observed in Peking in 1668, sent to Adrien Greslon, and by the latter in a second time transmitted to Prospero Intorcetta in Rome to the behalf of “os nossos mathematicos de Europa” (see: Correspondance, pp. 122 -130; cf. N.Golvers, ‘Ferdinand Verbiest’s 1668 observation of an unidentified celestial phenomenon in Peking, its lost description and some parallel observations, especially in Korea,’ in: Almagest 5.1, 2014, pp. 33 -51), or the geodesic problems, F. Verbiest sent to Antoine Thomas in Macau for further improvement, and transmitted by the latter to Alexandre de Bonmont in Douai (not in the Correspondance; see for edition and commentaries: ‘An unnoticed letter of F. Verbiest, S.J. on his geodesic operations in Tartary (1683 / 1684)’, in: Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences, vol. 50, 2000, pp. 86 -102).16 Such is, for instance, the letter of Verbiest to the General of 28 April 1684, in which he quotes from the Xitang archives some 20 letters he received from other Fathers, confirming his supporting position as a “columna” of the whole mission (see: F. Verbiest in Correspondance, pp. 462 -468; the original, in some copies, is in Rome: ARSI, JS 145, ff. 136r. — 137v.). 17 See, among others, a (now unfortunately lost) Chinese letter of Verbiest to Yan Guangmin, member of the Bureau of Astronomy and mentioned by Fang Hao, who mentions 5 other Chinese letters from the Jesuits, viz. 2 from Ricci, and one of Aleni, Foucquet and Bourgeois (all lost) (I owe this information to a kind communication by A. Dudink); many references to letters exchanged between the Jesuits in the Canton detention and their local catechists obviously concern Chinese written letters.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 123 8/7/17 3:53 PM
124While the inner-Chinese communication seems mostly connected to the ‘internal affairs’ of the mission, its organization, its relations with Chinese and the other congregations, scientific matters were occasionally discussed as well, as already appeared in some of the aforementioned examples. Still to a much larger extent science was a ‘core topic’ in the Europe-China communication, although with many individual differences. As concerns the contents, there were barely any limits: see the medical correspondence — on venereal diseases — between Dominique Parrenin and Jean Astruc in Montpellier (where a considerable series of extant Chinese manuscripts speaks of this communication line in the reverse direction),18 and that between Parrenin and Antonio Nunes Sanches Ribeiro in St. Petersburg; more ethnographic are Verbiest’s two Tartary letters of 1682 and 1683, with a large editorial reception in Europe;19 astronomical and topics related to calendars and chronology we mainly find in the letters of Adam Schall, Verbiest and Antoine Thomas,20 Antoine Gaubil21, Ignaz Kögler; Karl Slaviçek; Augustin von Hallerstein;22 Sinological matters, such as old Chinese observations, the exact meaning of a set of terms and aspects of the material culture (production of por-celain; varnish, etc.) were more systematically communicated within the French mission, especially from the Gaubil generation on (with the already mentioned Dominique Parrenin; François-Xavier d’Entrecolles, etc.) to the end of the 18th century (Pierre-Martial Cibot; Michel Benoît, etc.), through letters addressed either to Jesuit colleagues, academicians and authorities in France. Besides, we find first-hand information on their own on-going projects and investigations, technological achievements, books they read or wanted to have, new observations or other discoveries, not to forget their opinions, incl. criticisms on what they read: I refer to the very long and detailed criticisms of Antoine Gaubil, Karl Slaviček and 18 Cf. P. Huard & M. Wong, ‘Montpellier et la Médecine chinoise’, in: Revue de la Société montpelliéraine d’Histoire de la Médecine, 1.2, 1958, pp. 13 -20, and A. d’Esaguy, ‘Lettre du R.P. Parrenin, datée à Pékin, sur la maladie communément crue par la Maladie Vénérienne’, in: Le Scalpel, 113, n° 8, 1960, pp. 143 -148. For the particular aspects of medical correspondence, see: Hubert Steinke & Martin Stuber, ‘Medical Correspondence in Early Modern Europe. An Introduction’, in: Gesnerus, 61, 2004, pp. 139 -160. 19 Published in: Correspondance de F. Verbiest, pp. 383 -403 and pp. 422 -435.20 For a detailed overview of the ‘scientific’ aspect of this correspondence: N. Golvers,‘The Correspondence of Antoine Thomas, SJ (1644 -1709) as a source for the history of science’, in: Studies in the History of Natural Sciences (Beijing), vol. 33.2, 2014, pp. 131 -144. 21 For Gaubil’s correspondence in this perspective, see Joseph Brucker, ‘Correspondance scientifique d’un missionnaire français à Pékin’, in: Revue du Monde Catholique, 1883 and 1884, and more recently Jacques Gernet, ‘À propos du Père Gaubil S.J., à Pékin de 1723 à 1759’, in: Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres, Comptes rendus des séances de l’année 2009, fascicule 1 (janvier-mars), Paris: Boccard, 2009, pp. 9-19.22 Stanislav Juznič, Hallerstein. Kitajski astronom iz Megsa, Ljubljana, 2003, and other contributions such as: ‘Far Eastern Vacuum and Electricity: Augustin Hallerstein and Experimental Correspondence between Beijing and Europe’, in: Historia Scientiarum, vol. 20-1, 2010, pp. 21-46.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 124 8/7/17 3:53 PM
125Ignatius Kögler on Etienne Souciet’s Observations astronomiques,23 Kögler’s review of Eusebius Amort’s Systema Planetarium24 or even of the chronological analyses of his former teacher Nicasius Grammatici, etc.25 Finally, In other cases the cor-respondence was used — especially from China — to ask for further information on particular problems or problematic passages and illustrations; the ‘locus classicus’ and in all probability one of the earliest examples is Johann Terrentius’s letter to Galileo Galilei and the Jesuits of Ingolstadt, with regard to technical problems during the correction of the Chinese calendar.26 The main advantage of letters on books was the relative speed of delivery / arrival, although both were sent through the same way. This advantage at least was stressed in the 1620s by the same Johann Terrentius, who referred to the risks that books were disappearing or sticked (“detinentur”) ‘in via’, either in Goa or Macau.27 He preferred communication by correspondence, and he had given a series of practical instructions before leaving, referring to Ernst Fugger in Augsburg as the ‘turning point’.28 However, when this may be true for this early period, when the 23 Very soon after 16 August Antoine Gaubil finished the reading of this first vol., and wrote down his critical remarks (R. Simon, Correspondance de Pékin, pp. 274 -275; cf. also on p. 280; 281; 282 -288; 306). The same did also K. Slaviçek on 22 September with the so-called “Novus Observationum Liber”, for which he was thanking E. Souciet (J. Kolmas, p. 148): “Gratias debeo reddoque plurimas R(everenti)ae V(estr)ae pro singulari humanitate, cujus jussu communicatus mecum fuit novus Observationum Liber, in cujus Praefatione R(everenti)a V(estr)a me supra meritum commendat”. Ign. Kögler sent his commentaries (criticisms) on the first volume to E. Souciet by letter of 12 October (Paris: Observatoire, B,1,10 [150, 7, 26]; criticized passages on I, p. 19, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 31, 32, 37, 38, 39, 41, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 105), which were received by the addressee on 13 August 1732.24 “Systema Planetarium”: Kögler announces, in a letter of Oct. 1730 to the author the receipt of a copy of his Systema Planetarium, apparently a complimentary copy: “Libenter fateor me non esse gratis sat digne agendis pro tanto favore, & oblatum quidem Systema Planetarium cum omni veneratione accepto, cui nullus dubito quin eruditi quique in Europa meritissimo applauserint novumque quiescenti Terrae vindicem gratulari fuerint (?), etc.” (München, BSB, Clm 1403, f° 86/7); the title mentioned is one part of Amort’s Nova Philosophiae Planetarum & Artis Criticae Systemata, Adumbrata ab A.R.R.D. Eusebio Amort, Norimbergae: apud Petrum Conradum Monath, typis Joannis Andreae Lochmann, 1723, in-4°.25 I.e. his De Aera Epocha Conditi (…) Terrarum Orbis Dissertatio Chronologica, Ingolstadt, 1734: see Kögler’s letter in Berlin (SBB-PKB, Ms. Lat. Fol., 640, f° 146r./v. (1741).26 See the famous publication by J.Kepler, R(everendi) P(atris) Terrentii é Societate Jesu EPISTOLIUM ex Regno Sinarum ad Mathematicos Europaeos missum cum Commentatiuncula Joannis Keppleri Mathematici (…), Sagani Silesiae (i.e. Sagan),1630. For other examples of letters transmitted from China to Europe see infra, p. 133; for Grimaldi and his questions with regard to an illustration in Eschinardi’s De Impetu, see note 50.27 Johann Terrentius, in 1623 to the mathematicians of Ingolstadt: “Eos libros expectare nimis longum est, facillime detinentur aut pereunt, quod non mittantur pluribus viis: charta facilius et citius huc pertingit nimirum intra tres annos”: cf. G. Gabrieli, ‘Giovanni Schreck Linceo Gesuita e Missionario in Cina e le sue lettere dall’Asia’, in: Rendiconti dell’Accademia dei Lincei, Classe Science Morali (…), ser. VI, vol. 12, 1936, 5 -6, pp. 510.28 See his remark in the letter of 31 March 1618 (BCAL, Fondo Faber, 415, f° 516r.).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 125 8/7/17 3:53 PM
126‘via Lusitana’ — within the context of the ‘padroado’ — monopolized the stream of information between (South-) China and Europe in both directions, it is certainly questionable whether this was the same in the later periods. The application of alternative and technologically more advanced ‘routes’, such as the ‘via Batavica’ (administered by the Dutch Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie [VOC]), the ‘via Gallica’ (of the Compagnie des Indes), not to mention the ‘via Anglica’ (by the East India Company) and the ephemeral ‘Via Ostendana’ improved not only the general pace for transport, but also the conditions of the exchange of knowledge.29 On the other hand: the various types of letters arriving in Europe through different ways circulated sometimes in various copies (“viae”), often with slight internal variants. As far as the Jesuit circuits are concerned: these letters were read publicly in the residences / colleges (e.g. in the refectory) and were copied for personal edifying reading (‘letter books’). In addition, their information — after having been subjected to a ‘toilette littéraire’30 — was also spread / diffused through printing, either in separate units (J. Terrentius — Kepler; Verbiest; Parrenin, and others), or after converging in ‘collective’ editions as the Lettres édifiantes et curieuses (1st issue 1702-1776), Neue Welt-Bott (Latinate: Cosmangelus) and especially the Mémoires concernant l’histoire, les sciences, les arts, les moeurs, les usages etc. des Chinois (16 vols between 1776-1814). Together with other comprehensive books, such as Kircher’s China Illustrata etc., these became the first sources of the ‘chinoiseries’.2. PeriodicalsAs periodicals constituted the scientific communication instrument by excel-lence since the late 17th century, and constituted an important ‘data bank’ for those, who had no access to the mostly ‘private’ libraries, also Jesuit scholars in China were particularly eager to receive the latest issues of a series of prominent European journals (periodicals), of the type: Journal des Sçavans, Acta E ruditorum, the Curiosi Naturae, etc. In the evidence I collected during my research on ‘ European book and their reception in 17TH-/18TH-century’ I found indeed a mass of confusing references from China to particular issues of some 22 different periodicals. The same evidence equally shows how hard it was to get a regular and 29 On this aspect of the communication, see some observations and evidence in: N. Golvers, ‘Distance as an inconvenient Factor in the Scientific Communication between Europe and the Jesuits in China’, in Bulletin of Portuguese / Japanese Studies, vol. 18-19, 2009, pp. 105 -134; on the position of the VOC in the exchange of knowledge, see the recent Doctoral Dissertation by F. Hertroijs, Hoe kennis van China naar Europa kwam. De rol van de jezuïeten en VOC-dienaren, circa 1680-1795, Amsterdam, 2014. 30 According to a ‘bon mot’ of A. Brou, repeated by Isabel & Jean-Louis Vissière, Lettres édifiantes et curieuses de Chine par des missionnaires jésuites 1702-1776, Paris, 1979, p. 31.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 126 8/7/17 3:53 PM
127uninterrupted supply, to get backsets, to receive missing issues, etc.: basically it was depending on the successive secretaries in London (since Oldenburg: especially Cromwell Mortimer and Thomas Birch), but also in Paris (especially Nicolas Fréret and Dortous de Mairan) and St. Petersburg.31 Not only academic or ‘specialized’ journals were eagerly read and collected, also more ‘general’ publications and newspapers, such as the ‘Gazeta de Lisboa’ (1715--1750), or more ‘encyclopedic’ periodicals, as the ephemeral ‘Jornal enciclopedico (...) com a noticia dos novos descobrimentos em todas as sciencias e artes; the former not only informed on the sessions of the Portuguese academies, but it brought also medical information and advice, with descriptions of medicaments and treatments for drop, rheumatism, fevers, hernias, kidney stones, tumors, female diseases, venereal diseases, etc., all diseases Jesuit physicians in China had to cure.32 Journals were apparently also the most appropriate route for communicating the newest (astronomical) obser-vations, new inventions / engines; new book titles; new medicines; book reviews, etc. For obvious reasons, also the ‘reviews’ of newly issued books were read, to know 31 I will give here an exemplary overview of the evidence on the Acta Eruditorum. Vols. 1 -50 of this periodical appeared between 1682 and 1731; 30 vols. of them were on J.-F. Foucquet’s room in the Beitang residence; these he left there at his departure in November 1720: “Acta Lipsiensia, 30 vol.” (CPF, SRC, Ind.Or. — Cina, 15, f° 380v.). Curiously enough, another list, in BAV, Borg.lat., 565, f° 593v., reports he left (only) “12 vol. des Journaux de Lipsic”. At any rate, all these vols. normally should have inserted on the shelves of the main residence library. Yet, in 1726 (28 June) A. Gaubil refers to some observations made / published by Jartoux, apparently relying on his memory, as he makes a mistake: “J’ai vu dans je ne sai quelle mémoire de Lipsic de 1702 ou 1703 des observations des taches faittes icy par le P. Jartoux” (R. Simon, Correspondance de Pékin, p. 119); in fact, they appeared in the issue of 1705 (p. 483); this absence may be confirmed by another of Gaubil’s statements of 1729 (14 Oct.), when he reports from the Beitang: “On n’a que (…) Lipsic 1725” (R. Simon, p. 240). It is quite a surprise, then, that already on 26.05.1726, d’Entrecolles refers to have read the “zween ersten Tomos Actorum Eruditorum Lipsiensium” (NWB, vol. III, nr. 431; cf. LEC, pp. 535--536); Gaubil reports in 1732: “J’ay (…) les actes de Leipsic jusqu’en 1724” (p. 312); also this must be complemented / refined with his account of two months later: “Des Leipsik, 1722 et 1724 manquent, et nous avons jusqu’à 1727 inclus. Nous avons les 4 Index pour les 40 1res années, des supplements, nous avons 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, mais 3, 6 manquent, aussi bien que 8, 9 etc.” (R. Simon, p. 338; cp. p. 333). Shortly later, on 13 July 1734, the situation had apparently improved, as he reports: “On m’envoye assés exactement les Actes de Leipsic, les Mémoires de Trévoux et les Mémoires de l’Académie de France” (R. Simon, Correspondance de Pékin, p. 375). Also in the Nantang library several vols. were available: see I. Kögler’s letter of 22.X.1741 (SBB-PKB, Ms. Lat. Fol., 640, f° 146), with regard to his first acquaintance with M. Adelbulnerus’ Commercium Litterarum through one of its issues: “Commercii autem Adelbulneriani cum notitiam aliquam hausissem ex Actis Lipsiensibus”.32 A series of issues of the ‘parallel’ Gazeta de Lisboa occidental are still extant in the Beitang collection: cf. Verhaeren, no. 3632. See on this important information channel: Andre Belo, As gazetas e os livros: a ‘Gazeta de Lisboa e a vulgarização do impresso em Portugal (1715 -1760), Lisboa: 1997; on the Gazeta since 1617 as a source of information on the academic life in Lisbon: R. de Carvalho, A Astronomia em Portugal no século XVIII, pp. 38 -39; id., A fisica experimental em Portugal no séc. XVIII, 1982, passim.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 127 8/7/17 3:53 PM
128what was necessary or less important. In the end Ignatius Kögler tried to subscribe to Adelbulnerius’s ‘Korrespondenzblatt’ (Nürnberg), which organized a systematical exchange of new astronomical observations, etc. among the associated members.33 3. Printed (and also manuscript) books (Western and Chinese)Despite Terrentius’s opinion, printed books were and remained probably the most substantial communication instrument of new information from Europe.After some generations, this cumulative acquisition process had in the main residences / colleges, especially in Beijing — where the continuity was (almost) undisrupted — created a voluminous and diversified stock, and representative — though not always balanced34 — ‘working or reference libraries’, according to the Renaissance adagio: “Usus libri, non lectio prudentes facit” (Geoffrey Whitney). That these books were really ‘used’, and these libraries were therefore indeed ‘working / study libraries’ is abundantly proven: (1) by the physical traces of an intensive use (underscores, marginal / interlinear annotations and other physical marks of consultation);35 (2) the cumulative evidence of references and quotations; (3) by the considerable volume of bi (or tri-)lingual dictionaries and foreign language gram-mars, the acquisition of which had only sense in a large reading and writing process, relying on books in at least 8 different languages, incl. English and Russian; (4) by 33 In fact entitled Commercium Litterarium, ad Astronomiae Incrementum inter huius Scientiae Amatores Communi Consilio Institutum (…), Nurnberg: Adelbulner, 1734(?) -1736, 2 vols., in-8° (announced in 1733 by an Invitatio ad Commercium Litterarium, etc., ibid.). Kögler, in the Nantang residence of Peking, was first acquainted with this work through Acta Lipsiensia, as he reports in his letter to H. Hiss of 22.X.1741: “Commercii autem Adelbulneriani cum notitiam aliquam hausissem ex Actis Lipsiensibus” (SBB-PKB, Ms. Lat. Fol., 640, f° 146). He did not succeed in receiving a copy, and the copy, which A. Gogeisl had sent in 1737 did apparently not arrive. He only got the occasion to look through the first two issues, when a copy was sent from St. Petersburg to the French Jesuits in the Beitang. For all this information, see the same letter: “Ait (sc. Gogeisl) nempe se abhinc biennio (adeoque sub initium anni 1737 [sic] atque post discessum Patris e provincia [sc. Germania] misisse aliquos tomos Adelburneri cum Chronotaxi P. Nicasii; Commercii autem Adelbulneriani cum notitiam aliquam hausissem ex Actis Lipsiensibis. Rogatus super eo P(ater) Antonius (Gogeisl) respondit mihi se in provincia audivisse quidem de eo opere (i.e. the Commercium etc.), nihil tamen eius adhuc vidisse. Transactos autem vere duos priores eius Commercii tomulos Petropoli huc submissos per Siberiam P(atres) Galli obtinuerunt, quos evolvere licuit, & curiositatem nostram satiare”. 34 See for instance the many ‘under-represented’, versus the ‘over-represented’ sections, which A. Gaubil in 1732 mentions within the old Beitang library, maybe partly due to the damages of the 1730 earthquake, but certainly also to unbalanced interests both from the local Jesuits — most of them involved in their own scientific projects — and the providers / book agents in Paris, sometimes also blamed for their ‘negligence’. 35 In the 4.100 individual book descriptions in H. Verhaeren, Catalogue de la bibliothèque du Pé-t’ang, Peking, 1949, the author mentions — and this despite the rules of Jesuit librarianship — for 217 items ( = 5,2%) marginal or interlinear annotations, which constitute — as far as they do not belong to the European ‘pre-history’ of the books — an interesting ‘patrimony’ with regard to the Jesuits and their scholarly work in China, so far only very occasionally exploited.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 128 8/7/17 3:53 PM
129the several other search instruments (printed nomenclatores; indices, etc.) and the preference for books with detailed indices, by which it was possible, e.g., to quickly find and check an appropriate medicine or treatment for particular symptoms, etc. This ‘basic stock’ had to be ‘updated’, in view of the progress of sciences in Europe, and the always urging ‘needs’ and ‘challenges’ of the Chinese public, from the sick poor to the curious but also suspicious Chinese ‘literati’ and authorities; a regular ‘update’ was especially urgent for astronomical ‘tabulae’, and for the treat-ment of particular medical problems. A preliminary question is this: how did the Jesuits in China be informed on recent novelties on the European book market, which were ‘imposing’ themselves by their contents, etc. From the evidence I collected, there is no particular proof for the use of printed bibliographies, even when some of them were (and are) available, such as the Bibliotheca Selecta of Antonio Possevino, Israel Spach and Schenck von Grafenfeld, the latter two for medicine36. More evidence we have for publisher’s catalogues and their impact, as we hear, e.g. from Antoine Gaubil who ‘subscribed’ to the books which his correspondent Etienne Souciet had indicated as ‘important’ new issues in the Catalogues he had sent from Paris. An important role had also the announcements and review articles in the aforementioned scholarly periodicals: for a whole series of titles, we know that their acquisition was the consequence of a mention in one of these instruments. Finally, in the French mission Antoine Gaubil had repeat-edly ‘invited’ European scholars, also outside the Jesuit Society — of the level of Leibniz; Joseph-Nicolas Delisle, among others — to give their advices, either directly or through intermediaries to the Mission’s Procurators in Paris or Lisbon, or to send directly, without first asking permission, copies of relevant books to China, and there was even a kind of outstanding ‘order’ for sending every new publication in the field of sciences. One of the main results of my project on ‘Libraries of Western Learning for China’ is precisely to show the size of the book circulation: this was far much greater than we knew before: the number of 4,100 items surviving in the so-called ‘Beitang collection’ should be extended with the many titles manifestly available and used (quoted) in China in the 17th-18th centuries, and mentioned for instance in inventories (for instance of the ca. 300 Western books in the library of Jean-François Foucquet),37 shopping lists (as the list of the more than 300 titles Terrentius and 36 See Verhaeren, nos 2504 and 2505; 2856 (and 2857) and 2695 respectively.37 See my contribution ‘“Bibliotheca in cubiculo’: the personal library of (especially Western books of) J.-F. Foucquet, S.J. in Peking (Beitang), 1720”, in: Monumenta Serica, 58, 2010, pp. 249 -280); on the reverse, for the Chinese books Foucquet brought to Europe, see N. Standaert, ‘Circulating Chinese China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 129 8/7/17 3:53 PM
130Trigault bought in December 1616 in Antwerp, of which only 9 are extant),38 and in a rare shipping list (Jean de Fontaney39). After all, for measuring the real size of the circulation of Western books in China, and the real degree of penetration of one particular title, one should not only count the different titles mentioned, but also the samples of each, as it is clear from our written evidence that many books circulated in several copies, different editions and sometimes also translations. Another conclusion confirms the circulation of these books within China: several indications prove indeed there was in Beijing — despite some unmistakable frictions — a mutual communication and book exchange between the Portuguese Nantang (former Xitang) and the French Beitang, with Kilian Stumpf leaving at regular times the latter under the pretext of pastoral duties but visiting the Nantang collection,40 and Foucquet borrowing copies of Malvenda, Plutarch etc., which he forgot to restitute, according to some polite letters of reclaim by K. Slaviček and I. Kögler, which I found carefully folded in the Foucquet manuscripts of the Borgia Latino 566 (BAV).41 A long-distance exchange within China (for instance between Canton and Peking) was of course more risky and — according to the words of the same Stumpf — time consuming and was therefore certainly omitted in many cases;42 yet, an analysis of the book inscriptions shows that a considerable number of books were once ‘replaced’ from their original residence to another one.43 In addition: it appears that occasionally also advanced mathematical books were avail-able in zones outside the center,44 and when in 1723 Joseph de Prémare received in Jiu Jiang (“Kieu Kiam”), Jiangxi Province a set of 28 issues of the German “Curiosi Books: Jean-François Foucquet’s Contribution to the Establishment of Chinese Libraries in Europe (Communication on the “Materiality Workshop” in Leuven, 26-27 May 2014). 38 To be published in Johann Schreck Terrentius (in preparation). 39 Viz. AMEP, Jes. 479, p. 139 -140: see Libraries of Western Learning, vol.1, p. 444.40 Jean de Fontaney, in JS 166, f° 126v (Peking 8 December 1698).41 For Malvenda: K. Slaviçek, in 1718/20: “Ne, quaeso, R(everenti)a V(estr)a obliviscatur Malvendae, & si quem alium forte librum habuit ex bibliotheca nostra, credo enim nunc R(everenti)am V(estr)am mille curis interturbari posse” (BAV, Borg.lat. 566, f° 3v.); for Plutarch, see I. Kögler’s letter of thanks to J.-F Foucquet in the Beitang, in a small personal letter (autograph preserved ibid., at f° 280), after he had restituted the copy of Plutarch he once borrowed: “Accepi remissum ad me Plutarchum; meritas ea propter tantum ago gratias”. For many other examples of mutual consultation; loan, exchange etc. between the Peking residences, see: Libraries of Western Learning, vol. 3, ch. 6.1.2 (in print).42 K. Stumpf, in JS 165, f° 100r.- 102 (especially 101v.): “Liber hic italice scriptus non inventus est in nostra bibliotheca Pekinensi; si alibi in Sina reperiatur, ob locorum distantiam et temporis angustias inquirere non licuit (…) / ‘This book, written in Italian, is not present in our library in Peking; because of the geographical distance [from Peking] and the shortage of time it was not possible to search, whether it could be found elsewhere in China’43 For the evidence: Libraries of Western Learning, vol. 1, pp. 489-491.44 For these and other examples: Libraries of Western Learning, vol. 2, pp. 326-327.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 130 8/7/17 3:53 PM
131Naturae” at once, and thanked the Academic Prefect in dithyrambic, Virgilian verses, this almost unique example of such a volume proves that also these more remote areas were accessible for up-to-date European publications, providing the local Jesuits were interested.454. Illustrations (“Imagines”46)Information as well as new findings etc. were also communicated through illus-trations, Western and Chinese in books and periodicals, from very elementary didactical diagrams (e.g. in A. Thomas’s Synopsis Mathematica) to rather spectacular folio-plates and folding plates, with full details, in printed books and plate books, as well as separate items, of different size, circulating as loose sheets (‘tabulae anatomicae’47; thesis plates; maps); one could compare here the instrumental book plates of the genre of Theatrum machinarum (Besson; Ramelli; Veranzio, etc.), but also on particular artes (such as Agricola’s De Re Metallica; Plumier, L’art de tourner48, among others), which arrived in China, with the illustrated copies of Qiqu tushuo by Terrentius / Wang Zheng and the Yixiang zhe / tu of F. Verbiest. Especially the European books were sent / received as a source of information and support for self-study by the Jesuit “mechanici”, “architecti” and “ingeniarii”, but also for their purely graphic aspect and decorative / illustrative impact. As for the spread of knowledge: their main purpose was to instruct, by showing newly developed instruments, their parts and function, and the working (“fabrica et usus”); the most explicit desiderata speak of illustrations with short, clear captions (“explicatio”)49, with letters / numbers in the accompanying text referring to the 45 Libraries of Western Learning, vol. 2, p. 301.46 Other terms: “Figuree”;“tabulae (aeneae)”; “delineationes”; “adumbrationes”; “iconismi”; “emble-mata”, etc. 47 Cf. F. Verbiest, in his letter of 1685: Correspondance, p. 494: “Rogo etiam V(estram) P(aternitatem) ut nobis insigniores aliquot libros medicos, praesertim modernos, et nominatim tabulas anatomicas, maiori figurâ impressas ( …) transmittere dignetur”.48 See respectively Verhaeren, no. 730 and the request of Gaubil, of 22 September 1732 for “le livre du tour du P. Plumier” (R. Simon, Correspondance de Pékin, p. 332); i.e. [L’] art de tourner, ou de faire en perfection toutes sortes d’ouvrages au tour: dans lequel outré les principes &c élemens du tour qu’on y enseigne méthodiquement pour tourner tant le bois, l’ivoire &c., que le fer & tous les autres métaux, on voit encore plusieurs belles machines à faire des ovales (…): ouvrage tres curieux et très nécessaire à ceux qui s’exercent au tour, compose en français et en latin en faveur des étrangers (…), par le R(évérend) P(ère) Charles Plumier (…) , 1st ed., A Lyon: Jean Certe, 1701, in-fol; etc.49 I. Kögler, on 13 November 1723: “Quae de mechanicis desiderabam non erant libri qui leges motuum aut machinarum theorias tradunt, sed qui nova quaedam inventa organica in figuris exhibent cum commoda & dilucida explicatione, quae ad facillimam imitationem inducat‘ /The books on mechanics which I expected were not the books which transmit the rules of motion or the theoretical concepts behind the machines, but books which display in pictures particular new instrumental inventions, with a handy and clear explanation, which leads to easy imitation’ (Berlin: SBB-PKB Ms. Lat. Fol. 640, f° 84r.).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 131 8/7/17 3:53 PM
132details of the prints, either of instruments (Kögler) or the anatomy (Verbiest); when the illustrations are too rudimentary, active Jesuit scholars such as Claudio Filippo Grimaldi requested by letter for an explanation on particular details of an unclear diagram in Eschinardi’s De Impetu.50 It were especially these illustrations, drawings, diagrams etc., which became instrumental in raising the ‘curiosity’ of the Chinese for Western scientific topics, and to create a real communication, even when this had not always the effects the Jesuits had calculated or expected. I may refer here to some revealing anecdotes: it is his glancing in 1626 though lavishly illustrated Western machine books — certainly of the type: “theatrum machinarum’ — that Wang Zheng’s curiosity was raised, which led to his collaboration with Terrentius, published as Qiqi tu shuo; when in the early 1670s the ‘San fan’ War (War of the Three Feudatories’) started, it was a Mandarin who remembered to have seen once in the Jesuit library an illustrated book on Western gun making, which became the start of Verbiest’s unwilling ‘ballistic’ adventure; and — to add a more humoristic anecdote: when the Kangxi Emperor on his first Tartary tour (1682) was offered a very curious specimen of fish, he ordered Verbiest to bring one of the books on fauna he had seen during one of his visits to the Xitang; when the ‘couriers’ brought two books from the library, in all prob. the relevant volumes of Ulisse Aldrovandi and Jon Jonstonus, they found the picture, thanks to which they could identify the ‘fish’ as a ‘vitulus marinus’, or ‘sea calb’, at which occasion the Emperor again expressed his admiration for Western books and libraries51. From anecdotes like these it is clear that these books were — under certain conditions — accessible to the Chinese, and the libraries were indeed a favorite ‘place’ of Chinese visitors, as Verbiest — not without some exaggeration — explains: “Nulli fere sint, qui ad hanc Curiam aliquando non perveniant, multi ex iis, rerum Europaearum famâ & studio eas videndi permoti, quotidie ad templum & domum nostram confluunt, id est interiorem omnem domum nostram, bibliothecam, templum & hortum nostrum lustrant…”.5250 Filippo Grimaldi in his letter of 28 November 1702 to Antonio Baldigiani, professor of mathematics at the Collegio Romano (JS 167, f° 90ff, more precisely f° 92r): “In sesto luogo [i.e. after 5 other questions] aggiungo, o per meglio dire ripeto la dimanda da me fatta à V(estra) R(everentia) nella gia detta mia lettera mandata per via di Goa, et è che — se puo — farmi la gratia di procurarmi per persona intelligente cio che qui dico mi sara gratissima e utile — et è une delineatione ancor’ che rudemente fatto della machina da sollevar l‘aque, che il P(adre) Eschinardi nel suo libro De Impetu — pag. 241 dice fu eseguita con buon successo per suo indirizzo nella villa del gia fu Cardinal Borromeo di buona memoria — conforme a quella che è d’inventione del Sr. Franzini, di cui se ne face in Pariggi una sperienza in piccolo — oltre alla delineatione — che vorrei di d(ett)a machina fatta in Roma per esser molto maggiore di quella fatta in Pariggi, di cui io vedi ne trovai gia alcun vestigio quando arrivai in Pariggi. (...)”.51 Verbiest, Correspondance, p. 392.52 Verbiest, Astronomia Europaea, p. 97.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 132 8/7/17 3:53 PM
1335. InstrumentsOccasionally — and also this is a topic not yet studied systematically — the information from Europe was accompanied and supported by instruments, sent from Germany, France, and London to China, either parts of them (e.g. the lenses for telescopes53), in their entirety but disassembled,54 only rarely in their totality (such as the lathe which Grimaldi accidentally lost in Goa55). These were often advanced and polished astronomical, observational or measuring instruments, a delicate and expensive shipment, for the first time mentioned on a larger scale for the Trigault-Terrentius expedition, arr. in Macau in 1619. They were selected in November 1616 by Terrentius himself from the private collection of the recently deceased Ernest of Bavaria in Bonn and Liège56; others were received in 1618 from Emperor Maximilian in Innsbruck, both groups arriving in Peking in 1623/25, where at least one instrument still survives until now. Many more advanced instru-ments arrived with the ‘5 mathématiciens du Roy’ in 1687,57 with Filippo Grimaldi in 1694, Antoine Gaubil, etc. A regular supply of more sophisticated instruments was indeed necessary, and is occasionally also reported; in some cases the arrival of a new instrument or its announcement in China caused some hesitation among the Jesuits, about the question whether this should be communicated to their Chinese collaborators or not, as they were always eager to keep their ‘leap’ on the Chinese; this case is reported, for instance, when the first information on the ‘machine of Römer’ arrived in China.58 Although an array of smaller instruments may have belonged to the individual luggage of most Jesuits, also in the province, it is clear that the most sophisticated among them were only available in the major centers, in the first place in Peking, where they were anxiously kept in the Musaeum (Mathematicum) — also called 53 Verbiest, on 15 August 1678: “Illa enim, quae hîc magnum usum habent, sunt perspicilia, tubi optici et eiusmodi vitrea, quorum vitra dumtaxat plurima eaque bene compacta et tuta ab aeris iniuria, omissis tubis et similibus, quae hîc facile confieri possunt afferre praestat” (Correspondance, p. 238).54 Cf. J. De Fontaney in 1689/1690 from Ningbo: “(…) Il m’est venu en effet quatre quaisses. Dans l’une il y a plusieurs morceaux de bois qui tous rassemblez font, dit-on, un instrument propre à faire des lunettes etc. et au dessus divers papiers pour remplir la caisse, etc.” (JS 132, f° 74r.). 55 Grimaldi brought this sample from Bratislava, but ‘lost’ it accidentally in the Goa harbour: JS 167, f° 92v.; in 1703, there was a correspondence between China [P.v.Hamme] and Europe [F. Noël; Buonanni in the Collegio Romano] concerning a ‘rota tornatilis’ for the Chinese Emperor, etc., probably as a substitute for the lost sample (JS 168, f° 163v.).56 See my note on ‘The instrument collection of Prince-Bishop Ernest of Bavaria († Liège, 1612), Nicolas Trigault & Johan Terrentius, and the Chinese destiny of some of its items’, in: Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences, vol. 62, n° 169, pp. 691-701.57 A detailed list J. De Fontaney presents in his letter to F. Verbiest of 10 January 1683: JA-IV-63, no. 102, f° 86r.-87v. 58 See the note in Almagest, 2014 (cf. supra, n. 15). China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 133 8/7/17 3:53 PM
134“organotheca” [i.e. ‘Repository of ‘organa’, i.e. instruments, tools, engines’],59 mentioned in our sources for both the Portuguese college Xitang / Nantang, and for the French residence Beitang.60 In the former instruments were also kept in the private room of the appointed Director of the Astronomical Bureau, probably after the example of the ‘cubiculum mathematicum’ in the Collegio Romano and elsewhere:61 see the instruments hanging on the wall in Verbiest’s room, described on the occasion of the Emperor’ visit in 1675,62 and the instruments kept by Antoine Thomas on the same room, after his predecessor’s death.63Finally, several other instruments were also fabricated by the Jesuits themselves in China: I refer here, e.g., to the instruments Verbiest built and described especially in the 2nd part of his Astronomia Europaea; a series of others built by Antoine Thomas;64 the (sun dials and other objects, and the) calculators made by Filippo Grimaldi,65 etc.The material and logistic circumstances / conditions of the transmission / cir cu-lation of knowledge from Europe to China — described here in terms of the means used — represent only one, albeit basic aspect of the entire transmission process 59 See F. Verbiest, in the ms. of his Mechanica, fig. 43-55: “Cum in Uraniae nostrae organo-theca eorum instrumentorum satis abundantem habeamus supellectilem expositam, ad quorum exemplar Imperator noster Sino-Tartaricus non pauca ad privatum suum usum affabre fieri curavit”.60 At least once, in the dedication of an extant copy of Chr. Huygens’s Horologium Oscillatorium (Paris, 1673), offered by De Saint-Bonnet to the Jesuits in the Beitang, his former pupils from the Collège Sainte Trinité in Lyon: Verhaeren, no. 1848.61 As described by Michael John Gordon, ‘Between the Demonic and the Miraculous: Athanasius Kircher and the Baroque Culture of Machines” (http://www.stanford.edu/group/shl/Eyes/machines).62 See the Portuguese autograph in JS 124, f° 100r.-100v. (6 December 1675): “Entrou no cubiculo do P(adre) Sup(e)rior e vendo a silva e labarinto (sic) dos instrum(en)tos Matematicos pendurados, disse: ‘Todos estes sei’, e entendo disse bem, perque esta assai douto nas matematicas, que esta ano aprendeu, por espasso de dous mezes e meyo etc.”. 63 Vanves: AFSI Fonds Brotier 117, no. 5:“Laudavit machinas planetarum et eclipsium quas attulerunt Patres (sc. Galli), suntque nunc in meo cubiculo”.64 Such as a “pyxis quadrata”, a special compass-like instrument, which combined outside an astronomical quadrant and an astronomical watch for the position of the sun, the moon and the stars to a series of drawn astronomical and geometrical instruments inside: JS 148, f° 533v. 65 Cf. the testimony of Gemelli Careri, in: Giro del mondo de dottor d. Gio. Francesco Gemelli Careri, parte quarta: contenente le cose più ragguardevoli vedute nella Cina, in questa seconda edizione di molto accresciuto e ricorretto, e dit nuove figure adornato, Napoli: nella Stamperia di Giuseppe Roselli, 1708, p. 283: “Ebbe poi la bonta il sudetto Padre di farmi vedere molti bellissimi instrumenti ottici, per ingrandire e moltiplicare gli oggetti; geometrici per misurare & aritmetici per moltiplicare, e sottrarre prestamente senza bisogno di penna, da lui inventati per servigio dell’Imperatore, di tal cose studiosissimo. Mi disse che nel Palagio Imperiale stava riducendo a perfezione una macchina per estinguere il fuoco, che, a forza di uomini, e di vento, buttava l’acqua cento palmi in alto”; cf. A. Thomas’s Annotationes, in JS 148, f° 258v. (8.X.1700): on 7 June 1700, the Emperor learns how to use Grimaldi’s calculator:‘ His temporibus didicit quoque Imperator modum utendi parvâ machinâ, a P(atre) Philippo Grimaldo excogitatâ ad calculos maiori brevitati ac facilitate exercendos”. On preserved calculators made during the Kangxi reign, see: Li Di, Bai Shangshu & M.R. Williams, ‘Chinese calculators made during the Kangxi Reign in the Qing Dynasty’, in: Annals of the History of Computing, vol. 14.4, 1992, pp. 63-67.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 134 8/7/17 3:53 PM
135between West and East. In order to be successful the same process needed as a final piece (‘corner stone’) (1) the Jesuits’s active intention to transmit this informa-tion to the China and a certain degree of ‘openness’ in their communication with their Chinese interlocutors, and (2) the receptivity of the Chinese towards the new knowledge and evidence. While the former can rather easily be derived from the Western correspondence, the Chinese attitude, in terms of degree of permeability and penetrability of the Chinese context for the ‘Western’ materials needs new research of the contemporary Chinese sources.(1) To what extent were the Jesuits willing to transmit this updated, even advanced knowledge to the Chinese: This is obviously a question of intentional selection, according to a pre-med-itated program (see the ‘master plan’ of Niccolò Longobardo), but also of time management, with respect for some priorities and preferences, coexisting at the same time with some signs of reticence.That the transmission of the bulk of current European knowledge was neces-sarily subjected to some strong ‘selection’, in function of the number of available personnel and time — shortage of time being a recurrent theme of Jesuit letters in China — is nothing but logic. Otherwise, there was the steady ‘suspicion’ of Chinese mandarins — not only their natural enemies (members of the Libu; some slumbering Chinese opposition within the Astronomical Bureau, which occasion-ally surfaced), but occasionally also the Kangxi Emperor — that they were ‘hiding’ for the Chinese a series of most advanced technical details (“arcana”), novelties etc.; this suspicion was, for instance, formulated towards Verbiest’s calendar, and was the incitement to compose his Yongnian Lifa (康熙永年历法), i.e. the ‘Eternal / Perpetual Kangxi Calendar’)66 and even his Yixiangtzi / tu.67 Apart from these examples, some indications for some reserves seem to exist, also in the Verbiest corpus: (a) in the case of the newly arrived information on the “machines” of Röhmer, which were developed and presented to the Paris Académie de Sciences in 1682; when its information arrived in Macau and Peking, certainly through an article in the Journal des Sçavans, Verbiest consulted Andrea Lubelli, proposing to 66 JS 109, vol. 2 (Dunyn-Szpot), p. 128 (from a lost letter of F. Verbiest to General Oliva): “De me tamen satis diu suspicatus est (sc. Imperator) (quod malevoli et invidi suggilabant) quod Astronomiae arcana nolim manifestare ac docere suos, sicut ratione mei muneris debebam. Imo semel aperte et coram mihi indicavit, hanc de me suspicionem passim haberi. Et ego quidem per unum alterumve annum hanc ob rem non pauca passus sum, quae etiam paucis littereis non possim satis explicare. Ut melius autem hanc calumniam diluerem, tabulas expansas (ut appellant) eclipsium et 7 planetarum ad bis mille annos prodicendas supplici libello publice prrecto in me suscepi, etc.”. 67 Cf. the author in the Chinese Preface.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 135 8/7/17 3:53 PM
136‘hide’ this new invention to their Chinese collaborators, which was dissuaded by the latter;68 Verbiest’s inspiration for this certainly was the fear, to loose the leap on the Chinese and thus the (only) firm and reliable basis for the mission, as we have heard in his letter of 1678 (cf. supra). (b) Another example of intentional, ‘strategi-cally’ inspired withholding of elements in the transmission of Western knowledge he confesses in the case of the presentation of the Aristotelian corpus, in his Qiong li xüe (ca. 1684), where he dropped all the ‘Christian’ examples from his Latin models (the individual volumes of the Commentarii Conimbricenses”), this to hide the intention of the whole enterprise, viz. to ‘introduce’ Western philosophy into the official curriculum of the literati, as part of the compulsory reading material.69 (c) Finally, a certain reticence to promote the study of Latin among the Chinese was also inspired by the intention, to keep the discretion on their intentions.70 We need a further check of the entire evidence to know whether this was an individual or periodical attitude, or more generally spread.(2) Through which canals Jesuit knowledge and its products could penetrate the Chinese milieu?Here I think especially of:a. Informal contacts, during (guided) visits, private sessions in the Jesuit library, in the missionary’s room, during visits outside the residence, to mandarins and Courtiers, probably private collections, “Musaea’ and libraries:71 many discussions are mentioned through the written sources (both Western and Chinese / Manchu), mentioning Jesuit interlocutors and the Emperor, Courtiers and common ‘literati’, discussing particular themes on the basis of a Western book, an illustration, glanc-ing through issues of periodicals, etc.: Western (and Chinese) books were in general a starting point of such exchange of questions and opinions, turning around certain passages, mostly in combination with an illustration.68 “Acerca o não espalhar a nova traça de achar os dias dos eclipses com facilidade, ia cà nos estavamos no cazo pollas rezões que V(ossa) R(everência) allega e por não darmos as armas a nossos emcomtrados, mas esta ultima rezão parece pouco suficiente porq(ue) a invenção sahio em França, e là hè muy publica, assim que hè moralmente impossivel que elles a não tragão, ou lhe não venha logo, e como não està tanto no cazo de a não publicar, facilmente virà a cair a prim(ei)ra nossa rezão de não communicar aos Chinas”: Lubelli to F. Verbiest, in JA 49-V-19, no. 139a, f° 510v. (21 July 1684). 69 JS 105, I, f° 38v./39r.: “(…) ut melius ad eam (Philosophiam) legendam literatos Sinenses provocaret, omnem expressam legis Divinae mentionem ex ea sustulit, ne primä, ut aiunt, facie illam redderet odiosam”.70 See his letter of 15 August 1678 (Correspondance, p. 20): “Iam vero, si linguam Latinam doceamus Sinas, statim animum nostrum manifestamus et magno exponimur periculo persecutionis, imo maiori quam si linguâ Sinicâ philosophiam, theologiam et capita religionis nostrae Sinice impressa praelegamus, quae omnia titulo aliquo colorato et specioso praetextu fieri possunt”.71 On the role of this type of ‘guided tours’, after the combined example of both contemporary Western libraries and Buddhist cloisters, see my article in The Library (forthcoming). China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 136 8/7/17 3:53 PM
137b. More formalized were the group teaching sessions, within an ‘official’ frame-work, such as the Astronomical Bureau (Qintianjian): the themes discussed with the students (tianwensheng) were curricular and more or less prescribed, and had to do with calendar calculation, eclipse prediction, etc. Such curricular sessions started with Verbiest, and reached yearly a public of ca. 200 students, Chinese and Manchu alike:72 its volume and agenda suggests that this teaching was rather comprehensive; the courses were continued year after year, so that after some years this techno-logical knowledge and skills had reached a rather extensive public, and F. Verbiest complains as early as 1678, after some 8 years of instruction, that this weakens the position of the Jesuit mission, which was largely depending on the Jesuits’ official involvement in the calculation and production of the year calendar.73 How long these courses were continued or protracted, I don’t know, but still Antoine Thomas was involved in it. This instruction was deposited in some text books and manuals, such as F. Verbiest’s Yixiangzhi and its illustrated part Yixiang tu (both published in 1673/4), written to the behalf of generations of Chinese astronomers to come as a ‘mode d’emploi’ for the Observatory and its maintenance,74 and Antoine Thomas’s Jie gen fang suanfa jieyao,75 the former a xylograph print, the latter an (extensive) manuscript, of which only two copies are known.c. Composition of Chinese written Jesuit texts, manuscript and printed, on various topics, both Christian and scholarly, and circulating them among the Chinese.76 Of the distribution through private collections of these texts we have only incomplete information.77 At any rate, Jesuit productions in Chinese were not only distributed through offering them as a present, but apparently to some extent 72 See Correspondance, p. 162 (1670): “100 en meer” / ‘more than 100; JA 49-V-16, no. 89, fos. 410v.-412r.: “ca. 300” (1671); Correspondance, p. 245 (1678, but regarding 1674: “circiter 160”); Astronomia Europaea, p. 20 (“160”).73 F. Verbiest, in Correspondance, p. 211: “Ipsimet Sinae iam a multis annis versati sunt in nostris astronomicis, et per se possunt quotannis Kalendaria componere iuxta nostras regulas. Quisnam postea successurus sit in Astronomiae praefecturam, an Europaeus noster an Sina multo magis incertum est, quia superbia Sinica magistros externos indignatur; et ideo nos adhuc quotidie contra invidiam, odium, calumnias et insidias eorum pugnamus”.74 See the Chinese Preface.75 See, among others, Han Qi, ‘Antoine Thomas, S.J. and his Mathematical Activities in China. A preliminary Research through Chinese Sources’ (online) and C. Jami, ‘A discreet mathematician: Antoine Thomas (1644-1709) and his Textbooks’, in: N. Golvers & S. Lievens (eds.), A Lifelong Dedication to the China Mission. Essays presented in Honor of Father Jeroom Heyndrickx, CICM (…), Leuven, 2007, pp. 447-469.76 For the most complete and critical overview, see now the CCT database of A. Dudink & N. Standaert of the KUleuven (online).77 For a first attempt to give an overview of the opportunities of this research for the Chinese printings of the Jesuits, see N. Standaert, ‘Note on the spread of Jesuit writings in Late Ming and Early Qing China’, in: China Mission Studies (1550-1800) Bulletin, 7, 1985, pp. 22-26. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 137 8/7/17 3:53 PM
138through the public bookshops as well.78 Thinking at the parallel example in private Western collections, which started also collecting Chinese texts, we could guess that also the reverse existed, and occasionally Western books were also kept in private Chinese collections. Testimonies I have only for the Court — and some Courtiers —, and the Kangxi Emperor apparently had collected a small library of Western books, so that he could give in return Western books in presents to missionaries.79 On the impact of these books, beyond the aspect of ‘collector’s items’ and as an object of private reading and reflection, we have the clear testimony of Ferdinand Verbiest, in Astronomia Europaea, p. 98: “Illi (mandarini) autem, cum in Provinciam & patriam suam redierint, haec omnia suis referunt et per otium ejusmodi libros domi legunt: atque ita intra quadrantem horae plus efficimus, quam si per multos dies ipsos convenia-mus: nam libri nil habent quod vereantur, et multa aperte dicunt, quae — si a nobis coram dicerentur — avaritiam, libidinem aliaque vitia quae Mandarinos illos semper sequuntur non leviter offenderet” / ‘As soon as these Mandarins have returned to their Province and to their homeland, they pass all this to their own people, and in their leisure time they read these books at home. Thus we attain more in a quarter of an hour than when we would meet each other for many days, since these books contain nothing they could possibly be afraid of, openly stating, as they do, many things that would badly hurt the greediness, the passion and the other vices which always accompany these mandarins’. 78 I don’t know any study on the spread of these texts through the Chinese book sellers, although even the Latin Jesuit sources in Europe refer occasionally to a distribution through this public circuit; a collecting of these data would be very welcome. For some information in De Rougemont’s Account Book, see N. Golvers, François de Rougemont, S.J., missionary in Ch’ang-shu (Chiang-Nan), Leuven, 1999, Chapter 5: The means of propagation and propaganda’ (p. 439 ff.). Maybe it is revealing that, among all the texts mentioned there, there is only one ‘scientific’ item, viz. a reprint of S. De Ursis, Taixi xui fa, called by abbreviation Xui fa (1st ed. 1612): the reprint / reading of this hydraulic text in Hangzhou still in 1675 seems inspired by the local circumstances in the watery area of the Jiangnan province: cf. N. Golvers, François de Rougemont, S.J., missionary in Ch’ang-shu (Chiang-nan), Leuven, 1999, p. 461; 484; 485; 487; 488.79 On a ‘Figureted’ Orthodox Bible in his possession reports Mezzafalce on 7 April 1706, (in: JS 169, f° 94r.); on a Calendarium Romanum received from Bonhour- Fabre: see the report in JS 168, f° 381r-86v (Pekini, 23 Aug. 1714), more precisely on f° 382v: “Sub initium anni 1708 (...) P(at)re Guillelmo Bonjour ordinis S(an)cti Augustini cum duobus D(ominis) Clericis in hanc aulam advecto, praeterquam quod cum...in conspectum suum Imp(erat)or illos admitteret me interpretem esse voluit, librum de kalendario ab eodem Patre in Europa conscriptum et Majestati suae ( = the Chinese Emperor) oblatum mihi uni examinandum tradidit; a Western atlas he later offered to Parrenin is mentioned in Verhaeren, no. 896; of the eleven Western books he offered to Kilian Stumpf only six are extant (Verhaeren, nos 172; 869; 1560; 2256; 3206; 4083), all books on mathematics, astronomy and navigation; the 2nd vol. of Prestet, Elemens de mathematiques, Paris, 1675, which was “chez le Regulo, 3e fils de l’Empereur” (Foucquet: CPF, SRC, Ind.Or. — Cina, 15, f° 382r.). China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 138 8/7/17 3:53 PM
139Obviously this concerned the Chinese written text, whereas the Western books, as far as these were illustrated, were especially influential by raising the curiosity for European things and their meaning, and as a source of distraction.* * *As a preliminary conclusion, we can say that through the combination of these media the Jesuits succeeded in keeping themselves informed on the more recent evolutions in Europe, and in the 18th century examples which we can check into detail that more than once new findings were known within a period of less than one year in China.80 The weak point was, that they remained always depending on external circumstances, with regard to the transport, the goodwill of the European benefactors, and the authorities in China. Most interesting would be, to check into detail how — after Copernicanism had entered China — also more recent develop-ments entered there, such as Newton’s new science, modern chemistry, electricity, etc. It is our belief that also for this kind of research the analysis of the histori-cal book collections, in combination with the archival sources contain sufficient evidence. In addition, in the last part we described the willingness of the Jesuits to communicate these ‘novelties’ (“nova”; “inventa”, etc.) although probably not without some exception, and some suspicion, and the ‘penetration’ and ‘impact’ of this ‘Western knowledge / learning’ among Chinese, either through oral teaching, textbooks, Chinese compositions, book presents, be it as ‘curios’ of prestige (as a minimum) or texts of distraction ad reflection, as a maximum.80 This is the case, e.g., for Hodgson’s The Theory of Jupiter’s Satellites, with the Construction and Use of the tables for Computing their Eclipses (...), by James Hodgson, F.R.S. and Master of the Royal Mathematical School at Christ’s-Hospital, London: Printed for the Author, 1750. This copy Hallerstein (living in the Nantang) had temporarily communicated in 1751 in loan to A. Gaubil (in the Beitang); see A. Gaubil to A. Delisle (translated in English for publication in the Philosophical Transactions, of 18 November 1751): “Mr. Hodgson has sent hither, to the German Fathers [among them Hallerstein] his Theory and Tables of the Satellites of Jupiter” (R. Simon, p. 656).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 139 8/7/17 3:53 PM
140UNDERSTANDING CHINESE SOCIAL IDENTITY IN THE CONTEXT OF CULTUREYang YiyinSocial identity is need by everybody. It is oneself identify him to a category or a group. For instant, when I say, “I am a woman”, it means I link myself to a female category and become one of them. If there is a women organization and I become a member of it, it means I belong to this group. Living in the context of Chinese society, people have developed some psycho-logical structures, mechanisms, such as social cognitive styles, affection express way to match the social structure and the cultural situation in which Chinese embed. Among these psychological structures and mechanisms, the Chinese self is the most typical one. Therefore, it will be the most important concept to understand Chinese social identity, especially to explain the person-group, individual-collective relations in Chinese culture. 1. The Chinese selfSocial identification is the process through which person identifies himself as a member of a group psychologically. Differing from the Western social identity, Chinese social identity dyed by its culture. The main difference comes from the self-construal of the person. Self construal refers to how individuals define and make meaning of the self. Concerning the self-construal, Markus & Kitayama (1991) have put forward a theory to distinguish independent self and interdependent self-individuals with independent self seek to maintain their independence from others by attend-ing to the personal self and by discovering and expressing their unique inner attributes, while individuals with interdependent self insist on the fundamental relatedness to others. Furthermore, they point out that independent self is mostly available to Western people (to North American, to be exact); while interdepend-ent self are mostly available to Eastern people (to Eastern Asian, to be exact,) China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 140 8/7/17 3:53 PM
141(shown in Figure 1). This understanding of the self is based on Euro-American beliefs about individualism, personal rights, and the autonomy of the individual from social groups. In contrast, the underlying principle that shapes the interde-pendent self-construal is the premise that the person is connected to others, so that the self is defined, at least in part, by important roles, group memberships, or relationships. Figure 1 Two types of self construal Source: Markus & Kitayama (1991)However, I think that the concept of interdependent self could not fully characterized Chinese self-construal. Instead, I propose the concept of boundary penetrated and permeated self to characterize Chinese self-construal. This self must have shown as an expansive-contractive psychological construal in both horizontal and vertical dimensions. Here, on the horizontal dimension, the individual, as an agent, can control the variety of his/her self boundary and make the decision which one can be received into the boundary and which one cannot be according to his/her intention and affection in different situation. Its main characteristic is not two individual interdependent each other, but each individual master this interdependent independently. On the vertical dimension, the individual mediates his/her self boundary by judging relative moral or immoral in social rule. It means that when dealing with the relation between private benefit and public benefit, people would be expected to expand self boundary larger than before and contain others’ benefit as them-selves. Therefore, the contradiction is solved (see Figure 2).China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 141 8/7/17 3:53 PM
142 (A) (B)(A) Boundary-permeated self on the horizontal dimension(B) Boundary-permeated self on vertical dimensionFigure 2 Boundary-permeated selfFurther, how does this self work? A Chinese concept, Guanxi, has to be introduced here. It means for understanding Chinese social identity, Chinese self, Guanxi is a key and sensitizing concept for explaining its cultural and social psy-chological structure and mechanism. 2. GuanxiThe concept of Guanxi originated from a kinship system in Chinese. This system regulated the relations among family members and relatives in affective expression, and instrumental exchange in daily life. Confucianism holds that human beings are fundamentally relationship-oriented and that building a strong and orderly hierarchy of relations can help achieve social and economic order in society (Luo, 1997). Such a hierarchy of interpersonal relation-ships with an emphasis on implicit mutual obligations, reciprocity, and trust, has formed the foundation of Guanxi and Guanxi networks in China (Yang, 1995).The Guanxi concept has the four following characteristics.(1) It is ethically related to role norms. The use of social identity (especially kinship identity) to define norms for interaction with others implies role norms.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 142 8/7/17 3:53 PM
143(2) In particular, Guanxi establishes requirements for degrees of closeness, trust and responsibility. The closer the kinship between two parties is, the greater their familiarity and intimacy and their mutual trust and responsibility. Thus closeness, trust and mutual responsibility arise only in kinship or pseudo-kinship relation-ships. Requirements based on kinship institutionalize emotions, trust and duties and determine the appropriate psychological distance between one person and another, in what appears to be a pre-established formula.(3) Guanxi can be established or broken through interchange, in what is called “pulling strings” or “breaking off relations.” By performing duties normally performed only by someone closer to the person in question and thus showing feelings normally shown by someone more intimate, one can turn from a outsider (with no Guanxi) into an “acquaintance” (with Guanxi newly established) and thence forge a “solid and ironclad relationship” (with guanxi firmly established).(4) With the “self ” at the center, a web-like structure can be built with others spread across it. The determinate nature of these role duties and the structural character of their interwoven exchanges allow guanxi to work as a melting pot that fuses ethics and morals, power structures, resource allocation, motives for inter-change and social networks. In such circumstances, hardly anyone living in Chinese society can stay clear of Guanxi, and Guanxi influences everybody’s concept of self.3. Chinese social identity means Guanxi identityChinese identity is shaped by Guanxi or comes from Guanxi self construal. Therefore, we can named Chinese identity as Guanxi identity. Guanxi is an elabo-rate concept in Chinese Confucians culture for dealing with interpersonal relations, self-group relation and intergroup relations. Under the prism of Guanxi, we can find there are more types of Chinese interdependent self construal in details and rich. (1) In the interpersonal interaction, it is social role self, individual definite himself in a dual relation; in self and close interaction, others are contained into the boundary of the self and become we-ness (Zijiren); (2) In dealing with the relation between one’s benefit and group’s benefit，moral values lead the self from focus oneself to consider others and group, until to con-sider universal; in construction of ethic, it become a self which respect the person in high position and close the person in the core of kinship system; (3) In social stratification, the self focus others critical and status of himself. However, with more and more space mobility in modern China, individual become independent in some time. There are two self-construals being inter-twist in this situation.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 143 8/7/17 3:53 PM
1444. Chinese Guanxi identity and Public ParticipationThe most remarkable characteristic of the Chinese self is its boundary of “elas-ticity” and flexibility. The more expansive the self is, the more superior individuals are in morality, according to Confucius. For individuals with a strong expansive-contractive self, the boundary of the self changes depending on the context and the influence from Guanxi others. When the expansive-contractive self expands to the national level, individuals would like to identify themselves as citizen with more patriotic, and become involved in national affairs in a positive and support-ive manner. Meanwhile, individuals would depend on government mobilization to expand their self to the national level. If the government or the authorities higher in the hierarchy does not mobilize the national sentiments, individuals with expansive-contractive self will return to a lower self level (e.g. the family level), and may no longer be concerned about national affairs. Therefore, the expansive-contractive self differs from the independent self and building the psychological link between self and group is not categorization but Guanxilization, a cultural psychological process. For individuals with independent self, the boundary of the self is more fixed and invariable, changes less in different situation. When people with independent self realize that they have the responsibility to involve in national affairs, they would like to be more patriotic and participate positively, irrespective of government mobilization. When these selves realize that they do not have the responsibility to involve in national affairs, government and those in power could not motivate them to participate in such affairs. The concept of “expansive-contractive self ” has some similarity but is not identical to the concepts of “interdependent self ” and “relational self ” put forward by cultural psychologists (Cross, Hardin & Gercek-Swing, 2011). Individuals with an interdependent self are characterized by close relationships to and integrated into significant others. The expansive-contractive self, however, is characterized by changes in the boundary of the self, illustrated by perforated concentric circles (Figure 2-A). The content of the self therefore changes depending on the context and the influence from significant others. This self construal does not only reflect the interdependence between two or more individuals generally and in all situa-tions, it also reflects how the interdependence between individuals is dependent on the social structure called “the differential mode of association” (Fei H-t, 1985). The individuals with expansive-contractive self would include important others into the self, and form an expansive self under the principle of “respect those who should be respected and excluded those who should be disregarded”, regulated by the differential mode of association. Meanwhile, under certain situations, the self would shrink its boundary and exclude important others from the self, establish-ing a more contractive self. The expansive-contractive self can be regarded as one China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 144 8/7/17 3:53 PM
145category of “relational self ”, proposed by Andersen & Chen (2002). “Relational self ” emphasizes that individuals are linked together through the regulation of “relationship”. The expansive-contractive self can especially explain the relationship in a hierarchical social structure and the implication of morality and obedience in such relationships. When individuals with expansive-contractive self contain more people inside the boundary of self and reach a higher human level according to Confucius, they also could be regarded as becoming more moral. Hence, the expansive-contractive self-construal is more prone to provide an explanation for whether Chinese people have the collectivistic orientation or not. To some degree, it can also clarify some problems concerning the self, collectivism, and individual-ism in cultural psychology (Kim, 1994, Oyserman, 2002; Brewer, & Chen, 2007; Gudykunst, Mastumoto, Ting-Toomey, Nishida, Kim, & Heyman, 1996, Kolstad & Horpestad, 2009). Meanwhile, it could also verify the assumption put forward by L. K. Hsu (1985), that is, the Chinese self has the characteristic of being “situation-centered”.Since the publication of Markus and Kitayama’s (1991) pivotal paper on cul-ture and the self, the concepts of independent, and interdependent self-construal have become important constructs in cultural psychology and research on the self. But research on self-construal should pay greater attention to the limitations of Western understandings of the person.ReferenceAndersen, S. A. & Chen S. (2002). The relational self: An interpersonal social-cognitive theory. Psychological Review. Vol.109, No.4, 619-645.Brewer, M. B. (1991). The social self: On being the same and different at the same time. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 17, 475-482.Brewer, M. B., & Chen Y. (2007). Where (Who) are collectives in Collectivism? Toward conceptual clarification of Individualism and Collectivism. Psychologi-cal Review, Vol. 114, No. 1, 133–151.Cross, S. E. Hardin, E. E. & Gercek-Swing B. (2011). The What, How, Why, and Where of Self-Construal. Personality and Social Psychology Review.15(2) 142–179.Fei H-t. (1985). Xiangtu Zhongguo (From the Soil: Foundations of Chinese Society).Beijing, China: SDX Joint Publishing Company.Gudykunst, W. B., Mastumoto, Y., Ting-Toomey, S., Nishida, T., Kim, K. & Heyman, S. (1996). The influence of cultural individualism-collectivism, self constructs and individual values on communication style across cultures. Human Communication Research, 22,510-543.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 145 8/7/17 3:53 PM
146Hwang L., Cheng W., & Hwang K. (2008）Maixiang Fasheng Zhilu: Shangxia Guanxizhong “ren” de licheng yu ziwo zhuanhua (Pathways toward voicing: Ren (Forbearance) and self-transformation in the context of vertical relations). Indigenous Psychological Research in Chinese Societies (Taipei). Vol. 29, 3-76.Kim, U. (1994). Individualism and Collectivism: Conceptual clarification and elaboration. In U. Kim, H. C. Triandis, C. K. Kagitcibasi, S. C.Choi & G. Yoon (Eds.). Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and applications. Thousand Okas, London and New Delhi: Sage.19-40.Kolstad, A. & Horpestad, S. (2009) Self-Construal in Chile and Norway. Impli-cations for Cultural Differences in Individualism and Collectivism.Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Vol. 40, No. 2, 275-281.L. K. Hsu. (1985), The self in cross-cultural perspective. In Anthony J. Marsella, George A. De Vos, Francis L. K. Hsu (eds.) Culture and Self: Asian and West-ern Perspectives. Luo, Y. (1997). Guanxi and performance of foreign-invested enterprises in China: An empirical inquiry. Management International Review, 37(1): 51–70.Markus, H. & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224-253.Oyserman, D. (2002). Rethinking Individualism and Collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses. Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 128, No. 1, 3-72.Yang Guoshu, “Social orientation of the Chinese: a social interaction viewpoint,” pp. 87-142; Yan Yunxiang, “The culture of guanxi in a North China village,” pp.1-25.Yang Y. (1999). Zijiren (insider): A case study of process of establishing trust, Sociological Research. (2). 38-52.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 146 8/7/17 3:53 PM
147FROM REPUBLICAN CHINA TO THE NANYANG: THE NATION ON TOURAntónio BarrentoDuring the 1920s and 1930s, interest in tourism and tourist practice expanded in Republican China. This was a phenomenon that was in line with a worldwide trend that had been building since the second half of the nineteenth century in Europe and North America, largely driven by multiple factors related to techni-cal development and industrialization (such as improvements in communications and transportation, wealth generation and the creation of leisure time),1 and was to accelerate in the interwar period. In China, an important factor in this development was the evident progress that occurred in communications and transportation,2 and also in terms of travel service, particularly as a result of the establishment of the Travel Department of the Shanghai Commercial and Savings Bank in 1923 and its development into an autonomous corporation, the China Travel Service, in 1927. While the rise in the appeal of tourism appears to have been unambiguous, it seems in any case to have been most conspicuous amongst certain social groups and in the higher echelons of society. In 1920, for instance, a contributor to a Beijing periodical noted how Chinese people had lately been paying greater attention to travelling, only to add that many were from student quarters and that the common people still found it difficult to walk even one step, not knowing what travel was about.3 Similarly, the author of a 1935 article on travel, published in the Shanghai magazine Modern Sketch, recounted his recent impression of the widespread interest in travel he observed around him: ‘I do not know for what reason, but I have for one year just been listening to people longing to travel… everyone is thinking of rushing away.’ At the same time, he specifically 1 See Shelley Baranowski, Ellen Furlough, ‘Introduction’, in Shelley Baranowski, Ellen Furlough (eds.), Being Elsewhere: Tourism, Consumer Culture, and Identity in Modern Europe and North America. Ann Arbor: The Univrsity of Michigan Press, 2001, p. 8.2 For an evolution of these until 1945, see China Proper. Volume III. Economic Geography, Ports and Communications, London: Naval Intelligence Division, 1945, pp. 429-556, 602-605.3 Cao Peiyan, ‘Lüxing yu xin shenghuo’, Xin shenghuo, 37 (30 May 1920), p. 6.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 147 8/7/17 3:53 PM
148mentioned how the traces of the shoes of ‘eminent people’ were everywhere as the result of their travels.4 Tourism was not a concern amongst many, and was obvi-ously very much an exclusive practice.It is in this context that the Nanyang emerged as a significant focal point in the tourism discourse, while it was to be the actual tourist destination of an affluent few. It is not possible to estimate the number of people who had an interest in touring the Nanyang, or to establish even approximate numbers of actual tours or tourists. Yet, interest in tourism and tourist practice related to the region are indicated by multiple references found in a wide array of sources. Included amongst these are many texts published by the China Travel Service and a few by the Unison Travel Party, the larg-est travel association in Republican China.5 References to tourism in the Nanyang also emerge in material issued outside the framework of these two institutions. An example of this is an account of a long trip to the Nanyang, specifically to the Malay Peninsula, Singapore, Sumatra and Java, made by a traveller named Liang Shaowen in 1920, which was published in 1924 in a collection of books for children.6 Another is a travelogue by Hu Jia, an intellectual born in 1912 who departed Beiping for the South of China and Vietnam in September 1937, at the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War. His experiences, which he defined as ‘free travel’, were put to print in 1940 by the Commercial Press.7 The large quantity of sources and the fact moreover that part of these did not originate from the China Travel Service or the Unison Travel Party but from contexts that were not necessarily favourable to tourism promotion make it possible to confidently identify the existence of a level of touristic interest and furthermore touristic practice in the Nanyang. Such sources constitute at least an indication of a relevant reality, even if it seems to have been limited in scope. In fact, Chinese tourism to the Nanyang was only one dimension of what seems to have been a much wider phenomenon. Since the mid-nineteenth century, Southeast Asia had been attracting an ever increasing number of tourists from Europe. To an extent, this was related to the global increase in tourism. There were other reasons that facilitated and promoted travel to the region. One of them was the construction of the Suez Canal in 1869. Another was the steady growth in steamship passenger transportation services offered by a number of shipping compa-nies, which was partly connected to the expansion of European colonialism that took place during this period.8 The touristic interest that the Nanyang drew in China in 4 Shao Xunmei, ‘Guanyu lüxing’, Shidai manhua, 14 (20 February 1935), n.p.5 See, for instance, Yiyun, ‘Nan you huixiang lu’, Lüxing yuekan, 5.3 (March 1930), pp. 8-12.6 Liang Shaowen, Nanyang lüxing manji, Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1924.7 Hu Jia, Dian Yue youji, Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940.8 See Ngaire Douglas, Norman Douglas, ’Tourism in South and Southeast Asia: Historical Dimensions’, in Michael C. Hall, Stephen Page, Tourism in South and Southeast Asia: Issues and Cases, Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 2000, pp. 31-32, 35-36.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 148 8/7/17 3:53 PM
149the Republican period must therefore be viewed, not in isolation, but in connection with a global increase of tourism to the region which originated largely in Europe. Taking all this into consideration, this paper examines the discourse and practice of tourism to the Nanyang in Republican China. Within such remit, it explores three aspects in particular: the role of the China Travel Service, the tour-ist attractions, and the nationalist component of tours. These three elements are primarily relevant for understanding the development of interest in tourism and tourist practice in relation to the Nanyang. Furthermore, given their global and national dimensions, they are decisive in the analysis, on the one hand, of the extent to which such a development can be seen as an example, alongside many others, of the opening up of China to the outside world during the republican period,9 and, on the other, of the extent to which it incorporated aspects that were specific to China. To the Nanyang: the China Travel ServiceIn terms of both the discourse and practice of tourism to the Nanyang that developed in Republican China, the China Travel Service played a crucial role. This is not surprising, considering its overall importance to the travel industry at the time. The China Travel Service was, from its inception, the most visible structure in the national domain of travel, to the extent that, despite being a private organiza-tion, it was to assume a national role. This was a role that it was to develop all the more readily, given the lack of state institutions dedicated to tourism in Republican China. This was a situation that contrasted with that found in much of Europe, the United States, Japan, and several colonies, such as the Dutch East Indies, where a central institution for tourism, the Official Tourist Bureau, an association of state and private businesses, was founded in 1908 and received financial support from the colonial government.10 With respect to tourism to the Nanyang, the China Travel Service was of relevance in two ways: as a provider of services connected to tourist practice in the area, and as a publisher of texts on tourism to the Nanyang with more or less clear promotional purposes.In 1934, the China Travel Service, in addition to its service and promotional activities in China, extended its business to the region by establishing a branch in Singapore. Its major aim in expanding south was to provide travel services to China 9 For a general approach to this topic, see Frank Dikötter, The Age of Openness: China before Mao, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010.10 See Robert Cribb, ‘International Tourism in Java, 1900-1930.’ South East Asia Research, 3.2 (September 1995), pp. 195-197.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 149 8/7/17 3:53 PM
150for the local Chinese communities, as it plainly recognized.11 The China Travel Service had, up to this point, earned some degree of publicity in the region for its services to travellers to China. For instance, an article on the company, written in Indonesian, had been published in a newspaper in Java, in which its role in tour-ism promotion had been compared to that of the Official Tourist Bureau of the Dutch East Indies.12 Now, through its branch, the China Travel Service was to have a greater outreach and increased opportunities for travel business. As it were, tourism was to be one of its key concerns. The Singapore branch arranged a sight-seeing tour of China for a local group immediately after starting business13 and continued organizing excursions to China thereafter. One option it offered was a two-week trip to Hong Kong, Canton and Macau, while another lasted more than 50 days and included Shanghai, Nanjing, Hangzhou, Suzhou, Beiping and Tianjin (and also Kobe, Kyoto and Tokyo in Japan) as part of the itinerary.14 The China Travel Service ultimately provided a wide range of touring alternatives in China. In early 1938, during the Sino-Japanese War but prior to the Japanese occupation of Canton that was to happen only in October of that year, it still advertised tours to ‘Macao, Canton and other places of interest in China’.15 [Figure 1] While the Singapore branch was largely focused on the local Chinese communities, it targeted 11 ‘Xinjiapo fenshe kaimu jisheng’, Lüxing zazhi, 8.12 (December 1934), p. 2.12 ‘Zhuawa baozhi zhong zhi linzhua’, Lüxing zazhi, 7.9 (September 1933), n. p.13 ‘Xinjiapo fenshe kaimu jisheng’, p. 2.14 Xinglü zhinan, 5 (April-June 1937), p. 29.15 Xinglü zhinan, 9 (April-June 1938), n. p.Figure 1 Xinglü zhinan, 9 (April-June 1938), n. p.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 150 8/7/17 3:53 PM
151clients from other places as well. This can be gleaned from its project to establish tours in Java, which it explained through the large numbers of American tourists who travelled there.16 It might of course have mentioned them more as a justifica-tion for such a specific course of action than as a potential market opening. In any case, the fact is that it did not appear to overlook the foreign clientele as a whole (as the use of English in its material for example suggests17 [Figure 2]), much in the same way as the China Travel Service in China had, from its first years of activity, been a major provider of services to visitors from abroad.18 Also, the Sin-gapore branch justified its engagement in the promotion and organization of tours in Malaya by observing that, although Westerners visited it, very few Chinese nationals did.19 Whether in doing so it was considering not only local tourists but also tourists from China is not clear. The fact remains, however, that it indeed provided assistance to tourists from China. In 1940, for instance, a tourist who departed Shanghai on a two-month journey to the Nanyang reported how the Singapore branch organized tours of the city for travellers arriving by ship.20Between the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and the Japanese invasion of Southeast Asia in 1941, two developments occurred that demonstrate a growing focus of the China Travel Service on the Nanyang, which 16 ‘Xinjiapo fenshe kaimu jisheng’, p. 2.17 Ibid., p. 3.18 Tang Weibin, ‘Zhong lü ershisan nian’, Lüxing zazhi, 20.1 (January 1946), p. 94.19 ‘Xinjiapo fenshe kaimu jisheng’, p. 2.20 Dai Yuren, ‘Nan xing za ji’, Lüxing zazhi, 14.7 (July 1940), p. 32.Figure 2view of the China Travel Service branch in Singapore. ‘Xinjiapo fenshe kaimu jisheng’, Lüxing zazhi, 8.12 (December 1934), p. 3.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 151 8/7/17 3:53 PM
152was especially understandable under the circumstances of occupation and conflict. In the first place, the company established six additional offices in the region: in Manila, Rangoon, Lashio, Saigon, Haiphong and Hanoi.21 Secondly, tourism to the Nanyang acquired particular prominence in the material published by the China Travel Service. The opening up of the new branches does not mean, of course, that the numbers of tourists to the region were on the rise during this period. The opposite may have been more likely, due to the war, much as, con-versely, the overall numbers of travellers appear to have increased, for precisely the same reason. It is possible, in any case, that a strategic touristic vision of the China Travel Service for the longer run may have been an element, amongst other more pressing ones, behind its decision to found these branches. The increase in publication of tourist material related to the region was, for its part, unquestion-able. That tourism could have been contemplated as a possibility during the war should not come as a surprise. Tourism and war are not necessarily incompatible and were not then, as tourist practice in Germany22 and tourism promotion in Italy23 during World War II demonstrate. Tourism was actually to peak in Japan during the war, in 1940, and to continue to be popular through to 1942.24 In China, touristic material was published during and despite the war. This was the case especially in non-occupied China, where guidebooks emerged that were partly focused on tourist attractions and therefore potentially served as more than mere practical reference for those displaced by war. During this entire period, the China Travel Service continued to publish its main magazine, the China Traveler, which contained multiple leisure travel accounts that were now centred on the southwest non-occupied part of China and, to a degree, on the Nanyang. Not all accounts of tours in the Nanyang published there were by travellers from China. For instance, a description of a trip across the Malay Peninsula that was published in the April 1941 issue was written by Xie Tianrui, the leader of a group of 24 ethnically Chinese students from Singapore — still unravaged by war at that point — who had set out on their journey a few months before.25 Most texts, however, were by tourists from China. One example of that is a diary of a trip from Shanghai to Rangoon that was published in September and October 1941.2621 Tang Weibin, ‘Zhong lü ershisan nian’, p. 96.22 Kristin Semmens, Seeing Hitler’s Germany: Tourism in the Third Reich, Houndmills, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005,, pp. 154-186.23 Taina Syrjämaa, Visitez l’Italie. Italian State Tourist Propaganda Abroad, 1919-1943. Administrative Structure and Practical Realization, Turku: Turun Yliopisto, 1997, pp. 314-323.24 Kenneth J. Ruoff, Imperial Japan at Its Zenith: The Wartime Celebration of the Empire’s 2,600th Anniversary, Ithaca, London: Cornell University Press, 2010, pp. 7, 84-85.25 Xie Tianrui, ‘Guanchuan Malaiya bandao de lüxing’, Lüxing zazhi, 15.4 (April 1941), p. 4.26 Mi Wenkai, ‘Hai shang riji [shang]’, Lüxing zazhi, 15.9 (September 1941), pp. 43-47; and ‘Hai shang riji [xia]’, Lüxing zazhi, 15.10 (October 1941), pp. 77-82.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 152 8/7/17 3:53 PM
153An indication that the China Travel Service was now devoting much of its written production to the Nanyang is found in the fact that, during the war, two special issues of the China Traveler on the region came out. This was all the more remarkable considering that issues of the magazine dedicated to specific topics were relatively exceptional (only 10 such issues exist from the 23 years of publica-tion during the republican period). The first of these two issues, of August 1940, was dedicated to the ‘Nanyang archipelago’, which was translated into English as Malaysia, a term used in such context in its wide, racialized meaning as proposed by Jules Dumont d’Urville.27 [Figure 3] In fact, the issue focused on the insular part of the region, although it ultimately presented a more general approach to the Nanyang than the title would suggest. As it were, it had been advertised, a few months prior to its publication, as an introduction to the region for the many Chinese who did not know much about it. One of the reasons given for the 27 Lüxing zazhi, 14.8 (August 1940).Figure 3Lüxing zazhi, 14.8 (August 1940), cover.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 153 8/7/17 3:53 PM
154importance of knowing about the region had been the fact that, since the begin-ning of the war, many Chinese people had been moving to the Nanyang. In this advertisement, the general public had been invited therefore to submit articles on a variety of topics on the Nanyang.28 These had not only been of a practical nature. Amongst the topics proposed had been the tourist attractions in the region, in itself significant, as it demonstrated that tourism was considered a relevant activ-ity even in such hard times. Also, the magazine being to a large extent focused on tourism and having therefore many potential tourists amongst its readership, this issue may well have been aiming at attracting some to the region. The fact is that it did not fail to include a touring component. While informative on a range of subjects not necessarily connected to tourism, it also incorporated, to a large extent, descriptions of scenic spots and tourist accounts. The second issue of the magazine which focused on the Nanyang was published in November 1941, less than one 28 Lüxing zazhi, 14.5 (May 1940), n. p.Figure 4Lüxing zazhi, 15.11 (November 1941), cover.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 154 8/7/17 3:53 PM
155month before Pearl Harbour and the first Japanese incursions in Southeast Asia. This issue was dedicated to Manila, and dealt more generally with the Philippines as a whole.29 [Figure 4] It was, as with the earlier issue, clearly concentrated on providing extensive knowledge of the area. Again, it was not oblivious of tourism, including, for example, an account of a tour in Pagsanjan, which, with its waterfalls and rapids, had already acquired the status of an important touristic spot in the Philippines.30 The China Travel Service was also to publish its first guidebook on the Nanyang during the war, in May 1941. 31 It was a very informative book on the seven geographic areas into which the region was divided, from Burma to the Philippines, and was also practical in outlook. Yet, once more, the touristic com-ponent was evident, as tourist attractions were occasionally signposted alongside other information.32 Tourism, rather than being overlooked, had apparently been one of the major considerations behind publication of the guidebook. This could be concluded from an advertisement for the book which announced its publication in the following terms: ‘In the last few years, especially in the very last, people have been very enthusiastic about the idea of going to the Nanyang to do business or to tour. People often come to our company and ask: what kind of a place is the Nanyang?’ Responding to such demand, the China Travel Service now issued a book which it labelled as ‘devoted to business people and tourists’.33Considering the extensive material published by the China Travel Service dur-ing the war and its partial focus on tourism, one may naturally question to what extent it may be considered as representative of a practical reality. In this respect, it should be noted that, during the war, the China Travel Service actually promoted some excursions that involved a large number of participants within China, in the non-occupied southwest, near Chongqing, in Guangxi and Guizhou.34 Nonethe-less, such initiatives were limited and taken only later, during the phase of the occupation of Southeast Asia by the Japanese. No such equivalent in terms of the organization of large-scale excursions to the Nanyang is documented. Another aspect that cannot be overlooked is that the China Travel Service would have had some vested interest in emphasizing that tourism was not incompatible with war, and in promoting tourism to the most appealing destinations under the existing circumstances. The Nanyang region would have emerged as an ideal candidate for 29 Lüxing zazhi, 15.11 (November 1941).30 Wang Xinyun, ‘Beishanhan cun guan bao ji’, Lüxing zazhi, 15.11 (November 1941), pp. 77-81.31 Nanyang daoyou, Shanghai: Zhongguo lüxingshe, 1941.32 It included, for instance, a list of places to tour in Singapore: Ibid., p. 16.33 Lüxing zazhi, 15.5 (May 1941), n. p.34 See Xing’an shengji gaiyao, Guilin: Zhongguo lüxingshe, 1943, [annex] pp. 22-23; and Tang Weibin, ‘Zhong lü ershisan nian’, p. 100.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 155 8/7/17 3:53 PM
156this purpose. It is possible therefore that a significant gap may have existed between promotional intent and actual tourist practice. Sources include testimonies from tourists and other references to tourism, which hints at a relevant level of practice, but the picture portrayed must be viewed with a grain of salt, given the promo-tional context of the sources.Tourist AttractionsAs essential element in the discourse and practice of tourism to the Nanyang was the object of the tourist activity: the tourist attractions that were mentioned, suggested and visited. Such attractions were diverse in nature and reflected a wide variety of interests. There were, first of all, the more common sites, the monu-ments that were easily accessible at major port towns and other urban centres. Chu Minyi, a key figure of the Tongmenghui and later of the Kuomintang, whom the Nationalist government sent to Europe in 1928 to investigate matters of public hygiene, unsurprisingly visited the most famous sites of Saigon, when he stopped there en route, and those of Phnom Penh, to where he travelled on a side trip.35 [Figure 5] A tourist called Kong Boyi who went to Siam in 1929 naturally 35 Chu Minyi, ‘Xi Ou manyou lu [yi]’, Lüxing zazhi, 3.1 (January 1929), pp. 3-8.Figure 5Chu Minyi at a visit to the Royal Palace (Phochani Pavilion) in Phnom Penh. Chu Minyi, ‘Xi Ou manyou lu [yi]’, Lüxing zazhi, 3.1 (January 1929), p. 7.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 156 8/7/17 3:53 PM
157paid a visit to the renowned Wat Saket in Bangkok,36 while another, named Zhou Xiaohe, visited the Royal Palace when he journeyed there in 1934.37 Remoter monuments were also included in travel itineraries. Liang Shaowen, the author of the Nanyang tour account published in 1924, went to Borobudur, for instance.38 Places of nature were also visited by Chinese tourists, in keeping with a long-established tradition of scenic tourism in China. One example of this was Penang Island, which a vacationer visited in 1935 after having longed for this ‘garden of the southern regions’ for years.39 Another was Pagsanjan in the Philippines, which was the destination on that same year of a group of 22 travellers from Shanghai. This was a site that had a very different flavour from the more urban attractions, including a strong association with adventure. This is illustrated by a tour account written by one of the travel companions, who focused his description of their trip on their dangerous excursion down the rapids and mentioned how none of them had ever experienced such dangers or felt such joy in all their lives.40 [Figure 6] Hill resorts, with their natural and urban characteristics, may have been another type of tourist attraction with a following amongst tourists from China. One possible indication of this is found in a 1930 account of a tour of the Philippines, in which its author, Fujian-born academic chemist Wu Chengluo, the writer of 36 Kong Boyi, ’Xianluo za ji’, Lüxing zazhi, 4.9 (September 1930), p. 21.37 Zhou Xiaohe, ‘Xianluo youji’, Lüxing zazhi, 9.3 (March 1935), pp. 79-80.38 Liang Shaowen, Nanyang lüxing manji, pp. 237-241.39 Zhou Feizi, ‘Binlang yu lü hen’, Lüxing zazhi, 9.8 (August 1935), p. 95.40 Liu Yazi, ‘Beishanhan youji’, Lüxing zazhi, 9.4 (April 1935), p. 5.Figure 6Liu Yazi, ‘Beishanhan youji’, Lüxing zazhi, 9.4 (April 1935), p. 4.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 157 8/7/17 3:53 PM
158a book on the commerce and industry of the country, suggested Baguio, the hill station on Luzon,41 as one of six places to tour from Manila.42 An account pub-lished in June 1941 in the China Traveler of a tour by a group of six travellers from Saigon to the mountain resort of Dalat in Annam43 might be one further sign of the popularity of this type of destination. This source gives no indication, however, on where this group originated from, and, given the fact that war was raging in China and not in Indochina, it is more likely that they may have been local Chinese residents,44 who followed in the footsteps of French tourists and of the ethnic Vietnamese tourists who had been traveling there in ever growing numbers since the 1920s.45 Be that as it may, the fact is that the Nanyang had a variety of attractions to offer to sightseers and that travellers from China may, in many cases, simply have shared a wide list of attractions with other tourists in the region.This being so, the Nanyang Chinese communities and China-related sites also ranked highly amongst proposed and actual touristic attractions. Liang Shaowen stated, at the beginning of his narrative, that he had noted a large number of Chinese residents, both merchants and manual labourers, upon arriving in the region. He had therefore decided to investigate their circumstances further, along with the conditions of their schools,46 which had in fact been mushrooming in the region, impelled by Chinese nationalism, from the beginning of the century.47 His journey was thereafter largely a tour of the Chinese communities, including the Peranakan Cina. He visited, amongst many other places, the Overseas Chinese General Chamber of Commerce in Singapore, the Chinese neighbourhood in Penang, the Chinese Overseas Education Association of Medan and a variety of Chinese institutions of learning.48 He even decided to inspect the town of Ipoh and its large Chinese population, in the Federated Malay State of Perak, and the nearby tin mines, where he examined the living conditions of the Chinese com-41 Which originated in the late nineteenth century under Spanish dominion and developed during the early American period: see Robert R. Reed, City of Pines: The Origins of Baguio as a Colonial Hill Station and Regional Capital, Berkeley: Center for South and Southeast Asia Studies, University of California, 1976, pp. 63-171.42 Wu Chengluo, ‘Feilübin youlan ji’, Lüxing zazhi.43 Youzhi, ‘Dale (DALAT) jiyou’, Lüxing zazhi, 15.6 (June 1941), pp. 59-61.44 The article being written in Chinese with no indication of having been translated, unlike in the case of many texts originally written in other languages and published in Chinese in the China Traveler.45 Eric T. Jennings, Imperial Heights: Dalat and the Making and Undoing of French Indochina, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2011, pp. 169-176.46 Liang Shaowen, Nanyang lüxing manji, Shanghai.47 See Douglas P. Murray, ‘Chinese Education in South-East Asia’, The China Quarterly, 20 (Oct.-Dec. 1964), p. 70.48 Liang Shaowen, Nanyang lüxing manji, Shanghai.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 158 8/7/17 3:53 PM
159munity.49 Moved by a similar curiosity, Chu Minyi, in his tour of Saigon, visited a Chinese industrial and commercial area in the vicinity of the town, which, he noted, was a gathering point for Chinese people and was all built in the Chinese style.50 This kind of interest was not by any means exceptional. Several tour accounts of Siam/Thailand, for instance, partly focused on China-related attrac-tions. Tourist Zhou Xiaohe, for example, visited the newly-built Chinese school within the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce in 1934,51 a gesture which, in the year of the visit, might have represented undertones of defiance against a wave of nationalist government opposition to Chinese schools and the closing of some.52 [Figure 7] Such a Sinocentric orientation was, not surprisingly, shared by an ethnic Chinese tourist from Singapore, Xie Tianrui. As he listed the key attrac-tions of Bangkok, he mentioned, first and foremost, the tomb of King Taksin, of Chinese origin, whom he described as an ‘overseas Chinese’, and the temple to Zheng He, and only afterwards the Royal Palace and the Museum.53 The same kind of emphasis also transpired in the 1941 China Travel Service guide to the Nanyang, which included six images of sites in Bangkok, three of which had a connection with China: the bridge and statue built in 1932 in memory of Rama I, founder of the Chakri dynasty, and bearer of Chinese ancestry from Chaozhou, 49 Ibid., p. 116-119.50 Chu Minyi, ‘Xi Ou manyou lu [yi]’, p. 6.51 Zhou Xiaohe, ‘Xianluo youji’, p. 79.52 Lin Yu, ‘Twin Loyalties in Siam’, Pacific Affairs, 9.2 (June 1936), p. 195.53 Xie Tianrui, ‘Xianjing zhi you’, Lüxing zazhi, 13.6 (June 1939), pp. 43-47.Figure 7Zhou Xiaohe, ‘Xianluo youji’, p. 77.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 159 8/7/17 3:53 PM
160the temple to Zheng He, and Xinmin School, one of five new Chinese schools founded in Bangkok after the revolution of 1911.54 Sites of Chinese significance were certainly a magnet for many travellers from China, including for Cheng Shunyuan, a journalist to the China Traveler, who journeyed to the Nanyang in January 1941. Commencing in non-occupied Kunming and Hong Kong, he fol-lowed an extensive itinerary that included the Philippines, the Dutch East Indies, Malaya, Thailand and Burma. [Figure 8] In the account he produced after his journey, he pointed out several common touristic spots, such as the waterfalls of Pagsanjan and the Botanical Garden in Buitenzorg. At the same time, however, he made special reference to the Chinese district of Binondo in Manila, and to a weaving factory run by overseas Chinese, which he visited along the way.5554 Nanyang daoyou, n. p.55 Cheng Shunyuan, ‘Nanyang jianwen lu [shang pian]’, Lüxing zazhi, 15.6 (June 1941), pp. 19, 23, 24.Figure 8Cheng Shunyuan, ‘Nanyang jianwen lu [Shang pian]’, Lüxing zazhiChina-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 160 8/7/17 3:53 PM
161Nationalist ToursThe interest shown by Chinese tourists to the Nanyang in the Chinese commu-nities and in China-related sites as tourist attractions meant that, to an extent, their journeys were nationalist tours. This interest is not surprising: a typical feature of tourist culture is the attraction for self-identifiable cultural realities. However, it should not be overlooked that the recurrent focus on these aspects, as demonstrated in the sources, may have been enhanced by the strong nationalistic context of this period. In some instances, these tours were nationalist tours in another way: in terms of the inclusion of nation-related considerations within the tourist discourse. Many touristic narratives of the Nanyang included full analyses of the charac-teristics, weaknesses and strengths of the overseas Chinese and other references that were ultimately linked to concerns related to the Chinese nation. This is apparent in Liang Shaowen’s account, for example, in which he wrote abundantly about the overseas Chinese in the region 56 and also about what he considered to be the Chinese characteristic of servilism.57 These observations must be viewed in the wider context of the tourist culture in Republican China, which was occasion-ally permeated by nationalism, as shown by some aspects of tourist practice and all the more clearly on the level of discourse.58 This phenomenon, indicative of the invasion of the domain of private life by the national issue, was not in itself exceptional. Ties between the individual and the nation were being developed on a variety of personal dimensions not directly and necessarily linked to the nation, such as material consumption,59 body cultivation60 or sex.61 The presence of nationalist considerations in the touristic discourse on the Nanyang was just one dimension of the multifaceted advancement of nationalism into daily life.A strong nationalist tone emerged in the travel discourse of a group called The China Youth Asia Walking Party, made up of eight youngsters from Shanghai, who embarked on a long walking itinerary in 1930.62 Their plan was to traverse the entire length of the provinces of Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong and Guangxi on foot, along with a range of destinations in the Nanyang: Indochina, Siam, 56 Liang Shaowen, Nanyang lüxing manji, pp. 23-32, 204-206, 215-217, 246-249.57 Ibid., pp. 273-274.58 See, for example, the practice and discourse of the Xin’an Children Travel Party: Xin’an xiaoxue ertong lüxingtuan, Women de lüxing ji, Shanghai: Ertong shuju, 1935,[13], p. 23.59 See Karl Gerth, China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge (Massachusetts), London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003, pp. 3-4.60 See Andrew D. Morris, Marrow of the Nation: A History of Sport and Physical Culture in Republican China, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2004, p. 3.61 See Frank Dikötter, Sex, Culture and Modernity in China, London: Hurst & Company, 1995, pp. 1-2.62 Zhongyang huakan, 49 (6 July 1930), n.p.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 161 8/7/17 3:53 PM
162the Malay Peninsula and Singapore.63 The aim of the trip was described, not in terms of the tourist attractions, but in nationalist terms: this was an effort, so the members of the group declared, to which they had been impelled by an issue of ‘national pride’ which took into consideration the fact that ‘young students from every country in Europe and America were not only travelling in their own countries but also in foreign countries.’64 Such an idea must be understood in the context of a perception that had emerged at the end of the Qing dynasty and was widespread in Republican China, whereby Westerners had a superior tourist cul-ture, characterised, amongst other things, by adventurous practices.65 The touristic endeavour of the group clearly involved therefore an element of national assertion before other nations and must be regarded as a means of national intervention. It can be surmised, moreover, that the extensive domination of the Nanyang by Western powers may have been a factor in their decision to include the region in the itinerary. Other nationalist arguments were added by members of the group and by others in describing their project. This trip was seen as a means of strength-ening the travellers’ physiques, in itself considered a contribution to the nation, and also as a means of strengthening the characters of others, especially the young who came to know about it. 66 Ultimately, only three members of the group were to arrive in Haiphong in Tonkin, and only one of these, Pan Deming, was to con-tinue, through Siam and the Malay Peninsula. Upon arriving in Singapore, he was acclaimed by the local Chinese community and affirmed that ‘the nationalism and the universalism of China are evident, China is in progress and is honoured by the world.’67 In saying so, he made the enterprise very clear: it was a national one, and one that at the same time aimed to place China in the global arena.A team of Scouts from Jinan University in Shanghai travelled to the region in 1933, again motivated by the idea of travelling by foot. Having arrived by boat in Bangkok, they intended to walk across Siam and Malaya. Their plans were dashed in Siam, from where they were ordered to depart within three days,68 but they managed to cross a part of Malaya.69 It is not clear whether they held the same kinds of aspira-tions as their predecessors, given that their itinerary had been partly determined by 63 Guo Xiqi, ‘Zhongguo di yi Yazhou buxingtuan’, Lüxing yuekan, 5.7 (September 1930), pp. 2-3.64 Ibid., p. 2.65 See, for instance, Wu Shaolin, ‘Xibei wan li changzheng ri’, Lüxing zazhi, 4.10 (October 1930), p. 1.66 Guo Xiqi, ‘Zhongguo di yi Yazhou buxingtuan’, pp. 2-3.67 Wang Shuliang et al., Zhongguo xiandai lüyou shi, Nanjing: Dongnan daxue chubanshe, 2005, p. 104.68 Liu Enchang, ‘Xianluo Malai buxing ji [xu]’, Yousheng lüxingtuan yuekan, 3 (April 1933), p. 51.69 Liu Enchang, ‘Xianluo Malai buxing ji [xu]’, Yousheng lüxingtuan yuekan, 4 (May 1933), p. 26.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 162 8/7/17 3:53 PM
163their desire to attend a World Scout Gathering, which was taking place in Siam.70 Still, it is possible to view their plan against the same background of a powerful nationalist drive in China. This very drive may explain the proliferation of long-distance walk-ing projects in China from the late 1920s onwards, precisely at a time of renewed enthusiasm and attitudes towards the nation which were buoyed by the celebration of national unity on the political level. This Scout team itself had been one of the early participants in this craze, having undertaken a long walking tour of northern China in the summer of 1929. Their trip appears to have been stimulated by a keen interest in the nation (including its assets), as would seem to be demonstrated by the fact that, during their journey, they visited both a coal mine and the Qixin cement factory in the industrial city of Tangshan.71 If nationalist considerations were an important impulse then, they may well also have been a feature of the 1933 journey. Be that as it may, nationalist concerns were certainly a factor that, at least occasionally and on the level of discourse, shaped the ‘tourist gaze’ towards the Nanyang. They were evident, for example, in an article written by Huang Jiping, a member of a touring party that travelled to the Philippines, the Dutch East Indies and Singapore in 1935. In his description of the journey, he specified what his party had gained from such a trip. He illustrated with some knowledge of the Nan-yang and of its special food and customs, but this was just one element amongst many. His party had also obtained an understanding of the living conditions of the overseas Chinese, an admiration for their nationalist spirit, a mutual understanding between compatriots inside and outside China and, finally, an exploration of the routes of Japan’s policy of southern advance.72These nationalist concerns were later reiterated in the touristic material per-taining to the Nanyang that was produced following the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War. Cheng Shunyuan’s account, written after his trip to the Nanyang in January 1941, clearly illustrates the spirit of the times. The journalist inserted an initial nationalist note in his description. Considering the importance of the Chinese compatriots in the Nanyang and their contribution to the motherland, he signalled how important it was for the responsible citizens of China to pay atten-tion to the existing problems in the Nanyang, where any move by other countries, including Britain, the United States, the Netherlands and Japan, had an impact on the interests of these same compatriots and on their survival. He urged his readers to therefore learn more about the region through his travel account.73 His reasoning 70 Liu Enchang, ‘Xianluo Malai buxing ji [xu]’, Yousheng lüxingtuan yuekan, 3 (April 1933), p. 51.71 Zhao Rongguang, ‘Jinan daxue tongzijun Huabei tubu lüxing ji’, Liangyou, 43 (January 1930), pp. 24-25.72 Huang Jiping, ‘Nanyang xunyouji [xia]’, Lüxing zazhi, 9.8 (August 1935), p. 93.73 Cheng Shunyuan, Nanyang jianwen lu [shang pian], p. 11. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 163 8/7/17 3:53 PM
164seems to have been that, in doing this, they would be indirectly helping the nation, and so his tour assumed the purpose of a national mission. The Nanyang guide followed the same nationalist tone. In pointing out reasons for its publication, the guide’s author explained that there were eight million Chinese residents in the Nanyang, a great unifying force who shared a feeling of love for the nation, and concluded that people of society in China had therefore a duty to fully cherish them. 74 Under this logic, this guide defined itself as a patriotic project, while conveying the idea that, at least implicitly, tourism to the Nanyang was a nationalist duty. Such an idea cannot be viewed in isolation. In the period from 1937 to 1941, the Nanyang experienced a full-blown nationalist campaign. The region had, since the late Qing dynasty, been fertile terrain for Chinese nationalism and had strongly contributed to the effort of modernization75 and to the revolutionary cause.76 The war with Japan had, however, both generated a National Salvation Movement in the Nanyang that was unprecedented in its scale77 and rendered the Nanyang Chinese all the more important as part of Chinese efforts to combat Japan. It was under an increased reliance on this vital community that touristic activity to the Nanyang was now reinterpreted as a mechanism of national salvation. ConclusionThe Nanyang was certainly viewed by many, during the republican period, as the most obvious outbound tourist destination. It had the advantages of closeness, requiring less money and time than most other destinations around the world, cultural proximity, and friendly support from the Chinese resident communities. Huang Jiping recounted how visiting Surabaya, with its large Chinese population, felt like being in one’s second home or like touring within China and how a tour-ist there did not experience the despair of being in an unfamiliar place.78 Also, travel accounts mentioned again and again that tourists were received by the local Chinese. Liang Shaowen resided for one month at the Overseas Chinese General Chamber of Commerce in Singapore.79 The Scouts from Jinan University were 74 Nanyang daoyou, introductory remarks, n.p..75 See Michael R. Godley, The Mandarin-capitalists from Nanyang: Overseas Chinese Enterprise in the Modernization of China, 1893-1911, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. 97-183.76 See Yen Ching Hwang, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976.77 See Yoji Akashi, The Nanyang Chinese Salvation Movement, 1937-1941, Center for East Asian Studies, The University of Kansas, 1970, pp. 15-112 and passim.78 Huang Jiping, ‘Nanyang xunyouji [xia]’, p. 88.79 Liang Shaowen, Nanyang lüxing manji, p. 16.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 164 8/7/17 3:53 PM
165received in Bangkok by the staff of Xinmin School and lodged at the premises of the school.80 Huang Jiping and his travel companions were welcomed in Makassar by the local Chinese consul, Wang Defen, his wife and a number of Chinese locals.81 [Figure 9] The existence of local Chinese communities was certainly an important aspect behind much of the tourism from China, much in the way as it was a fundamental factor for the high number of overall travellers between China and the Nanyang, those from the Nanyang to China having been estimated, in 1934, to have been in the order of the 100 000 a year.82 Later, in the 1980s and the 1990s, the countries of the Nanyang with large Chinese communities would be amongst the first outbound destinations allowed for citizens of the People’s Republic of China.83 This is explainable by a number of reasons. National identity was one of them, playing the role of a natural travel promoter then, much as it had in the republican era.The nationalist component in the material produced during the republican period shows that, much as the Nanyang tour was the result of greater global mobility and a manifestation of an enhanced interest in the global reality in Republican China, it took on national trappings as well. In this sense, touring 80 Liu Enchang, ‘Xianluo Malai buxing ji [xu]’, Yousheng lüxingtuan yuekan, 2 (March 1933), p. 40.81 Huang Jiping, ‘Nanyang xunyouji [xia]’, p. 87.82 ‘Xinjiapo fenshe kaimu jisheng’, Lüxing zazhi, 8.12 (December 1934), p. 3.83 See Wofgang Georg Arlt, China’s Outbound Tourism, Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2006, pp. 27, 31, 36, 47-48, 122, 124, 128-130.Figure 9 Eating coconut in the consul house’s garden in Makassar. Huang Jiping, ‘Nanyang xunyouji [xia]’, Lüxing zazhi, 9.8 (August 1935), p. 87.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 165 8/7/17 3:53 PM
166the Nanyang was not just a transnational experience, but a nation-related one as well. The nation was on tour. It was, firstly, as a focus and an anxiety, transported to the Nanyang by the tourists or the authors of travel material, who focused on nation-related tourist attractions and included nation-related considerations in their material. It was, secondly, in the form of the tourists themselves, viewed as representatives of the nation, whose journeys to the region were deemed a means of national assertion on the world stage — as was the case with respect to The China Youth Asia Walking Party and Pan Deming in particular. This latter aspect shows that nationalism was not simply a parallel reality to the phenomenon of globalization but was deeply linked to it as well. Nationalism had an outer, global dimension that cannot be ignored. In China, the growth of nationalism itself was largely prompted by globalization, stimulated as it was by the advances of foreign nations on Chinese territory since the Opium Wars, including Japan, in particular from 1937. A reflection of this was the strong nationalist streak of the material on the Nanyang produced during occupation, which cannot be disassociated from the fierce globalizing drive that was Japan’s invasion. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 166 8/7/17 3:53 PM
167EARLY PERCEPTIONS OF CHINA IN THE EUROPEAN UNION1Carmen Amado MendesEuropean perceptions of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have not changed much since the mid-nineties. This paper will mainly focus on the period that preceded the launch of the European Union (EU) “Long Term Policy for China-Europe Relations”, in 1995. The EU was selected as the most relevant actor for analysis as it is the only European regional organization that develops coopera-tion efforts to draw up a common comprehensive policy for its members. Dialogue over human rights and bilateral trade shaped early perceptions of the PRC within the EU. This is highlighted by two case studies: the 1989 Tiananmen incident and China’s negotiations to join the World Trade Organization (WTO).Perceptions of China’s Human Rights RecordWith the open door policy launched by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, the PRC started to show a less hostile attitude towards international negotiations on human rights. From 1985 onwards, it participated in works of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva and signed, in 1988, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the two Covenants of 1966: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Because of these positive and recent precedents, the Tiananmen incident was received with great surprise in the West, witnessed by hundreds of journalists who were in Beijing during the spring of 1989 to cover the visit of Mikhail Gorbachev during Sino-Soviet reconciliation. Public opinion was that China under Deng Xiaoping was moving towards democracy, due to the wide press coverage given to the liberalization of 1 This research was supported by the Institute of European Studies of Macau through the Asia Europe Comparative Studies Research Project Grants 2012.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 167 8/7/17 3:53 PM
168the Chinese regime. However, in June 1989, hopes for reform in the Chinese legal system and harmonization with international standards were lost.2 Relations between the European Community and the People’s Republic of China, established in 1975, suffered a serious breakdown do to these events, at a time when reinforcement of bilateral cooperation was expected. The EC imme-diately imposed several sanctions on China, including an arms embargo, and the European Parliament passed a number of resolutions. Public statements were sup-ported by extensive private discussions, as European Ministers and commissioners raised the issue of human rights each time they met their Chinese counterparts. China’s reaction was immediate, invoking the old Western trend of imposing “unequal treaties” and undermining its sovereignty:3 “it was the sovereign right of the Chinese government to repress, in accordance with its Constitution, the recent rebellion which sought the fall of the People’s Republic of China.”4 Beijing always refused any interference in its internal affairs. This period highlighted the difficulties faced by the European Community in defining a common policy towards China. In June 1990, the Foreign Ministers of the twelve member states failed to reach a consensus on lifting the sanctions and the decision was postponed.5 Later, in October, they decided to gradually normalize relations with China, lifting restrictions on ministerial and high-level contacts and cultural, scientific and technical cooperation.6 The argument was that progress on human rights in China depended, in the short-term, more on dialogue than sanctions: contacts would encourage Chinese officials to pursue a policy of reform and openness. Rule by coercion would only change with the evolution of Chinese society and integration into the international (Western) culture. The European Commission confirmed the normalization of relations in March 1992: The Commission concluded that it is appropriate to resume today the rela-tions with this country and estimates that it is useful to keep an open dialogue with the Chinese authorities. It is in this context that the Community might succeed in making the Chinese authorities become aware of the importance of the protection of human rights. The Commission also expects an improvement in China’s situation in Tibet.72 Fouquoire-Brillet, Elisabeth, “China: Human Rights and democracy”, Défense Nationale, Oc-tober 1995, p. 55 and Brasier, Michel, “The Sino-French relations”, European Economic and Social Committee, 6 June 1995, p. 17 for the whole paragraph.3 Boublil, Alain, Le siècle des Chinois, Monaco, Editions du Rocher, 1997, p. 176.4 Europe Daily Bulletin, Agence Europe, 29 June 1989.5 Ibidem, 4 July 1990.6 General Report on the Activities of the European Communities, no. 24, 1990, p. 333.7 Europe Daily, op. cit., 13 March 1992.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 168 8/7/17 3:53 PM
169Bilateral relations improved slowly, as the EC and its member states often expressed concern to Chinese authorities regarding human rights 8 and did not lift the embargo on arms sales and military cooperation. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the redefinition of the world order, China’s strategic position changed and Sino-European relations were framed by a new economic and political conFiguretion. The influence of China’s domestic evolution on its foreign policy could not be ignored and the EU perceived that its interests were better served by supporting the development of institutions and a civil society in China based on the rule of law. Human rights were better understood and protected in societies with free movement of goods, investment, people and ideas, and Europe wanted to encourage China’s active participation in international society both politically and economically.9 The EU was concerned, not only with the human rights violations, but also with the adoption of international standards by China, to guarantee political and social stability in the long term. To achieve progress, initiatives were guided by concerns regarding their effectiveness and impact on the ground, avoiding nega-tive reactions from the Chinese government. Public statements were combined with formal private discussions with Chinese leaders, and practical cooperation — for example, training judges to establish an independent judiciary, promoting the rule of law.10 The European Parliament (EP) proved more demanding. It had not been in favor of lifting the sanctions and expected human rights abuses to be mentioned in all contacts with China and for “appropriate measures to pro-mote respect for these rights were taken.”11 Member states were also invited to closely follow the position adopted by the Council of Ministers of 17 December 1991: new cooperation projects with China depended on the respect for human rights.12 On 17 July 1993, the Parliament adopted the Musso report on “human rights, democracy and development”, acknowledging the absence of “a single model, regarding both development and democracy” and that “democracy must be built within the autonomy and respect for each people’s cultural traditions.” However, it considered human rights an essential dimension of European foreign and development policies.13 The Parliament was, indeed, very active and adopted all sort of actions — for example, asking the Commission to carry out a survey on imported Chinese prod-ucts made in “re-education” camps or manufactured by children, and declaring to 8 General Report on the Activities of the European Communities, no. 23, 1992, p. 315.9 Europe Daily, op. cit., 15 October 1995.10 Ibidem, 12 October 1995.11 Europe Daily, op. cit., 14 June 1991.12 Ibidem, 14 February 1992 and 18 December 1991.13 Ibidem, 15 July 1993. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 169 8/7/17 3:53 PM
170the President of the International Olympic Committee that choosing Beijing for the 2000 Olympics would be contrary to the “ideals” of the Games, considering the “continuous human rights violations by PRC leaders”, notably in Tibet.14 Chinese authorities were asked to provide information regarding hundreds of missing persons who had participated in the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, to release political and religious prisoners in China and Tibet, and to allow inde-pendent observers to participate at the trial of intellectuals accused of “counter-revolutionary propaganda,” warning that continuing such persecution would further deteriorate bilateral relations.15The Parliament constantly called upon the Commission to subordinate future economic and trade agreements with China to the respect for human rights,16 considering the Chinese interest in developing trade relations with the European Community and political relations with member states. However, it was difficult for the Commission and European governments to strike a balance between political censorship and economic interests. Faced with the Chinese leaders’ sus-ceptibility, they generally chose quiet diplomacy to avoid confrontation, with the economy taking the upper hand in most cases.17 One of the leading dissidents of Tiananmen presented is view on the weight of economic gains in shaping the European approach towards the human rights issue in China: After the repression of 4 June 1989, the international community exerted a strong pressure on China, which, to some extent, helped the dissidents: it eased the plight of those who were persecuted; the sentences of a number of imprisoned dissidents were reduced; some people arrested in 1989 escaped conviction. Wei Jingsheng,18 for example, was released six months earlier than expected. Xu Wenli19 was also released. International mobilization has, undeniably, helped to “soften” the repression. However, in recent years, no country was willing to take the risk of losing the Chinese market. This is why states have, one by one, resumed their economic and political rela-tions with China. The Chinese authorities demanded as a condition for the resumption of these relations that foreign leaders renounce to any mention of the issue of human rights, particularly the case of the dissidents. Result: 14 Ibidem, 15 July 1993 and 20 September 1993.15 Bulletin of the European Communities, 1.4.99, December 1990, p. 147; Europe Daily, op. cit., 29 October 1993; and Bulletin of the European Communities, 1.3.95, October 1993, pp. 97-98.16 Resolution adopted on 25 June 1993, Bulletin of the European Communities, 25 June 1993.17 Joussé, Claudie, «China and the European Union», Politique Étrangère, no. 4, 1996, p. 876.18 Wei Jingsheng was a central figure and a symbol of Chinese dissidents, sentenced to 14 years in prison in 1995.19 Xu Wenli was sentenced to fifteen years in prison in 1981 but benefited from an early release in 1993, which led to the renewal of the United States of Most Favoured Nation Clause to China.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 170 8/7/17 3:53 PM
171democratic governments have ceased worrying about this and now the Chi-nese government has a free hand to suppress unrestrained.20The European Community adopted a less offensive stance towards China than the United States (US), who established an explicit link between providing economic benefits to China and minimum respect for human rights at the outset. For the EC, economic relations should not be politicized: human rights issues should be regularly raised but treated separately from economic negotiations. Quiet diplomacy was used, reinforcing political cooperation and keeping disagreements private, in order to encourage China’s open door policy and liberalization efforts. European representatives wanted to avoid confrontation and facilitate dialogue with the Chinese, softening Europe’s arrogant image.21 The 1995 EU Communi-cation on “A Long Term Policy for China-Europe Relations”22 stated that the EU should not avoid the issue of human rights, but it should not be a precondition.Perceptions of China’s Trade PolicyIn the 1980s, market mechanisms and foreign capital were introduced in China: collective enterprises grew alongside state companies and Special Economic Zones were created, before reforms extended to the whole country and the entire state production system in 1991. The economic reform included four dimensions: development of the role of the market and the private sector, tax reform, moderni-zation of the financial system and the gradual opening to the outside world. The success of the special incentive scheme for foreign investors was one of the main drivers of the Chinese economy, as reduced customs duties for imported equipment were granted to joint ventures in 1979.23 The 14th Congress of the CCP enshrined the victory of the reformist line advo-cated by Deng Xiaoping and marked a turning point in China’s political reform. 20 Courbeville Clélia, “Interview with Liu Qing — The long march of the Chinese dissidents”, Politique Internationale, no. 75a, spring 1997, pp. 387-398. Sentenced to ten years in prison for protesting against the illegality of the detentions of his friends (including the well-known dissident Wei Jingsheng), Liu Qing was released in 1989. Liu Qing was then the victim of a discrete strategy of the regime for depriving former political prisoners of work, support and means of action. Realizing that his reintegration into the society was impossible, he decided to immigrate to the United States in 1992. 21 Joussé, op. cit., p. 875.22 Communication from the Commission, Com (1995) 279 of 05.07.1995.23 “China: Law on joint ventures with Chinese and foreign capital — Law adopted on 1 July 1979 and revised at the 3rd Session of the Seventh NPC on joint ventures (Resolution published in Beijing on 4 April 1990)”, Documents d’actualité internationale, no. 13, 1 July 1990, p. 262.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 171 8/7/17 3:53 PM
172The Financial Times elected Deng Xiaoping “Man of the Year 1992” for the “fresh push” he gave to the open door policy and reforms. The new Chinese leadership aimed for a “socialist market economy” in which the system was not challenged: the state continued ito control the overall balance and macro-economic regulation. Deputy Prime Minister Zhu Rongji, one of the main partisans of reforms, joined the Standing Committee of the Politburo,24 which was perceived in the European Community as a “sign of greater economic opening of China to the outside world”.25 Premier Li Peng confirmed these expectations in 1991:We are continuing our policy of reform and opening up. The international economic and political situation will surely have an impact on China’s devel-opment in the coming decade. The old world order was, I believe, destroyed without a new one having taken shape. The global situation is turbulent and this economic and political situation is both favourable and unfavourable to China. China is willing to develop its friendly relations, including economic relations and trade with all countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.26 We will continue to improve our environment for investments, intensify our economic cooperation and trade with other coun-tries and play an active role in international economic activities. […] While pursuing the open door policy, we try to be as self-reliant as possible, in the economic field.27One year later, he made similar public declarations:By following the fundamental line proposed by Comrade Deng Xiaoping, China regards economic development as its central task, remains faithful to the policy of reform and opening up and advances on the path of a socialism with Chinese characteristics […]. The reform aims to release and increase the productive forces and the opening up to intensify international cooperation.28As a result of the economic reforms, Chinese foreign trade was booming, especially with market economy countries. China signed several bilateral agree-ments with European states to stimulate and protect investments, guaranteeing 24 Ligier, Germain, “China after the XIVth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party”, Défense Nationale, January 1993, pp. 46 to 50.25 Europe Daily, op. cit., 12 June 1992.26 The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence are: Mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty; Mutual non-aggression; Mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs; Equality and cooperation for mutual benefit; Peaceful co-existence.27 “Li Peng’s Press Conference at the end of the 4th session of the National People’s Congress (Bei-jing, 9 April 1991)”, Documents d’actualité internationale, no. 14, 15 July 1991, p. 272.28”China: Speech by Li Peng, Premier of the People’s Republic of China (Beijing, 14 April 1992)”, Documents d’actualité internationale, no. 14, 15 July 1992, p. 271.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 172 8/7/17 3:53 PM
173that it would not expropriate or nationalize joint ventures.29 The PRC was member of the main international and regional organizations and wanted to be part of the multilateral trading system and guarantee its effective integration into the global economy. This meant joining the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to expand foreign trade and gain access to the international market and trade information, as bilateral agreements were not enough. Politically, this would reduce unilateral pressures and provide a growing weight in trade policy decision-making.This process could also bring advantages regarding national reunification, within the framework of the “one country, two systems” formula.30 Hong Kong and Macau had already joined the GATT (in April 1986 and January 1991) as special customs territories and Taiwan formally applied for membership in January 1990.31 Beijing would not oppose Taipei obtaining the same status of Hong Kong and Macau if the PRC were previously accepted.32 In purely economic terms, the European Commission considered that a financial and economic power such as Taiwan should integrate with the international trading system and that the politi-cal question of diplomatic recognition should not interfere: “the two Chinas will accede together, under an agreement which regulates the issue of the admission of mainland China and Taiwan to the GATT.”33 Meetings of the working group for Taiwan’s accession would eventually take place from November 1992 onwards, along with those of the working group for the accession of the PRC. In May 1993 the European Parliament adopted a resolu-tion on Taiwan’s accession to the GATT:Recognizing the importance of Taiwan in the western Pacific and the steadily increase of trade between this country and the Community, the Parlia-ment considers that the Commission and the Member States should support Taiwan’s application for GATT membership and calls on the Commission and the Council to take the necessary steps to strengthen relations with Taiwan on the basis of a pragmatic approach, without damaging relations with China, in order to encourage administrative, technical and commercial cooperation. It also considers that the applications of the People’s Republic of China and 29 Law of 4 April 1990. Destais, Christophe, “Structural reforms and economic growth in China”, Problèmes économiques, no. 2.500, 25 December 1996, pp. 7-9.30 The “one country, two systems” formula was announced by Deng Xiaoping to frame national reunification with Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau. See, for example: Mendes, Carmen Amado, Portugal, China and the Macau Negotiations, Hong Kong University Press, 2013. 31 Yang, Jianwen, “China’s external economic relations”, Studia diplomatica, vol. XLIX, no. 4-5, 1996, pp. 62-63.32 Hagemann, Ernst, “The opening of the Chinese economy: a factor of internal changes?” Prob-lèmes économiques, no. 2.297, 28 October 1992, p. 14.33 Europe Daily, op. cit., 28 October 1991 and 23 March 1992.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 173 8/7/17 3:53 PM
174Taiwan should be considered in parallel. [...] Recalling further its support for Taiwan’s membership and aware of the political significance of this application, the Parliament considers that the GATT has instruments which allow it to accept Taiwan as a contracting party without prejudice to the current political problem between the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan. It also remains convinced that the Community has a great interest in the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan joining the GATT and that their accession will help stabilize trade relations in East Asia as well as between this region and Europe.34China’s application to the GATT presented benefits but also difficulties to the European Community, including the removal of discriminatory provisions enacted by Western countries against China, which was particularly relevant considering the continued growth of Chinese exports.35 Chinese international trade grew very rapidly (both exports and imports) but the domestic market opened slowly36 and remained well protected, despite the liberalization measures adopted with the reforms and open door policy and the GATT membership negotiations. Although committed to economic liberalization, Beijing was still far from meeting the condi-tions required by the GATT. The emergence of this new competitive framework presented domestic challenges, putting more pressure on the local economy. The trade regime eventually became more transpa rent and effective for locals and for-eigners, through the publication of laws, tariffs and other regulations.37 With these efforts, China was able to overcome antagonisms with Europe at the economic and commercial levels, as the European Community moved to economic realism, instead of prioritizing moral principles.38 China’s economic situation, per-ceived as very successful, attracted more and more leaders and businessmen, will-ing to export as much as possible and ignoring human rights. Beijing’s diplomacy adjusted to the increasing importance of China’s international economic relations and played with the attraction of its market, as acknowledged by Foreign Minister Qian Qichen in 1991: 34 Bulletin of the European Communities, 5-1993, point 1.3.76 and 1.3.77, p. 81 and OJ C176 of 28.06.93.35 Zhang, Li, “Legal aspects of China’s trade relations with the United States and the EEC”, Revue internationale de droit comparé, year 44, no. 4, October-December 1992, p. 974. Europeans expected, for instance, that China would take measures to reduce textile trade imbalance — Article 12, point 1 of the EEC/PRC Agreement on trade in textile products (OJ no. L 352 of 15 December 1990).36 Lemoine, Françoise, “The opening of the Chinese economy: appearances and realities”, Prob-lèmes économiques, no. 2.520, 14 May 1997, p. 25.37 Reforms of China’s foreign trade system included: lower tariffs for 225 imported products (January 1992), removal of 16 (of 53) import quotas, abolition in April 1992 of the tax regulating imports (with collection rates that were up to 80%).38 Le Monde, 19 September 1997.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 174 8/7/17 3:53 PM
175We believe that as China and Western Europe have no conflict of fun-damental interests between them, and each side has an important status in international affairs, the proper handling of our relations not only is in the fundamental interests of our respective countries, but also helps bring about a new international order and secure world peace and stability.39Strengthening Political Dialogue By the mid-1990s, the EU perceived China as a cornerstone of its relations with Asia and the rest of the world and realized that statements were not enough to strengthen this relationship: action-oriented policies should be adopted. Political dialogue between the European Union and China had been limited to brief annual meetings on the side-lines of the General Assembly of the United Nations. In 1994, however, both parties agreed to strengthen bilateral relations at the political level, and developed a new mechanism:40 an ambitious framework for dialogue included regular meetings between senior officials, ministers and high-level politi-cal consultations.41The EU gradually intensified political dialogue with China,42 putting it at the same level of other key partners. This strengthened the EU’s image in China and reinforced perceptions of China in Europe. It also gave additional momentum to the negotiating process of some important issues on the agenda of bilateral relations. In December 1995, the Council of the European Union clarified the guide-lines for the EU strategy. China was an emerging economic, political and military power; therefore, the bilateral relationship should reflect “the real weight and potential influence of this country at the global and regional levels.”43 For the first time, the EU adopted, a global approach with a long-term perspective and covering different areas. It included several cooperation programs, not only sup-porting the development of the Chinese economy and trade with the EU, but also promoting civil society, fighting against poverty and protecting the environ-ment. Besides strengthening trade relations and political dialogue, this long-term strategy aimed to contribute to the development of political, economic and social 39 Qian Qichen, “Current international situation and China’s relations with Western Europe — speech made by Chinese Foreign Minister at the Centre of Studies of Foreign Policy of Spain, on 26 February 1991”, in Beijing Review, vol. 34, no. 10, 11-17 March, 1991, p. 12.40 “A Long-Term Policy for China-Europe Relations”, Com, 279, 5 July 1995.41 General Report EU, 1994, point 887, p. 335.42 OJ no. L94/95 of 26.04.95.43 Yakemtchouk, Romain, “Europe and the P.R. of China: aspects of their economic coopera-tion”, Studia diplomatica, vol. XLIX, no. 4-5, 1996, p. 126.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 175 8/7/17 3:53 PM
176structures that respected fundamental freedoms and human rights, helping China to establish a new legal and judicial system.The “new Asia strategy”, endorsed by the European Council, framed relations with China within the broad strategy for Asia44 and mentioned the importance of Asian stability in the 1994 assessment of the EU policy towards Asia. The European Commission was worried about China’s intentions to use economic and military power and relied on regional forums and dialogue to promote a responsi-ble and constructive approach in the region, namely regarding territo rial disputes: The EU believes in the peaceful and negotiated handling of such problems, whether in the South China Sea or elsewhere. It is in the interests of Europe, and of the international community as a whole, to engage China in a political dialogue on disarmament and arms control issues. Nuclear Non-Proliferation, the missile technology control regime, the non-proliferation of chemical and biological weapons, conventional weapon sales, and control of trade in dual-use goods, should all be embraced in such a dialogue.45The EU considered that China, as a nuclear power and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, should engage in a dialogue on major international debates, for instance regarding non-proliferation.46 China’s arms acquisitions were of great concern to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)47 as its strategy in the South China Sea remained unclear, and the West was particularly worried about Chinese arms exports. China was a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and signed the Nuclear Non-Prolifer-ation Treaty (NPT) in 9 March 1992, officially advocating nuclear disarmament.48 However, the Chinese market for tanks and artillery declined after 1989 (it was the third largest arms exporter at the time), pushing sales of high-tech equipment to developing countries, mainly in the Middle East, and towards contributions to the development of the Iraqi nuclear weapons.49Aiming to encourage the growing Chinese participation in regional and multi-lateral initiatives, the EU extended bilateral dialogue on all sorts of issues of com-mon interest and global relevance. At China’s regional level, the EU welcomed 44 Europe Daily, op. cit., 12 October 1995.45 “A Long-Term Policy for China-Europe Relations”, Com, 279, 5 July 1995.46 “Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China”, Final Com, 181, 25 March 1998.47 The seven ASEAN countries are Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thai-land and Vietnam.48 Guilbert, François, “Defense: a proliferation in all directions”, Politique Internationale, no. 64, summer 1994, p. 83.49 Domenach, Jean-Luc and Richer, Philippe, La Chine, Tome 2, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1990, pp. 623 to 625.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 176 8/7/17 3:53 PM
177the Manila declaration of July 1992, which committed China and the countries of the ASEAN to peacefully resolve their disputes in the South China Sea:50 The Union reaffirms once again its support for the principles embodied in the Manila declaration. It calls upon all parties concerned to show restraint and to abstain from any measure which may make its implementation more difficult. 51Willing to develop dialogue in a regional context, as well as focusing on the links established with the ASEAN Regional Forum, the EU used the Asia-Europe Meeting (Asia-Europe Meeting) to discuss mutual interests in the region with China. Launched in Bangkok in 1996, the ASEM Process became a major forum for in-depth consultations between European and Asian partners, leading to many co-operation initiatives. Due to its informal nature and the variety of topics dis-cussed, ASEM added a new dimension to the EU-China relationship and China adopted a constructive approach, being particularly active in all economic coopera-tion initiatives. The European Union wanted to ensure China’s commitment to taking an active part in the ASEM monitoring process and several issues including: sustainable development, maritime security, drug trafficking, arms control, non-proliferation and the Asian financial crisis.52At the Asia-Europe Summit in Bangkok on 2 March 1996, in order to achieve consensus, Europeans were less demanding than many of them would have pre-ferred regarding the defence of human rights. This was the most sensitive issue on the agenda, carefully addressed by Europeans so as not to offend their Asian counterparts.53 However, formal dialogue on human rights was interrupted in the spring of 1996, as the EU refused China’s request not to present a human rights resolution in Geneva. The EU sought to present a UN resolution on human rights in China after Tiananmen and proposed it every year, but the resolution was never voted on. The Chinese intimidation manoeuvres proved effective and managed to block the project until 1995, when the EU presented a european resolution on the release of the dissidents (the toal number was estimated at 10,700 people), the malfunction of justice and the situation in Tibet to the UN Subcommittee on Human Rights; but it was rejected by one vote. Another resolution condemning 50 On 25 February 1992, the Chinese Parliament adopted a maritime law that placed most of the South China Sea area under China’s sovereignty, an area of great strategic importance for three reasons: it has significant hydrocarbon resources, it is located in the path of major international ship-ping lanes and it is claimed by other states — Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Philippines and Taiwan. 51 Bulletin of the European Union, 3-1995, point 1.4.10, p. 67. See also: “Ministerial meeting European Union-ASEAN”, Bull. EU, 9-1994, points 1.3.18 and 2.2.1.52 Final Com (1998) 181 of 25.03.1998.53 Le Monde, 4-5 March 1996.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 177 8/7/17 3:53 PM
178human rights violations in China was introduced by Denmark, with the support of nine other EU countries, in April 1997 in Geneva. However, China has suc-ceeded in passing a “no-action motion” in the UN Commission on Human Rights, avoiding debate and vote on the resolution.54 In September 1997, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York, the EU proposed China cooperate on human rights announcing that bilat-eral dialogue on human rights should resume in Brussels in October. Both parties avoided attaching conditions and the EU proposed a “constructive” dialogue, based on specific cooperation projects. The Chinese mission in Brussels also declared that China “no longer required the EU to take a commitment on its attitude to the Commission on Human Rights in Geneva” to resume dialogue on human rights:China always believes that differences on questions regarding human rights must be settled through dialogues based on equality and mutual respect. It is therefore prepared to resume dialogue without preconditions, replacing con-frontation with cooperation.55 After the resumption of dialogue in November 1997, China showed a will-ingness to invest in serious dialogue. Exposure to the outside world had had a gradual but profound impact, in terms of social change and better mutual understanding. The recovery of the EU/China dialogue on human rights gave new impetus to a process of constructive settlement of disputes between the two partners and allowed the EU to offer practical assistance on human rights. Two priorities were identified: the promotion of the rule of law (the EU should encourage China’s efforts to develop a society based on the rule of law) and the strengthening of civil society through initiatives that promoted civil and politi-cal rights. China agreed in principle to a cooperation program to strengthen the rule of law and promote civil, political, economic and social rights.56 Ultimately, defending human rights was a matter of principle, and not about interfering in 54 Two days after avoiding the United Nations Commission on Human Rights by one vote in the resolution presented by Denmark, China accepted answering to questions of the Members of the European Parliament. A delegation of China’s National People’s Congress met with its European counterparts on the occasion of the 14th EU/China Interparliamentary Meeting. The President of the EP delegation, the Swedish Per Gahrton, believed he had found a more conciliatory attitude on the part of the Chinese: “We have stressed the principle of universality of human rights, underlining that we were not leading a campaign against China but in favour of the respect of human rights and the Chinese listened to us (I did not say they approved!)” he declared. Europeans perceived that developments taking place in China “will determine, to a large extent”, those throughout the world in the next century, for we live in “one world”, as Gahrton stated in the opening of the proceedings, adding that he believed it was in this context that the resolutions and declarations of the European Parliament on China should be analysed. Europe Daily, op. cit., 9 February and 16 and 17 April 1997.55 Europe Daily, op.cit., 25 September and 7 October 1997.56 Final Com (98) 181 of 25.03.1998.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 178 8/7/17 3:53 PM
179internal affairs: after all, China had signed several international conventions. In order to put an end to its isolation and integrate with the world market, it had to respect the rules.57In the late 1990s, the European Commission believed that Beijing’s growing involvement in multilateral negotiations on global issues should be supported and constantly encouraged: The EC should endeavour to raise issues related to China more regularly during G7/8 meetings. It should also work to intensify the increasingly sub-stantial dialogue with China launched by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 1995.58 China was integrated into the global economic and security systems during a period of great economic interdependence, in which global issues required a coor-dinated effort from all governments. Member of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank since the early 1980s, China participated in several trans-regional and regional forums, including Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). It became a great military, political and economic power, fully integrated in international structures and playing a leading role on the world stage.Reinforcing Economic CooperationIn 1995, the EU considered the pillars of Sino-European relations to be political dialogue, market access and technical cooperation. After strengthening political dialogue with China, including on human rights, the EU engaged in reinforcing economic cooperation to ensure a better mutual understanding59and help China in the difficult transition process. Practical cooperation included train-ing and technical assistance in the legal and judicial system, supporting China’s efforts towards reform while increasing European knowledge of the Chinese economy. The evolution of the Chinese economy had a major impact on bilateral trade,60 making China the third largest non-European trading partner of the EU and bringing unprecedented opportunities for European trade and investment in China. The European Union explored different channels, including bilateral negotiations to open the Chinese economy and remove market access barriers, and 57 Holzman, Marie, “China: requiem for Human Rights”, Politique Internationale, no. 75a, spring 1997, p. 383.58 Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China”, Communication from the Commission, Final Com (1998) 181 of 25/03/1998.59 Europe Daily, op. cit., 18 April 1995. 60 Com (95) 279 of 05.07.1995.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 179 8/7/17 3:53 PM
180China’s negotiations with the WTO.61 In economic terms, helping China join the WTO was the greatest European contribution to the success of the reforms: Despite the uncertainties, both economic and political, my confident scenario is that China continues to reform and becomes more open to the world, although the pace of reform may falter. The more we and China’s other partners are present, the more sustainable the current positive trends are likely to be.62The European Union was one of the greatest defenders of an early accession of China to the WTO, which ensured the implementation of the GATT after 1995. Membership had to be accompanied by conditions that guaranteed China’s ability to fulfil many obligations and the integrity of the system, stimulating economic reforms and consolidating its role in the global economy.63 The European Union sought to improve the compatibility of Chinese trade rules with the WTO, i.e. internationally accepted business principles.64 China underwent a gradual transi-tion with outstanding results in terms of growth and financial balances, but lacked a functional market economy.65 Upon leaving for his official trip to Beijing, from 18 to 23 April 1995, Sir Leon Brittan, Vice-President of the European Commission, said that “the time has come for a fresh start in relations between Europe and China”, ensuring that “the European will to see China a WTO member is as strong as ever”, but also noting that this would only be possible if there was “an equally strong political commitment from the Chinese side to implement and respect WTO rules”. “I hope that China will join its partners in further talks soon”, added the European Commissioner, also mentioning the problem of China being classified as a developed country in some sectors and a developing country in others.66 “This accession to the WTO is very important and we want it”, said Sir Leon, inviting China to show flexibility: “we, for our part, are ready to be flexible”. The controversial issue of China’s status in the WTO (developing or developed country) was deemed secondary by Sir Leon, “the important thing is to identify what the WTO can provide China and what China is willing to offer to the WTO.”6761 Final Com (98) 181 of 25.03.98. 62 Europe Daily, op. cit., 26 May 1995.63 Final Com (98) 181 of 25.03.1998.64 Bulletin of the European Union, 7/8-1995, point 1.4.98.65 Destais, Chritophe, “Structural reforms and economic growth in China”, Problèmes économiques, no. 2.500, 25 December 1996, p. 12.66 Europe Daily, op. cit., 18 and 19 April 1995.67 Ibidem, 5 July 1995.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 180 8/7/17 3:53 PM
181To break the deadlock, China had to present pragmatic suggestions on how to progress on those issues to Geneva.68 Less than six months after the conclusion of the Uruguay Round and the establishment of the WTO, at the end of the quad-rilateral meeting (bringing together trade officials from the EU, US, Canada and Japan), Sir Leon Brittan said: It is in the extreme interest of both China and the world economy that China becomes a member of the WTO as soon as possible... I very much hope that China realizes that we are ready to show understanding for the status of the transition of the Chinese economy. [...] China does not need to do everything at once, but it needs to do more than in last December. However, we should allow China to move forward at a politically acceptable pace.The four members were against the idea of granting special conditions to China, fearing that it would set a precedent for other developing countries. How-ever, at the end of the quadrilateral informal meeting in late October 1995, all four agreed that China’s accession was an important goal to achieve, depending on the acceptance of WTO fundamental rules.69Before the opening of the Bangkok Summit in March 1996, European Com-mission President Jacques Santer met with Chinese Premier Li Peng and expressed his strong support for China’s entry into the WTO, but under certain conditions. The EU, he said, “will maintain an independent line in the negotiations on China’s accession, providing the necessary time and conditions for it to adapt to WTO rules through transitional protocols.” In principle, the EU remained, in favour of China’s accession to WTO membership but this had to be done in strict compli-ance with the conditions that apply to all new WTO members. “What the WTO member states need from the new candidate countries is a clear indication of the commitment of all candidates to respect WTO rules, all rules”, said Sir Leon in May.70The agenda of the EU-China Joint Committee meeting of November 1996, in Beijing, focused on China’s accession to the WTO and European difficulties in accessing the Chinese market, particularly in the areas of financial services, mari-time transport and intellectual property.71 After complying with the fundamental rules and principles of the multilateral trading system, China could join WTO and benefit from transitional periods for specific rules: “It was necessary to con-firm whether the Chinese authorities support the idea of a gradual acceptance of 68 Ibidem, 24 April 1995.69 Ibidem, 8 May and 23 October 1995.70 Ibidem, 1 March and 7 May 1996.71 Bull. UE, 11-1996, point 1.4.102 and General report on the EU’s activities, point 907, p. 352.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 181 8/7/17 3:53 PM
182WTO obligations. This was confirmed to me very strongly”, said Sir Leon after a meeting with the Deputy Prime Minister Zhu Rongij and the Minister for Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation Wu Yi. “I will rapidly contact US authorities, including Secretary of State Warren Christopher, to encourage them to speed up preparations in view of China’s participation in the WTO”, he stated.72However, this issue was precisely the main bottleneck between the EU and the United States in the multilateral discussions regarding China’s accession to GATT. For Beijing, the stakes were high since an agreement would significantly increase its exports, but Washington required a clear shift in Chinese policy in order to rebalance Sino-American trade. The United States accused Beijing of maintain-ing its tariffs too high and increasing its export subsidies. Several Sino-American agreements on these practices were signed to limit Chinese exports and facilitate US imports, but without much success. Many US manufacturers protested against the non-compliance with intellectual property rights and the proliferation of trade-mark infringement.73 Since September 1994, the US and the EU had held different positions.74 Leon Brittan said the EU was ready to be flexible, particularly in providing China with transition periods for compliance with certain economic and trade conditions,75 but the United States opposed this principle, defending that Beijing should fulfil all conditions upon accession to the WTO.76 The US Trade Representative Mickey Kantor recalled, following the informal quadrilateral meeting of October 1995, that China’s accession to the WTO should be made on “a pragmatic, practi-cal and commercially reasonable basis. [...] So far, Chinese bids were not really impressive.”77China believed that it was the United States that prevented it from joining the WTO and felt the victim of a very real political exclusion. During his speech to the French Business Community in Paris on 12 April 1996, Li Peng firmly expressed: Without China, the WTO is not an international organization but a regional organization [...], and if China is not a member of the WTO, this occurs for several reasons, particularly for one political reason: in the world there is one superpower which does not want China in the WTO.72 Europe Daily, op. cit., 15 November 1996.73 De Beer, Patrice and Rocca, Jean-Louis, La Chine à la fin de l’ère Deng Xiaoping, Brussels, Le Monde Editions, 1995, p. 169.74 Europe Daily, op. cit. 8 September 1994.75 Transitional periods should vary according to the specificity and importance of the criteria to which they referred. The EU called for the establishment of an accurate and reliable schedule while China demanded that the transitional periods related to the evolution and timing of on-going eco-nomic reforms, with all the uncertainties this would entail.76 Europe Daily, op. cit., 11 October 1995. 77 Ibidem, 23 October 1995. China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 182 8/7/17 3:53 PM
183Stating that his country was reducing its tariffs at the requested rate, the Chi-nese Premier said that the United States “require that we fulfil the conditions of developed countries, which we cannot accept.”78 During a speech on the exten-sion of the Most Favoured Nation clause to China President Clinton considered that: Much remains to be done. Our bilateral trade deficit with China is too high and China’s trade barriers should be lowered. [...] That is why we will use the full weight of our law to ensure that China meets its obligations to protect intellectual property. That is why we are insisting that China meet the same standard of openness applied to other countries seeking to enter the WTO — no more, no less.79The Chinese Minister of Foreign Trade, Yi Wu, reacted during a speech on trade with the United States: Further study of the problem reveals a striking aspect of Chinese exports to the United States, namely that they are mainly goods manufactured by foreign-owned companies operating in China and repatriated to the United States via Hong Kong. [...] Apparently, the United States have seriously over-estimated their trade deficit and the huge deficit in their trade with China is simply inexistent.80In November 1996, Leon Brittan informed the Ministers of the EU General Affairs Council of the positive Chinese reaction to his proposal of a gradual entry (phasing-in) of China in the WTO and the contacts he made, while in Beijing, with US Secretary of State Warren Christopher to obtain the support of the United States. The concept of “phasing-in” included the commitment to respect WTO basic conditions, such as a reasonable reduction of tariffs and ending the state monopoly on foreign trade, allowing transitional periods to implement other provisions more difficult to be fulfilled by a developing country. The EU did not become less demanding but adopted a more appropriate diplomatic and political position in order to more effectively integrate China in the global trade structure.81 In September 1997, Washington concluded that it was possible to reach a commercially viable agreement with the Europeans regarding, for example, 78 Le Monde, 15 April 1996. 79 “United States: President William Clinton speech on the prorogation of the Most Favoured Nation clause (Washington, 20 May 1996), Documents d’actualité internationale, no. 14, 15 July 1996, p. 569.80 “China: article of Foreign Trade Minister, Mme Yi Wu, on trade with the United States (Bei-jing, 10 June 1996)”, Documents d’actualité internationale, no. 14, 15 July 1996, p. 571.81 Europe Daily, op. cit., 25 November 1996.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 183 8/7/17 3:53 PM
184the transition periods: “It is important that China does not create a division in the WTO, between the United States and the EU, regarding the terms of accession.”82 They could send a common message: the EU and the United States welcomed China’s integration into the international trading community as soon as possible but on the basis of “objective, clear and legally binding” criteria, including access to the Chinese market and the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers, as well as respect of the WTO Protocol — anti-dumping and intel-lectual property.China had already presented, a slight improvement in services in November 1996, but EU officials estimated that China should make greater efforts in this area and provide much better access to the services market, particularly finan-cial and banking services, insurance (including those accessible to the general public), basic telecommunications, maritime transport, accounting, tourism, news agencies and information, etc. As for telecommunications, the EU called on China to open the infrastructure market to competition, not exclude any service or technology from Chinese commitments and to establish an inde-pendent regulatory and supervisory body in China to ensure compliance with competition rules. In October 1997, in a speech to the “Foreign Correspondents Club” of Beijing, Sir Leon Brittan stressed that the EU supported China’s accession to the WTO, but that its support was not unconditional; the key issue was market access, both for products and services. Regarding products, it was essential that China brought its tariffs (including the highest, the “peak tariffs”) to the average of OECD coun-tries and to the general level applied in WTO countries. As for services (one of the EU’s priorities “without which no agreement would be acceptable”), China had to open its market to foreign competitors without waiting for it to be fully developed (which was still far from being the case).Finally, the EU and the US agreed on common principles for China’s WTO accession:83 “I understand that the implementation of these principles may take time; we might therefore consider transitional periods but only if, in the meantime, European companies are not discriminated in terms of licensing”, said Brittan. During this visit to China, he signed a “Memorandum of Understanding” with Chinese Trade Minister Wu Yi, on the future of the China-EU cooperation pro-gramme, placing “economic and trade cooperation between the EU and China on a new practical basis”.8482 Ibidem, 11 September 1997.83 Ibidem, 14 October 1997. 84 General report on the EU’s activities, 1997.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 184 8/7/17 3:53 PM
185ConclusionThe emergence of China in the international system following the introduction of economic reforms by Deng Xiaoping after 1978 brought great benefits but also challenges to the EU. On the domestic front, it radically changed the economic and social landscape in China and results exceeded expectations, with remarkable macroeconomic performance. The evolution of EU-China relations had ups and downs and 1989 was certainly a turning point, leading to the cooling of relations: following the Tiananmen events, Europe imposed a series of sanctions against China, including an embargo on arms sales. A few months later, the fall of the Berlin Wall, followed by the dissolution of the Soviet Union in December 1991, gave way to a period of radical changes in the European communist world. The PRC remained the only major communist country in a period of general collapse of this ideology,85 which contributed to the international isolation of the Chinese Communist Party.86 Since 1989, Beijing faced a double challenge: to break the isolation imposed by the West and find a place in the new world order.87However, the months of international boycott after Tiananmen were quickly forgotten: China benefited from a favourable economic environment and rapidly reduced international isolation. After several years of reluctance and caution, a gradual resumption of Sino-European dialogue took place. The change in EU pol-icy was justified by several reasons, seeking a constructive engagement to integrate China into the international community and lead her in the global trend towards trade liberalization and democracy. Dialogue with China was thus perceived as a priority, not only on political and security issues but also regarding human rights. Europeans always perceived respect for freedoms and human rights as core values of a market economy and the creation of a strong civil society, along with a sustainable entrance into the world economy, were amongst the main objectives of their China policy. Therefore, the importance attached to human rights was a constant trend in the EU policy towards China, although the resumption of bilateral contacts after Tiananmen highlighted different perceptions from member states. This is one of the reasons that explains why the ban on arms sales is still in force today, despite the gradual lifting of post-Tiananmen sanctions.The EU always showed concern for China’s stability due to its political and economic importance, considering that its growing influence in the international arena should result in shared responsibilities and cooperation, both in Asia and 85 Joyaux, François, La tentation impériale, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1994, p. 85.86Gipoloux, François and Svartzman, Jorge, “China: opening without reforming?”, Problèmes Poli-tiques et Sociaux, no. 630, 13 April 1990, p. 4.87 Joyaux, François, op. cit., p. 85.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 185 8/7/17 3:53 PM
186around the world. In the mid-1990s, the EU constantly repeated that China had to play a key role in international affairs, concerning security, political, environ-mental, social and economic issues.88 The idea was that intensifying contacts at all levels and increasing trade and cooperation, would help to integrate China in the international political and economic spheres. There was significant progress in bilateral cooperation and Europe decided to develop its long-term relationship with China in accordance with the country’s economic and political influence, both regionally and worldwide. Bilateral trade, investment and cooperation developed and a new mechanism was created to strengthen Sino-European political dialogue. When Deng Xiaoping died, in February 1997, European Commission Presi-dent Jacques Santer wished that his legacy would result in increasing economic and social freedom that would benefit not only China but also its regional partners and the world: The whole world will remember in the twenty-first century of the mark he has printed in twentieth century China. Having made an immense contribu-tion to the modernization and economic reform of the China that he opened to the world, Deng Xiaoping started a process of market reform which is now irreversible and that allowed the EU to engage with China in fruitful relation-ships in commerce and investment, as well as strengthen political ties.89 From the start, Deng Xiaoping demonstrated his confidence: The reform and opening up to the outside world are still in their early stages, we have before us difficult tasks and we will have ups and downs in our march forward. But I am firmly convinced we will prove ourselves capable of overcoming the many difficulties and continue to fight for the cause that inspired our ancestors from generation to generation. As the Chinese have demonstrated that they could stand up, they will certainly be able to firmly take their place in the world.90Subsequent leaders inherited challenging tasks: to continue the economic reform along with political modernization and deal with the painful memory of Tiananmen, while restoring China’s relationship with the world. Beijing claimed stakeholder status but raised suspicions in its neighbourhood, mainly due to the conflicts over the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea.91 For strategic reasons and 88 Europe Daily, op. cit., 12 October 1995.89 Ibidem, 20 February 1997.90 “Communiqué of the 5th Plenary Session of the Thirteenth CCP Central Committee (Beijing, 9 November 1989)”, Documents d’actualité internationale, no. 1, 1 January 1990, p. 18.91 Le Monde, 10 January 1998.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 186 8/7/17 3:53 PM
187technological proliferation concerns, and mainly due to US pressure, the EU did not lift the arms embargo on China.92 Several factors caused the postponement of a European decision regarding the embargo, such as different national interests, but the official stand of the European Commission and the European Parliament mentions strategic and human rights concerns.93 It remains to be seen whether the arms ban truly enables progress on human rights in China and what the security implications of lifting it would be.94 It is easier to identify the impact that a change of policy would have in Europe: the opening of a new arms market for European companies within the context of European defence budget reduction, preferential treatment in trading with China, a spread of member states’ political responsibility regarding human rights and counterbalance to American hegemony.95 In 2001 the People’s Republic of China considered the EU a strategic partner, arguably for two reasons: it joined the WTO, after fifteen years of negotiations that started within the GATT, increasing the appeal of the European market; and the US unilateral actions after 9/11, revealing the importance of reinforcing relations with other actors of the multipolar system. The EU gave a positive reply and a strategic partnership was established in 2003. Europeans were interested in China’s continuous growth and expected that full participation in the WTO would guaran-tee access to the Chinese market, placing it among the major players in the global economic system. However, the EU maintains the arms embargo on her strategic partner and continues to have many unresolved trade disputes. These two issues highlight the difficulty of achieving greater coordination between member states. While some see in this country a market with unlimited potential, including for the arms industry, others are more cautious. The re-emergence of China had a significant effect on European perceptions as its growing international role made a strong impression on public opinion. Most believe that China’s development is a positive phenomenon that the European Union is expected to address with assertiveness and visibility, in order to strengthen its position towards one of its biggest and most important partners.96 Annual sum-mits and other high-level meetings with Chinese leaders frame bilateral dialogue, highlighting EU actions. Giving them better media coverage would help to reiforce the image of the EU in China. Political differences aside, the European Union must never lose sight of its strategic interests in China.92 Saalman, Lora and Yuan, Jing-dong, “The European Union and the Arms Ban on China”, Centre for Non-proliferation Studies, July 2004, p. 6.93 Ibidem.94 Saalman and Yuan, op.cit., p. 1.95 Brookes, Peter, The Lifting of the EU Arms Embargo on China: An American Perspective, Heritage Foundation, Washington, D.C., 2005, p. 5.96 Final Com (98) 181 of 25.03.1998.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 187 8/7/17 3:53 PM
188MACAU GLOBAL (SÉCULOS XIX-XX)Alfredo Gomes DiasIntroduçãoA globalização, enquanto conceito mobilizado pelas Ciências Sociais, genera-lizou-se a partir da década de 1990, reportando-se essencialmente ao capitalismo informacional, por contraponto com o capitalismo industrial. Todavia, importa aproximarmo-nos do fenómeno da globalização, integrando duas perspetivas complementares: por um lado, a globalização na sua dimensão temporal de longa duração; por outro lado, a globalização enquanto estudo de uma realidade concreta, como é o caso “Macau Global”. Esta dupla perspetiva pressupõe uma abordagem multidimensional e holística, sob pena de se ficar sempre com uma visão parcial dos fenómenos políticos, económicos e socioculturais que nos pro-pomos analisar.A inclusão da China e do Japão no sistema económico mundial, em meados de oitocentos, alterou profundamente a posição de Macau no tabuleiro regional da Ásia Oriental, obrigando esta cidade a encontrar novas formas de se integrar num mundo cada vez mais interdependente. Assim, de meados do século xix até ao final do século xx, Macau, cidade portuária multicultural, passou a fazer parte de sistemas diversos — políticos, económicos, sociais e culturais –, obedecendo a geografias variáveis que importa equacionar.Assim, ao longo da presente comunicação, depois de um primeiro ponto introdutório sobre a dimensão temporal da globalização, propomo-nos analisar Macau Global nos séculos xix e xx em três dimensões: (i) a dimensão política — entre o ópio e os tratados; (ii) a dimensão económica — a integração de Macau no mercado mundial; (iii) a dimensão sociocultural — as migrações.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 188 8/7/17 3:53 PM
1891. Globalização: uma perspetiva temporalAs várias disciplinas das Ciências Sociais conduzem-nos a diferentes definições do conceito de “globalização” e a abordagens distintas de um fenómeno corrente-mente datado na década de 1970. Neste último caso, a globalização é considerada como um conjunto de profundas transformações científicas e tecnológicas, que ocorreu no terceiro quartel do século xx, tendo promovido a construção de um mundo global e dando sustentabilidade a uma nova fase denominada de “capita-lismo informacional”, se adotarmos a designação proposta por Manuel Castells,1 por contraposição ao capitalismo industrial. Não obstante os sinais de rutura, importa também sublinhar as continuidades que se registaram na transição do capitalismo industrial para o capitalismo informacional: a industrialização pro-moveu, ainda que de um modo descontinuado, um processo de integração política e económica, com fortes impactos nas sociedades locais, sob a liderança dos países que melhor protagonizaram a primeira e a segunda fases da Revolução Industrial.Contudo, quando nos propomos analisar a realidade de Macau enquanto fenómeno global nos séculos xix e xx, identificamos a necessidade de sublinhar a perspetiva histórica do fenómeno da globalização, reconhecendo-a no cruzamento das dimensões espácio-temporais e culturais que a enformam.De um modo geral, a perspetiva temporal da globalização é, também ela, vista de um modo particular de acordo com cada uma das disciplinas das Ciências Sociais: a Economia e os Estudos Culturais analisam-na enquanto fenómeno de curta duração, localizando o seu início na década de 1970; a Economia Política e a Sociologia fazem recuar o início deste fenómeno ao período localizado entre os séculos XVI e XVIII; a História e a Antropologia adotam uma visão mais abran-gente, olhando para a globalização como um fenómeno de longa duração.2Assim, a globalização, no âmbito da temática desta comunicação e do lema do Encontro onde ela se insere, China/Macau e as Globalizações: Passado e Presente, remete diretamente, por um lado, para a sequencialidade dos processos de globali-zação ao longo da história humana e, por outro lado, para os impactos sociocul-turais, produzidos a nível local, mas resultantes das interinfluências entre o local e o global (o que muitos autores identificam como glocal).No que à sequencialidade diz respeito, alguns autores identificam três difer-entes estágios da globalização: antiga, moderna e contemporânea.3 Outros, como 1 Cf. Manuel Castells, A Era da Informação: Economia, Sociedade e Cultura (Vol. 1), Lisboa, Fundação Caloust Gulbenkian, 2007, pp. 1-32.2 Cf. Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Globalization & Culture, New York, Rowman & Littlefield Pub-lishers, Inc., 2009, pp. 25-41.3 Cf. Idem, Ibidem.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 189 8/7/17 3:53 PM
190A. G. Hopkins, fazem referência a quatro categorias: globalização arcaica, proto-globalização, globalização moderna e globalização pós-colonial.4 No que se refere a este último autor, a globalização é considerada uma realidade que, numa perspetiva de longa duração, integra aquelas quatro categorias distintas. A globalização arcaica abarca um longo período da história humana, antes do nascimento do estado-nação e do despoletar da Revolução Industrial. O Islão e a diáspora chinesa no Sueste Asiático promoveram formas de globalização cuja origem se encontra fora da esfera de influência do mundo ocidental. A proto-globalização reporta-se à interação entre dois processos — político e económico — particularmente evidentes entre os sécu-los xvi e xviii: por um lado, a emergência de um novo sistema de estado; por outro, o crescimento das finanças, dos serviços e da manufatura industrial. A globalização moderna (“modern globalization”) remete para os processos de dominação colonial ao longo do século xix e na primeira metade do século xx. A segunda metade deste último século, entrando já no século xxi, é identificada a globalização pós-colonial: novos tipos de organizações supra-territoriais vão surgindo, assim como novas formas de integração regional.5Retendo a nossa atenção na terceira categoria atrás enunciada, a globalização moderna promoveu duas diferentes formas de controlo — assimilação e associação: a primeira protagonizada, por exemplo, no Canadá, pela Grã-Bretanha; a segunda representada pelas formas de dominação holandesa no Sueste Asiático. No entanto, a presença colonial europeia foi uma realidade complexa e, em muitas regiões do mundo, as populações locais não deixaram de dar continuidade às suas estruturas culturais, ao mesmo tempo que procuraram adaptar-se à presença colonial euro-peia. Por outro lado, a estrutura e a evolução do colonialismo foram diretamente influenciadas pela resiliência e pelo contínuo dinamismo das instituições indígenas. No caso da China, que nos interessa em particular, foi evidente a influência das potências estrangeiras embora estas nunca tivessem assumido o governo direto do Império. Pelo contrário, investidores e mercadores chineses continuaram a desem-penhar um importante papel no comércio da China com o Ocidente, promovendo uma renovada forma de globalização regional nos Mares do Sul e na sub-globali-zação alcançada pelo Japão na segunda metade do século xix. Ainda no âmbito da globalização moderna, duas reações à influência do Ocidente noutras regiões do mundo podem ser identificadas: uma, de caráter transnacional, assumiu as formas do Pan-Africanismo e do Pan-Islamismo que, na época, preocuparam as potências coloniais; outra, de caráter local, traduziu-se na emergência de movimentos que tentavam integrar o conhecimento disponibilizado pelas potências coloniais.64 Cf. A. G. Hopkins, Globalization in World History, London, Pimlico, 2002, pp. 1-10.5 Cf. Idem, Ibidem.6 Cf. Idem, Ibidem.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 190 8/7/17 3:53 PM
191Estas diferentes perspetivas associadas ao período da globalização moderna reve-lam-nos duas visões sobre a globalização que, ainda hoje, são motivo de debate entre os cientistas sociais: por um lado, a expansão imperial foi assumindo formas políticas e económicas diferenciadas, em função das características dos territórios sob a sua dominação; por outro lado, o impacto da presença colonial nestes mesmos territórios, em vez de anular as culturas locais, promoveu processos de ajustamento ou adaptação, dando origem a mudanças nas suas estruturas socioculturais.7Em última análise, consideramos ser esta a dinâmica essencial dos processos de globalização que hoje é possível identificar na história do mundo, sendo Macau um caso de estudo a desenvolver. Uma vez inserido num quadro temporal de longa duração, ele remete-nos, direta ou indiretamente, para cada uma das quatro dimensões que são enunciadas quando mobilizamos o conceito de globalização: (i) a mobilidade das populações (intra)intercontinental; (ii) o comércio a longa distância, pondo em contacto diferentes culturas; (iii) as religiões mundiais, abran-gendo extensas regiões do globo; e (iv) a difusão dos avanços tecnológicos, desde o neolítico até às novas tecnologias dos nossos dias.8Já nos fomos apercebendo de que modo as comunidades locais absorveram os impactos dos diferentes processos de globalização que o mundo foi conhecendo ao longo da sua história, reconhecendo a sua relevância nas mutações que ocorreram nas estruturas culturais. Neste capítulo, em concreto, globalização e migrações são as faces de uma mesma moeda, cuja dinâmica é geradora de novas realidades socio-culturais marcadas pelo interculturalismo e hibridismo cultural,9 uma temática particularmente sensível quando nos reportamos ao estudo do caso de Macau, como veremos mais adiante.Mas também no domínio político e económico, a globalização na era moderna e pós colonial (séculos xix e xx) teve repercussões importantes na China e em Macau, por força da dupla revolução liberal (política) e industrial (económica). The “emergence of the world economy” takes place under the conditions of predominant free trade. At the same time, European institutions, inclu ding the nation-state, and European or “Western” thought are being exported through-out the world. In the 1860s and 1870s we see certain economic spheres being affected for the first time by truly global interdependencies, several of which can be demonstrated statistically.7 Cf. Idem, Ibidem.8 Cf. Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Ibidem, pp. 25-41.9 Cf. Idem, Ibidem. Ainda sobre o conceito de hibridismo cultural, aconselhamos as leituras de A. Maalouf, Identidades Assassinas, Lisboa, Difel, 1999; A. Maalouf, Um Mundo Sem Regras, Lisboa, Difel, 2009; P. Burke, Hibridismo cultural, Madrid, Ediciones Akal, 2010.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 191 8/7/17 3:53 PM
192After 1880 globalization begins to become politicized. By this time national societies want to rein in the effects of global economic integration. Outwardly, the global economy is perceived as world politics, as a function of national power.10Deste modo, ao longo da história do mundo, a sequencialidade do fenómeno da globalização anteriormente referenciada garantiu a continuidade das expansões europeias e asiáticas dos séculos xvi e xvii,11 prolongando-as em diferentes perío-dos históricos do século xix e xx, às quais se deve acrescentar a participação de um terceiro ator, a saber, os EUA.Estes movimentos expansionistas, tendo por pano de fundo a afirmação imperial, conduziram a processos de domínio e controlo na América do Sul (Grã-Bretanha e EUA), em África (Europa e o tratado de Berlim) e na Ásia — na Índia e na China (Grã-Bretanha) e no Japão (EUA), concretizando a “abertura do Japão e da China ao comércio externo pelas armas dos navios ocidentais”.12 A “globalidade” de Macau é um longo processo histórico que se iniciou em meados do século xvi e que resulta de duas realidades complexas que se cruzam em planos distintos: por um lado, a integração de Macau no cruzamento de geografias civilizacionais variadas; por outro lado, a diversidade sociocultural que caracteriza os diferentes espaços sociais do Território. O papel que desempenhou nos encontros e desencontros entre o “mundo europeu” e o “mundo chinês”13 foi conferindo à cidade as características de um território marcado pela fragmen-tação política, económica e sociocultural, mas onde foi possível ir construindo fenómenos de interculturalidade resultantes de um longo convívio quotidiano de povos que chegavam, partiam e/ou ficavam em Macau. Nos séculos xix e xx, esta globalidade assumiu novas interdependências, com um novo ritmo, acelerado pela industrialização, e com o acentuar do seu carácter plurinacional.14Assim, a análise da construção da globalidade de Macau, nos séculos xix e xx, requer a problematização das três dimensões essenciais deste processo: a dimensão política, que se traduziu na procura de um lugar na nova ordem internacional/regional, criada a partir da questão do ópio; a dimensão económica, resultante 10 Jürgen Osterhammel and Niels P. Petersson, Globalization, a Short History, Princeton, Princ-eton University Press, 2005, pp. 28-29.11 Cf. Luís Filipe Barreto, Cristianismo e Relações Interculturais Europa-China: Séc. xvi e xvii — Elementos de Problematização in Roberto Carneiro e Guilherme d´ Oliveira Martins ( Coord.), China e Portugal — Cinco Centúrias de Relacionamento: Uma leitura Académica, Lisboa, CEPCEP/Universidade Católica Portuguesa, 2014, pp. 55-64.12 Manuel Castells, Ibidem, p. 38.13 Cf. Luís Filipe Barreto, Ibidem. pp. 55-64.14 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, A Diáspora Macaense. Macau, Hong Kong Xangai (1850-1952), Lisboa, Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, Fundação Macau, 2014, pp. 79-110.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 192 8/7/17 3:53 PM
193da integração de Macau no mercado mundial/regional; a dimensão sociocultural, derivada das mudanças registadas nos fluxos migratórios que convergiram para o Território e dele divergiram para o mundo. 2. Dimensão política: entre o ópio e os tratadosA nova ordem política internacional, na sua escala asiática, foi fundada sob o signo do ópio que pairou sobre a China e Macau ao longo do século xix e do primeiro quartel do século xx.Apesar das sucessivas proibições imperiais, registadas ao longo do século xviii, nomeadamente os éditos de 1729 e 1796, a importação do ópio manteve-se ativa, ganhando uma nova dimensão quando a Companhia Britânica das Índias Orien-tais começou a traficar esta substância, a partir de 1773. Até 1820, os números da importação de ópio mantiveram-se reduzidos, rondando as 4500 caixas por ano. Na década de 1820, o comércio do ópio cresceu de tal ordem que a sua impor-tação através do litoral chinês passou a ser superior a 18 mil caixas por ano graças, em grande medida, ao aparecimento de uma nova variedade, o ópio de Malwa, mais barato e, por isso, sendo o seu consumo mais acessível. Na década de 1830, a importação de ópio continuou a crescer, atingindo as 40 mil caixas por ano.15No essencial, este crescimento acentuado deveu-se à estratégia britânica de utilizar o comércio do ópio para rentabilizar a sua presença colonial na Índia, trans-formando algumas regiões deste território em centros produtores daquela subs-tância, e para reverter a seu favor a balança comercial com a China que, até então, se mantinha desfavorável: era com a sua prata que pagava o chá, as porcelanas e a seda. O ópio foi a nova moeda de troca encontrada e a China transformou-se no território consumidor daquela substância, concluindo assim o ciclo de produção--tráfico -consumo do ópio.A permanente oposição chinesa conduziu à ida do Alto-comissário Imperial Lin Zexu para Cantão e, os incidentes que ocorreram nesta cidade, com a apreensão e destruição de todo o ópio que se encontrava nas mãos dos comerciantes britânicos, conduziram à I Guerra do Ópio (1839-1842).16O fim deste primeiro conflito ficou registado com a assinatura do tratado de Nanquim, em agosto de 1842. Segundo a letra deste tratado, a China foi obrigada a ceder à Grã-Bretanha a ilha de Hong Kong, abrir cinco portos ao comércio internacional (Xangai, Cantão, Ningbo, Amoy e Fuzhou), fixar tarifas aduaneiras e trocar correspondência em pé de igualdade com as autoridades 15 Cf. Michael Dillon, China. A Modern History, London, I. B. Taurius & Co Ltd, 2010, pp. 41-50.16 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, Macau e a I Guerra do Ópio, Macau, IPOR, 1993, pp. 11-33.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 193 8/7/17 3:53 PM
194estrangeiras. A estas concessões juntaram-se outras duas: o respeito pelo princípio de extraterritorialidade e a cedência do estatuto de “nação mais favorecida”.17O tratado de Nanquim passou a servir de modelo quando outras potências, como a França e os EUA, por exemplo, quiseram celebrar tratados semelhantes com a China. Deste modo, ao longo da segunda metade do século xix, a China viu-se obrigada a respeitar uma nova ordem internacional, que lhe era estranha, colocando-se numa rede de interdependência global e reduzindo o seu antigo estatuto hierárquico e centralizado, governado por um imperador rotulado de “filho do Céu”.18No entanto, a questão da liberdade de comércio do ópio teve de esperar por um novo conflito, que se iniciou em 1856 e deu origem ao tratado de Tianjin de 1858: um conflito que aliou a Grã-Bretanha à França e despoletou a celebração de novos trata-dos. Para além da China, um outro império permanecia fechado ao mundo político e económico do ocidente. Iniciou-se a expansão da nova ordem internacional ao Japão, num processo inaugurado pela Grã-Bretanha, mas que os EUA rapidamente passaram a liderar, num esforço para afirmar a sua presença na região do Pacífico.Este foi o período em que a China construiu uma rede de dependências tecida pela letra dos tratados, posteriormente designados por “tratados desiguais”, um rótulo que espelha de forma nítida como as transformações que ocorreram à escala global promoveram uma relação de (inter)dependência entre a Europa e a China, mas envolvendo outras nações como os EUA, a Rússia e o Japão.Estas mudanças que se registaram na Ásia Oriental e, em particular, na China, tiveram um forte impacto em Macau. A política das autoridades governativas do Território, numa tentativa de encontrar uma resposta que salvaguardasse a presença portuguesa em Macau, passou por três vetores essenciais, muito marcados pela visão/ação dos diferentes governadores envolvidos.O primeiro vetor corresponde à opção pela neutralidade durante as Guerras do Ópio, em 1839-42 (sob a governação de Adrião Acácio da Silveira Pinto) e em 1856-60 (durante a governação de Isidoro Francisco Guimarães), e durante a revolta Taiping, entre 1850 e 1864 (sob o governo de Isidoro Francisco Guima-rães). O segundo centra-se na necessidade de renegociar a fórmula de relaciona-mento luso-chinês em torno da questão de Macau (governos de Silveira Pinto e de João Maria Ferreira do Amaral). O terceiro vetor diz respeito à afirmação político-diplomática de Portugal no continente asiático, através da assinatura de tratados com o Sião, o Japão e a China (Isidoro Francisco Guimarães).1917 Cf. Julia Lovell, The Opium War, London, Picador, 2011, pp. 17-38 e Gerald S. Graham, The China Station. War and Diplomacy. 1830-1860. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1978, pp. 199-229.18 Cf. Luís Filipe Barreto, Ibidem, pp. 55-64.19 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, Sob o Signo da Transição. Macau no Século xix, Macau, IPOR, 1998, pp. 79-89; 141-159.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 194 8/7/17 3:53 PM
195Com a opção por uma neutralidade não equidistante, quer no que se refere aos conflitos externos em que a China foi envolvida, quer no que concerne às revoltas internas que abalaram o poder imperial, Silveira Pinto pretendia reduzir a influência da aliada britânica em terras da China e, simultaneamente, privilegiar a posição do Império da China no conflito, o que deu origem a graves reclamações britânicas para Londres e Lisboa.20Prevendo-se um novo desenho no mapa das relações políticas externas chinesas, Macau tentou assegurar, numa primeira fase, o seu velho estatuto de interlocutor privilegiado com a China. Depois da assinatura do tratado de Nanquim, ficando mais clara a inevitabilidade das mudanças que o desfecho da guerra sino-britânica anunciara, abriu-se uma segunda fase, de negociação, protagonizada por Silveira Pinto ainda governador e, depois pelo Governador José Gregório Pegado, que assumiu também o cargo de Conselheiro da Coroa portuguesa. Após um debate intenso sobre as possíveis repercussões do tratado de Nanquim e da presença britânica em Hong Kong a partir de 1842, a elite governativa da cidade elaborou um documento, datado de 29 de julho de 1843, com nove arti-gos, nos quais se resumiam as condições necessárias para garantir a sobrevivência do pavilhão português em Macau,21 que foi remetido às autoridades de Cantão:O Leal Senado de Macau, presidido pelo seu Governador, havendo já tido a honra de felicitar a V. Exa pela sua boa chegada à Capital desta Província, deputa agora o intérprete da Língua Sínica deste Leal Senado para ter a honra de apresentar a V. Exa esta sua Representação contra os males que já sofre este Estabelecimento e que quiçá ainda virão a aumentar-se se as suas vozes não forem por V. Exa benignamente acolhidas. Contudo este Leal Senado confia de tal modo em a sabedoria, retidão, e justiça de V. Exa que não entretém dúvida alguma sobre o bom êxito da sua Representação, e é por estes ponderosos motivos que este Leal Senado dirige a V. Exa estas suas reclamações que julga firmados em justiça e de necessidade a bem do Povo Português, deste Povo que por mais de 300 anos se tem conservado constantemente amigo fiel do Império Chinês, e que não pequenas provas lhe tem dado da sua inteira dedicação. Compulsem-se os arquivos e aí se encontrará a prova autêntica do que este Leal Senado acaba de avançar, porquanto em casos arriscados o Imperador via sempre aos Portu-gueses, ajudando os Chinas, sacrificando-lhe os seus meios e até as suas vidas, e concorrendo não pouco para o restabelecimento da paz e da glória do Império.2220 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, Macau e a I Guerra do Ópio, pp. 34-59.21 Cf. Idem, Sob o Signo da Transição. Macau no Século xix, pp. 53-65.22 Representação do Leal Senado ao comissário imperial de 17 de julho de 1843. Anexo ao ofício Nº 304 de 31 de julho de 1843, do Governador Adrião Acácio da Silveira Pinto para o Ministro e China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 195 8/7/17 3:53 PM
196Este documento servirá de base às negociações que se prolongaram pelos anos de 1843 e 1844, envolvendo Silveira Pinto e o Alto-comissário Imperial Qi Ying. Embora com resultados limitados, este processo negocial ainda se realizou no quadro político que existiu em Macau até à I Guerra do Ópio. Foi necessário esperar por Ferreira do Amaral, com a “instrução” de Macau ser “um Estabelecimento a refundir e criar de novo inteiramente”,23 para que se ensaiasse uma rutura, tentando ajustar o diálogo luso-chinês ao novo contexto internacional.Na década que se seguiu, sob a governação de Isidoro Francisco Guimarães, foi possível alcançar um novo equilíbrio no diálogo luso-chinês, mantendo-se o novo padrão no relacionamento Macau/Cantão no que dizia respeito à governação da cidade, herdado das medidas tomadas por Ferreira do Amaral, mas recuperando um discurso e uma prática política pautados pela reaproximação às posições da China no novo cenário regional.A busca deste reequilíbrio no diálogo luso-chinês concretizou-se, sentindo-se já a influência direta de uma nova ordem internacional, política e económica, que muito rapidamente se instalou na Ásia Oriental, sob a liderança da Grã-Bretanha. Aliada de Portugal na Europa, rival na Ásia, a presença britânica na China passou a constituir um condicionalismo direto sobre a realidade política, económica e social de Macau, quer pela influência económica de Hong Kong, quer pela influência política sobre as autoridades imperiais chinesas. A presença de Sir Robert Hart como Inspetor Geral das Alfândegas Marítimas Chinesas entre 1863 e 1911 é disso um bom exemplo.Face ao fracasso das negociações entre Silveira Pinto e Qi Ying, a estraté-gia político-diplomática seguida por Isidoro Guimarães passou a centrar-se na necessidade de estabelecer com a China um tratado que lhe oferecesse as mesmas vantagens que já haviam sido concedidas a outras potências ocidentais. A singu-laridade da “questão de Macau” e o novo contexto internacional inviabilizaram a conclusão desse tratado, assinado em 1862, protelando a sua concretização para 1887.24Mas Isidoro Guimarães pretendeu ir mais longe, não confinando a sua ação política e diplomática à China, mas alargando-a ao Sião (tratado de 1858) e ao Japão (tratado de 1860). Deste modo, o Governador tentava criar uma nova rede Secretário de Estado dos Negócios da Marinha e Ultramar. Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino. MACAU/ACL/SEMU/DGU/Série 005/Caixa 0011-1843.23 Instruções do ministro da Marinha e Ultramar para João Maria Ferreira do Amaral, de 20.1.1846 (AHU, Livros de registo da correspondência expedida para Macau, livro 3º, fls. 81v-87) in Teresa Lopes da Silva, Transição de Macau para a Modernidade (1841-1853). Ferreira do Amaral e a Construção da Soberania Portuguesa, Lisboa, Fundação Oriente, 2002, p. 345.24 Aconselha-se a leitura do livro de António de Vasconcelos de Saldanha, O Tratado Impossível. Um Exercício de Diplomacia Luso-Chinesa num Contexto Internacional em Mudança (1842-1887), Lisboa, Instituto Diplomático/Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros, 2006.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 196 8/7/17 3:53 PM
197de relações, em parte ressuscitando laços antigos que se haviam diluído, como forma de afirmar Portugal no novo contexto regional que passou a influenciar a vida política e económica de Macau.25Ópio e tratados continuaram a caminhar lado a lado, no diálogo luso-chi nês, até meados do século XX. Consideramos que a necessidade de garantir a cooperação “com a China na cobrança do rendimento do ópio em Macau”,26 tal como foi con-signado no Protocolo de Lisboa assinado em março de 1887, foi a chave que abriu a porta para que o “tratado impossível” de 1862, fosse viável em dezembro de 1887.Do mesmo modo, o primeiro quartel do século XX ficou marcado pela interna-cionalização da questão do ópio, iniciado com a Conferência de Xangai de 1909. Nesta questão central para o Território, as negociações foram conduzidas no quadro de conferências internacionais, uma realidade singular para uma China que sempre privi-legiou os contactos bilaterais para resolver os problemas de ordem internacional em que estivesse envolvida. Seguiu-se a Convenção de Haia (1912); o acordo luso-britânico sobre os exclusivos do ópio em Macau e Hong Kong de 1913, que viria a condicionar a posição de Portugal e Macau nas negociações internacionais que se seguiram; as convenções de Genebra em 1924 e 1925; a conferência de Banguecoque em 1931.27A “questão do ópio” e o envolvimento político e diplomático de Portugal, em função dos interesses de Macau no comércio desta substância, são o exemplo da complexificação das relações internacionais, numa trama de interinfluências com fortes repercussões em Macau, obrigando o Território a adaptar as suas estruturas financeiras e económicas, e a sua ordem jurídica.A derradeira fase desta continuidade histórica ocorreu já em pleno processo de globalização mundial, tal como hoje a reconhecemos. A década de 1980 abriu um novo capítulo no relacionamento externo da China. O primeiro passo foi dado em fevereiro de 1972 com a concretização da visita de Richard Nixon à China, tendo mantido estreitos contactos com Mao Zedong e, em especial, com Zhou Enlai.28As mutações internas ocorridas posteriormente na China, que conduziram à ascensão de Deng Xiaoping, aceleraram as mudanças no relacionamento da China com o Mundo e no novo papel que passou a ocupar no cenário internacional.2925 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, Sob o Signo da Transição. Macau no Século xix, pp. 141-150 e Alfre-do Gomes Dias, “Macau, Portugal e o Japão no Século xix. O tratado de 1860” in Revista de Cultura, 30, 2009, pp. 104-119.26 Protocolo de Lisboa de 26 de Março de 1887. Cf. António Vasconcelos de Saldanha, O Tra-tado Impossível, pp. 962-963.27 Sobre a temática da internacionalização da questão do ópio no primeiro quartel do século xx aconselha-se a leitura do livro de Alfredo Gomes Dias, Portugal, Macau e a Questão da Internaciona-lização do Ópio (1909-1925). Macau: Livros do Oriente, 2004.28 Cf. Michael Dillon, Ibidem, pp. 347-348.29 Jonathan Fenby, History of Modern China. The Fall and Rise of a Great Power. 1850-2008, London. Penguin, pp. 552-587 e Michael Dillon, Ibidem, pp. 355-369.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 197 8/7/17 3:53 PM
198A abertura do diálogo com a Grã-Bretanha de Margaret Thatcher em torno da questão de Hong Kong abriu também as negociações sobre a transferência da administração de Macau, facilitadas pela democratização de Portugal após 1974.30 Em 1987 foi assinada a declaração conjunta luso-chinesa e, em 1999, no dia 20 de dezembro, nasceu a Região Administrativa Especial de Macau.Com esta breve síntese se compreende como os séculos XIX e XX nos ofere-ceram um contínuo histórico, marcado por uma crescente complexidade no plano das relações internacionais que contextualizaram e influenciaram o Território e o relacionamento luso-chinês. Macau foi procurando as respostas possíveis, à escala local e regional, face às transformações que foram ocorrendo à escala nacional (China e Portugal) e à escala internacional. Se, como afirma Barreto, a “emergência de Macau, em 1555-1557, marca o nascimento de uma fórmula de acomodação”,31 esta foi assumindo novos contornos ao longo dos dois últimos séculos de admin-istração portuguesa, transformando-se na solução “local” para os problemas e desafios que os contextos globais foram colocando. Neste sentido, a “fórmula de acomodação”, para além de viabilizar a presença portuguesa no século xvi e xvii foi a praxis de uma estratégia política e sociocultural que ofereceu internamente a Macau o seu caráter de “globalidade”.3. Dimensão económica: integração de Macau no mercado mundialEm Macau, cidade portuária, o comércio foi-se mantendo no centro da atividade económica, embora assumindo características diferentes ao longo da sua história. Na transição para o século xx, o comércio de Macau e o movimento do seu porto conheceram também profundas mudanças, importando aqui equacionar (i) a evolução da atividade económica que se registou na segunda metade do século xix; (ii) as mudanças que ocorreram no hinterland do porto de Macau; (iii) e o papel da comunidade chinesa na atividade marítima e comercial da cidade. Deste modo, tentaremos identificar, na dimensão económica, os impactos da expansão da industrialização na realidade local/regional de Macau.Remetemos a apresentação exaustiva dos dados quantitativos para a consulta de outros trabalhos que se debruçaram sobre a evolução económica de Macau e da sua atividade portuária, nomeadamente os textos de Fernando Figueiredo.32 Limitaremos 30 Sobre o início do processo de transição aconselha-se a leitura do livro de Fernando Lima, Macau. As Duas Transições, Macau, Fundação Macau, 1999.31 Luís Filipe Barreto, Ibidem, p. 56.32 Cf. Fernando Figueiredo, “A Conjuntura Política: Depois de Hong Kong” in A. H. Oliveira Marques (Dir.), História dos Portugueses no Extremo Oriente (Vol. 3), Lisboa, Fundação Oriente, 2000, pp. 37-90 e Fernando Figueiredo, “Os Vectores da Economia” in A. H. Oliveira Marques (Dir.), Histó-ria dos Portugueses no Extremo Oriente (Vol. 3), Lisboa, Fundação Oriente, 2000, pp. 95-296.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 198 8/7/17 3:53 PM
199a nossa análise à apresentação das principais linhas de força da realidade económica de Macau ao longo das décadas de transição do século XIX para o século xx.A primeira grande medida centrou-se na transformação de Macau num porto franco pela execução do decreto de 20 de novembro de 1845, um passo que acalentava a esperança de poder competir com a franquia do porto de Hong Kong e que suscitou um grande debate na sociedade macaense entre os partidários e os opositores de tal opção. A segunda foi desencadeada por Isidoro Francisco Guima-rães através de uma outra reforma que condicionou o futuro de Macau: a prática de concessão de venda de bens em regime de exclusivo, nomeadamente, a carne e o ópio; a estes juntou-se, mais tarde, o jogo.33Assim, as mudanças que se verificaram após as Guerras do Ópio e com a abertura dos portos chineses ao comércio internacional tiveram como resposta as medidas reformistas levadas a cabo pela governação de macau entre 1846 e 1863, com reflexos nas estruturas económicas que, tradicionalmente, faziam parte da cidade.Por seu lado, o movimento comercial nas últimas décadas do século xix, depois de terminado o tráfico dos cules, estava cada vez mais dependente do tráfico do ópio, importado de Hong Kong, e depois reexportado para os portos chineses. Entre 1886 e 1903, o comércio do ópio representava, em média, mais de 30% da totalidade do comércio de Macau. No entanto, o peso dos rendimentos do ópio no financiamento do Território foi-se reduzindo, aumentando a influência da venda dos exclusivos, em particular do jogo. Em 1910, no ano seguinte à Conferência do Ópio de Xangai, no orçamento da Província, as receitas da venda dos exclusivos do jogo e lotarias representavam cerca de 51% do seu total. As receitas provenientes do exclusivo do ópio representavam apenas 12,6%.34No que se refere ao movimento das embarcações (de alto-bordo e juncos) no porto de Macau, a partir da década de 1860 e até ao final do século, a estrutura comercial-marítima foi ficando cada vez mais dependente das pequenas embar-cações que faziam uma navegação de cabotagem para os portos vizinhos. Tenden-cialmente, Cantão e Hong Kong passaram a ser, quase em exclusivo, os portos de ligação de Macau com as restantes regiões.Esta realidade introduziu mudanças no hinterland do porto de Macau que resultaram da nova conjuntura regional criada a partir da abertura dos portos chineses, refletindo a estagnação do movimento portuário e a redução da sua área de influência aos portos geograficamente mais próximos.33 Cf. Fernando Figueiredo, “Os Vectores da Economia” e Maria Teresa Lopes da Silva, Transição de Macau para a Modernidade (1841-1853). Ferreira do Amaral e a Construção da Soberania Portugue-sa, Lisboa, Fundação Oriente, 2002, 127-184.34 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, Portugal, Macau e a Internacionalização da Questão do Ópio (1909-1925), Macau, Livros do Oriente, 2004, pp. 48-56.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 199 8/7/17 3:53 PM
200Como ponto de partida encontramos a descrição sobre a situação comercial de Macau em 1845, feita pelo governador José Gregório Pegado (1843-1846): a área de influência do porto de Macau estendia-se a Manila, Goa e Estreitos; as fazendas permutadas pertenciam às casas chinesas (hong) estabelecidas em Macau; o ópio encontrava-se no centro do comércio do Estabelecimento, mas os grandes proveitos giravam ao seu lado, pois os comerciantes envolvidos utilizavam Macau como porto de abrigo, mas o essencial do tráfico fazia-se entre Calcutá/Bombaim e a China, com navios ingleses.(…) os rendimentos dela consistem nos direitos, que nela pagam as Fazen-das conduzidas em os nove navios que esta praça hoje possui, que são lotados, todos em duas mil cento cinquenta e duas toneladas, e que vão todos os anos uma só vez (excetuando um ou dois que só trazem arroz de Manila) aos estreitos e a Goa, cujas fazendas pertencem quase exclusivamente a casas de negócios Chinas, a que chamam Hãos, aqui estabelecidos; e naqueles direitos que os pequenos traficantes pagam pela introdução em Macau de algumas caixas de Ópio; porque os grandes, cujo número sobe a alguns catorze, nada despacham ou quase nada na Alfândega. O seu giro consiste unicamente em mandarem patacas para Calcutá, ou Bombaim, e ter o Ópio que elas produzem depositado nos seus navios com Bandeiras Inglesas fundeados na Taipa, de donde o vendem para qualquer parte (…)35As principais constatações encontram-se no crescimento significativo das ligações marítimas com os portos da China e com Hong Kong, fruto do aumento da intensificação dos fluxos de produtos e de pessoas com aquelas origens e desti-nos. O decréscimo dos navios de alto-bordo fez reduzir as ligações mais tradicio-nais, como era o caso da Índia e, em parte, do Sueste Asiático.36O porto de Macau, a principal infraestrutura do comércio que passava pela cidade, revelava-se obsoleto face aos avanços que se verificaram na navegação a longa distância com a generalização da navegação a vapor que exigia portos de águas mais profundas. O permanente assoreamento do delta do rio das Pérolas foi um fator que contrariou as medidas que a governação colonial foi tomando para reanimar o comércio de Macau, tentando ajustá-lo ao novo contexto político e económico. A franquia do porto ficou longe de dar os frutos que se esperavam. As obras, permanentemente reclamadas, foram sendo adiadas, só se iniciando nos 35 Ofício Nº 122, de 28 de agosto de 1845, do Governador José Gregório Pegado para o Mi-nistro e Secretário de Estado dos Negócios da Marinha e Ultramar. Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino. MACAU/ACL/SEMU/DGU/Série 005/Cx. 0013-1845.36 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, A Diáspora Macaense, pp. 80-95.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 200 8/7/17 3:53 PM
201finais de oitocentos. A invejável posição geográfica de Macau como porto de mar de Cantão, frequentemente apresentada como uma vantagem que merecia ser potencializada para o desenvolvimento do seu comércio, acabou por alimentar um sonho que nunca se concretizou.37 Portugal, com as suas energias civiliza-doras canalizadas para África, mantinha-se distante, não só em termos espaciais, mas principalmente pela ausência de estratégias que projetassem Macau na Ásia Oriental, no Sueste Asiático ou na sua transformação num polo que dinamizasse o comércio entre Portugal e a China.38 A dificuldade em colocar Macau no mapa do movimento comercial desta região do extremo asiático resulta, princi-palmente, das limitações impostas, quer pela fragilidade política e económica da potência europeia que a tutelava (Portugal), quer pelo novo contexto económico que se foi erguendo com o processo de expansão da bandeira do livre comércio, essencial à afirmação do capitalismo industrial no mundo, em benefício das grandes potências.Neste contexto de estagnação e de “localização”, um outro fenómeno é digno de nota: a ascensão económica e social de setores da comunidade chinesa, em detrimento das outras comunidades presentes na cidade, nomeadamente a portuguesa/macaense. Registando-se uma redução linear na atividade comercial, verificou-se, simultaneamente, o aumento do peso relativo dos juncos no total dos valores transacionados pelo porto de Macau. Por outro lado, confirma-se o crescimento da elite socioeconómica chinesa no tecido social do Território. Este quadro de mudança estrutural da economia e da sociedade de Macau pode ser apontado como causa e consequência da transferência de milhares de macaenses para os novos centros do comércio internacional da China, um autêntico “êxodo”, nas palavras de Montalto de Jesus, sobre o qual falaremos no ponto seguinte.39 “Nos séculos xvi e xvii, a China é o grande polo demográfico do planeta, com cerca de 180 a 230 milhões de habitantes, a primeira economia mundial com um produto interno bruto manufactureiro apenas superado pela Europa nos inícios do século xix, com uma moeda padrão internacional no Nanyang e na Ásia Oriental”.4037 A este propósito podem ser recuperadas as palavras de Carlos A. Montalto de Jesus, Macau Histórico, Macau, Livros do Oriente, 1990, pp. 306-311.38 Idem, Ibidem.39 “Os mercadores ‘hong’, como muitas firmas estrangeiras em Macau, acabaram por se mudar para Hong-Kong, seguindo-se um êxodo dos lojistas e trabalhadores que dependiam deles em Macau. Por fim, Hong-Kong começou a triunfar nos negócios, à custa da sangria de Macau. Uma grande depressão comercial instalou-se em Macau; deixaram de se fretar barcos portugueses; muitas casas e armazéns esvaziaram-se, e famílias outrora desafogadas foram sujeitas a privações cruéis. Foi para essa colónia que minara a prosperidade de Macau que emigraram os infelizes descendentes das outrora opulentas famílias” (Jesus, 1926/1990, p. 252).40 Luís Filipe Barreto, Ibidem, p. 58.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 201 8/7/17 3:53 PM
202Esta realidade explica a forte atração da Europa pelos “negócios da China”. No início do século xix, a atração pela China transforma-se no apelo à sua integração na lógica do capitalismo industrial, o que se traduz no exercício de uma forte influência político-militar e económica. Esta integração no mercado mundial dos Impérios Orientais, seguindo a ordem ditada pelo livre-câmbio, esforçou-se por reduzir o poder da grande potência dos séculos xvi e xvii a uma versão de terri-tório dependente da “Civilização Industrial”, a qual vai construindo e divulgando a imagem da “China imóvel, fechada, atrasada…”.41Vai ser preciso aguardar pelo último quartel do século xx, ao mesmo tempo que ocorreu o “big bang” do fenómeno hoje vulgarmente conhecido por “globalização”, para que a China de Deng Xiaoping, definindo o princípio “um país, dois siste-mas”, desencadeasse um conjunto de profundas transformações políticas internas, recolocando-se no centro do mapa-mundo económico e financeiro.42Na órbita deste movimento à escala global, Macau viu desaparecer o seu estatuto de intermediário privilegiado entre a Europa e a China. A localização da sua economia e do hinterland do seu porto colocou Macau numa nova escala do complexo sistema do mercado mundial, ensaiando novas soluções para a sua sobrevivência enquanto fenómeno singular de uma China milenar.A contrariar este processo de localização da realidade económica de Macau, no período de expansão do capitalismo industrial, vamos encontrar o alargamento da sua dimensão cultural em dois sentidos complementares: o primeiro afirmou a sociedade de Macau enquanto realidade plurinacional; o segundo criou uma rede transnacional protagonizada pelas famílias que optaram por participar na diás-pora macaense. 4. Dimensão sociocultural: as migraçõesAquilo que temos vindo a designar por globalidade de Macau, já analisada nas suas dimensões política e económica, do nosso ponto de vista, encontra na dimensão sociocultural o seu pilar mais estruturante porque dela resulta a especifi-cidade histórico-geográfica do Território. Dito de outro modo, Macau é uma cidade portuária que, pela sua localização geográfica e tendo em conta a sua origem histórica, assumiu singularidades que resultam, em grande medida, dos movimen-tos migratórios que convergiram para a cidade ao longo de quatro séculos e meio. Ponte entre civilizações, Macau foi também ponto de encontro/desencontro entre 41 Idem, Ibidem, p. 58.42 Cf. Ezra F. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China. London, Belknap Harvard, 2011, pp. 423-449.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 202 8/7/17 3:53 PM
203diferentes formas de pensar, de estar, de saber e de exercício do poder, substan-ciadas nas pessoas que chegavam, partiam e ficavam na cidade através dos fluxos migratórios que por ela passavam.43Se do ponto de vista demográfico, a população chinesa se apresentou sempre como a maioria esmagadora, reconhecemos hoje que os conceitos de minorias e maiorias étnico-culturais não correspondem diretamente a um valor quantita-tivo, mas ao espaço social que ocupam numa determinada sociedade.44 Assim, a maioria demográfica da população chinesa e o peso ideológico e social das suas diferentes elites são equilibrados pelo peso civilizacional das minorias que se foram fixando na cidade, oriundas da Europa ou de outros pontos dispersos pela Ásia. Deste modo, a globalidade de Macau afirma-se, ao nível da sua composição social, pelo seu carácter multiétnico e plurinacional. Muitas vezes apresentada como uma cidade fragmentada, “chinesa” e “cristã”, é nas zonas “cinzentas” que se foi acomodando e das quais resultaram fenómenos de interculturalidade, entre os quais pensamos ser digno de salientar a formação da comunidade macaense.Por outro lado, esta globalidade passa também pela integração de Macau nos fluxos migratórios que caracterizaram o sistema migratório internacional nas suas diferentes fases, em particular os migrantes que saíam da Europa com o fim de partilhar crenças e saberes ou com o objetivo de alcançar riquezas e glórias. Outros, particularmente relevantes na construção de Macau, tinham origens mais próximas, no continente asiático, aproveitando os circuitos comerciais tradicionais por onde circularam muitos luso-asiáticos.Em síntese, a sua diversidade local resultou de processos de mudança em larga escala que promoveram a inter-relação entre as diferentes partes do mundo e que, por condicionalismos espaciais, temporais e relacionais ofereceram a Macau uma realidade complexa de pluriculturalidade.Ao longo dos séculos xix e xx, esta realidade manteve-se, observando-se a entrada e saída de migrantes da cidade em função dos circuitos que faziam parte do sistema migratório internacional, nesta época vivendo uma nova fase de expansão graças aos avanços tecnológicos, de transporte e comunicação. O caso mais paradigmático ocorreu com a emigração dos cules para as Américas a partir de meados do século xix, como forma de compensar a progressiva estagnação do tráfico de escravos transatlântico, dando origem ao que hoje se designa de “diáspora 43 Cf. Alfredo Gomes Dias, A Diáspora Macaense. Macau, Hong Kong Xangai (1850-1952), pp. 102-132.44 Cf. Dipesh Chakrabarty, Identidade e violência. Para uma análise crítica de Amartya Sen, in A. Ribeiro, Podemos viver sem o outro? As possibilidades e os limites da interculturalidade, Lisboa, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Tinta-da-China, 2008, pp. 39-53.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 203 8/7/17 3:53 PM
204chinesa” com o embarque de milhares de migrantes chineses para além dos lim-ites geográficos tradicionais centrados na Ásia Oriental e no Sueste Asiático.45Esta mobilidade da população aumentou os níveis de interinfluência cultural ao longo dos dois últimos séculos, favorecendo a criação de territórios marcados pela diversidade cultural, embora mantendo lógicas de vizinhança fragmentadas. No caso de Macau, as populações que se foram fixando deram origem a interfaces de convívio multicultural, alargando-se progressivamente o caráter plurinacional da sua sociedade.Analisando os dados dos censos realizados no Território, entre meados do século xix e meados do século xx, constata-se um crescimento constante do número de migrantes estrangeiros,46 assim como um aumento do número de nacionalidades (Tabela 1). Tabela 1 — População Estrangeira em Macau (1867-1950)Anos Nº de residentes Tx Var.Nº de nacio nalidades Tx Var.1867 65 9 1878 78 20,0 8 -11,11896 161 106,4 14 75,01910 244 51,6 18 28,61920 361 48,0 15 -16,71950 601 66,5 35 133,3Fonte: Recenseamentos de 1878, 1896, 1910, 1920 e 1950. Cálculos do autor. In Alfredo Gomes Dias, A Diáspora Macaense. Macau, Hong Kong Xangai (1850-1952), p. 106.Se, no que diz respeito ao número de estrangeiros residentes, o crescimento é constante ao longo de todo este período, no que concerne ao número de nacio-nalidades observa-se um ligeiro crescimento até ao primeiro quartel de novecentos, com um aumento muito significativo no período intercensitário 1920-1950, ao que não deve ser estanho o papel desempenhado de Macau como porto de abrigo durante a segunda Guerra Mundial. Mas a variedade de origens não pode ser só identificada nos estrangeiros, con-tribuindo também para a realidade cultural de Macau a diversidade de origens da 45 Cf. Emmanuel Ma Mung, La Diaspora Chinoise. Géographie d’une Migration, Paris, Ed. Gé-ophrys, 2000, pp. 19-33.46 “Estrangeiros”, tal como se definiam nos censos realizados no território, que abrangiam todas as nacionalidades, excluindo os portugueses naturais da metrópole europeia ou das possessões ultra-marinas, os macaenses (filhos da terra) e os chineses.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 204 8/7/17 3:53 PM
205população chinesa, facilmente observada no censo de 1867 (Fig. 1). O facto mais relevante diz respeito à baixa percentagem de chineses naturais de Macau (cerca de 10%). Sendo uma população importada, não é de estranhar que sejam maioritari-amente naturais de Guangdong.Fig. 1 — Origens da população chinesa de Macau (1867)Mapa do autor. In Alfredo Gomes Dias, A Diáspora Macaense. Macau, Hong Kong Xangai (1850-1952).No entanto, para além dos números que nos ajudam a caracterizar a população chinesa de Macau, é importante conhecer as razões que estão por detrás desta realidade e que o próprio relatório sobre o recenseamento de 1867, elaborado por Castro Sampaio, nos adianta. Neste trabalho relaciona-se a baixa percentagem de chineses naturais de Macau, com os movimentos migratórios que ocorriam naquela época no sul da China:Em presença desta relação, é notável a exiguidade do numero de chins naturais de Macau, comparativamente com a totalidade dos habitantes chine-ses. A razão porém é que na atualidade muitos chins naturais de Macau não habitam nesta terra: consta-me que se acham principalmente em Cantão, nas colónias britânicas de Hong Kong e Singapura, e em algumas ilhas da Malásia (Relatórios da repartição de estatística de Macau, 1868, pp. 17-18).Isto é, para além do aumento da imigração chinesa em Macau registava-se também a emigração dos chineses naturais do Território para outros destinos, perpetuando a cidade como ponto de chegada e de partida de diversos movimentos migratórios.Esta diversidade de origens, europeias e asiáticas, constitui o quadro de fundo em que se forjou uma nova comunidade portadora de uma identidade étnico--cultural diferenciada: a comunidade macaense.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 205 8/7/17 3:53 PM
206Podemos hoje avançar que esta comunidade, ao longo de mais de 400 anos, se formou no cruzamento de dois movimentos migratórios complementares: um, constituído pelos fluxos de migrantes que convergiram para Macau durante todo esse período; e outro, que resulta do movimento de dispersão que se realizou no processo migratório dos macaenses depois de 1842.No que diz respeito ao primeiro movimento, é particularmente interessante analisar os principais territórios de origem das famílias macaenses, tendo por base o trabalho de Jorge Forjaz, Famílias Macaenses. Naqueles territórios se reconhecem as relações históricas desses territórios com a cidade de Macau, não só no que se refere aos espaços que incluem Portugal e os seus territórios de além-mar, mas também os de outros territórios europeus e asiáticos com quem a cidade foi mantendo fortes relações políticas e económicas (Fig. 2).Assim, podemos constatar que Macau foi um ponto de convergência de dife-rentes realidades migratórias: uns, vindos dos territórios nacionais das potências europeias colonizadoras, como Portugal, Inglaterra, França e Holanda; outros, vindos de outros espaços do mundo colonial português, como o Estado da Índia (Goa, Damão e Diu) e o Brasil; outros, ainda, de territórios que tradicionalmente sempre estiveram incluídos nas rotas comerciais onde Macau se encontrava inserida — Tailândia (Sião) e Filipinas. O segundo movimento, divergente a partir de Macau, é o resultado da diáspora macaense e dos processos de integração nas sociedades de acolhimento onde se fixaram, protagonizados pelas famílias macaenses.Analisando os locais de nascimento dos migrantes macaenses ao longo dos séculos xix e xx podemos identificar dois tipos de territórios que decidimos designar por “territórios centrais” e “territórios periféricos” da diáspora, em função do número de nascimentos identificados em cada um, o que nos pode dar um indicador da intensidade das relações que se mantiveram com a comunidade de origem (Fig. 3).Os territórios centrais de origem da diáspora macaense representam não só o núcleo geográfico a partir do qual se processou a difusão espacial, mas também a influência de todos os movimentos migratórios que, numa determinada época, circunscritos a um contexto histórico, se cruzaram com a emigração das famílias macaenses. Assim, a partir do seu centro difusor representado por Macau e Hong Kong, mas ao qual podemos associar Xangai, podem ser desenhados os diferentes conjuntos de territórios que correspondem a áreas distintas de influência sociocul-tural da diáspora macaense.No seu conjunto, identificamos três núcleos centrais: (I) Macau, Hong Kong e Xangai; (II) outras cidades chinesas e Portugal; (III) Ilhas Britânicas, Filipinas e Japão. Estes três primeiros níveis de territórios onde se verificam os maiores números de nascimentos dos migrantes das famílias macaenses reafirmam (i) o núcleo de origem da diáspora formado por Macau, Hong Kong e Xangai, (ii) China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 206 8/7/17 3:53 PM
207Fig. 2 — Principais territórios de origem de imigrantes em Macau (antes do século xix)Mapa do autor. In Alfredo Gomes Dias, A Diáspora Macaense. Macau, Hong Kong Xangai (1850-1952), p. 210.Fig. 3 — Níveis de influência: territórios da diáspora macaense (Séc. xix e xx) de acordo com os locais de nascimento Mapa do autor. In Alfredo Gomes Dias, A Diáspora Macaense. Macau, Hong Kong Xangai (1850-1952), p. 210.a concentração das origens e dos destinos da emigração macaense seguindo as duas lógicas mais comuns nos fenómenos migratórios: uma, que respeita a proximidade geográfica (China, Filipinas, Japão); outra, que resulta dos laços históricos da época colonial (Portugal e Ilhas Britânicas); (iii) a dispersão por outros continentes: América (EUA, Brasil, Peru, México e Canadá) e África (Moçambique e Angola). A escolha de alguns destes últimos destinos obedece às lógicas atrás enunciadas: a presença no Brasil, Angola e Moçambique justifica-se pela proximidade histórica e cultural destes diferentes territórios no mundo colonial português; a fixação das comunidades macaenses nos EUA e no Canadá traduz a atração por territórios caracterizados por um forte dinamismo no sistema económico internacional.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 207 8/7/17 3:53 PM
208Os Territórios Periféricos da Diáspora Macaense resultam da proposta de incluir, no conceito de diáspora macaense, os movimentos migratórios que convergiram para Macau ou se cruzaram com as famílias macaenses num qualquer território da diáspora. Apesar da fraca intensidade das relações que, eventualmente, mantiveram em toda a rede interterritorial da diáspora, o número elevado de territórios e a forma como se distribuem pelo mundo ofereceram à diáspora macaense uma nova dimensão espacial, além de ilustrarem a diversidade cultural que esteve na origem e na formação das comunidades macaenses.Seguindo um dos traços característicos das realidades diaspóricas, foram as redes sociais, assentes fundamentalmente nos diferentes núcleos familiares, que desem pe nharam esta função social de dar suporte a um processo migratório que se prolongou por várias gerações e dispersou por dezenas de territórios em todo o mundo.Sendo esta uma característica importante da migração dos macaenses, as redes sociais constituídas pagam um forte tributo ao quadro sociocultural de uma comu-nidade formada num exíguo território desde meados do século xvi, mas social-mente rico, pela sua diversidade, para promover a formação de uma comunidade étnica portadora de uma identidade cultural herdada de um secular processo de miscigenação humana e de hibridismo cultural.A compreensão desta realidade social que caracteriza os macaenses passa pelo reconhecimento de que a matriz cultural de uma sociedade é dinâmica, não obstante poderem identificar-se os elementos que lhes conferem singularidade. Assim, genericamente, podemos adotar o conceito de cultura como uma totali-dade que reúne um conjunto de elementos, entre os quais podemos destacar os conhecimentos, as crenças, a arte, a moral, os costumes e as capacidades adquiridos pelo homem enquanto ser social. Todavia, estes elementos devem ser contextua-lizados nos movimentos de transformação cultural inerentes a todas as sociedades humanas. Foi no caldo deste dinamismo sociocultural que se forjou a comunidade macaense, um grupo com uma identidade étnica, entendida na sua singularidade, pela qual é reconhecida pelos outros como diferente, vendo-se, também, a si própria, como diferente.Notas finaisO estudo de “Macau Global” implica uma análise pluridimensional que permita compreender a relação dialética entre as abordagens da macro e da micro-análise.A globalidade de um território revê-se na existência de um mundo complexo de múltiplas interinfluências, com o qual mantém proximidades e distâncias em função das relações políticas, económicas e socioculturais que estabelece. Por outro China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 208 8/7/17 3:53 PM
209lado, importa reconhecer o tempo e o modo como estas relações são absorvidas pelo “local”, as mudanças que provocam, as diversidades que criam e as redes sociais que geram no seu seio. Ao longo dos séculos xix e xx, a globalidade de Macau deve ser contextua-lizada no processo de expansão do capitalismo industrial que se estendeu até à Ásia Oriental, provocando profundas mudanças nesta região e dando origem a fenómenos socioculturais de resposta às novas influências que foram surgindo no seu contínuo devir histórico.Hoje, Macau e o Mundo vivem um novo contexto, fruto da globalização que inaugurou a fase do capitalismo informacional. Talvez ainda seja cedo para realizar uma análise mais profunda dos impactos desta nova realidade global em Macau. Mas são já conhecidas as mudanças que foram ocorrendo na Europa e na China nas décadas de viragem para o século xxi.Analisada nas suas três principais dimensões — política, económica e sociocul-tural –, a globalidade de Macau reconhece-se hoje pela sua integração num espaço nacional já firmado neste mundo global. Por outro lado, no seio desde gigante civilizacional (a China), que mantém em marcha um processo de recuperação da centralidade que se desvaneceu nos dois últimos séculos, emergiu uma cidade talhada na sua pluriculturalidade. No seio desta, foi-se construindo a comunidade macaense, herdeira deste quadro de diversidade cultural e enriquecida pelos proces-sos de integração nas sociedades de acolhimento ao longo dos diferentes itinerários migratórios percorridos pelas suas famílias nos séculos xix e xx.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 209 8/7/17 3:53 PM
210GLOBALIZAÇÃO E VAZIOS INSTITUCIONAIS (INSTITUTIONAL VOIDS) — A POLÍTICA DA CHINA EM ÁFRICAJosé Manuel Duarte de JesusQuando falamos em Globalização, temos sempre a ideia de que nos estamos a referir a algo que carateriza a nossa época — a nossa circunstância.É humanamente normal. Sempre tendemos a pensar que nós e a nossa circuns-tância histórico-geográfica constitui o ponto focal do acontecer — a única janela de onde desfrutamos a melhor vista do que nos rodeia e do que somos.É necessário um esforço intelectual para procurar, na medida das nossas possibilidades, ultrapassar o melhor que sabemos essa barreira, que considero o principal mal ou causa dos grandes males que nos continuam a devastar mental, social e politicamente.Desde os Neandertalenses aos Homosapiens, que a evolução se fez por peque-nas, médias ou grandes “globalizações”. Isto acontece há 200 milhões de anos.A geografia, as suas mudanças, as tecnologias e as suas transformações vão determinando graus e tempos diversos de “globalizações”. A aventura passa pelos grupos, — clãs ou tribos — nações, estados, regiões, etc. Nesta corrida vão apa-recendo fenómenos a que chamamos crenças, religiões, culturas, civilizações, que ora se diferenciam e afastam, ora se aglutinam e, por vezes desaparecem, mas que no mundo de hoje tomam uma dimensão planetária.O que a Globalização tem de novo hoje é o facto de introduzir o chamado “tempo real”, ou seja o que se produz num ponto do globo tem consequências imediatas na quase totalidade da humanidade. E como diz Kissinger:”A crise parece endémica ao novo sistema global económico” e torna-se sistémica, o que é mais grave e para continuar a citar Kissinger isto “conduz aos proverbiais velhos generais que aprenderam os erros da última guerra mas são incapazes de antever os da futura”.1Portugal foi um dos países — diria o primeiro — que a partir do sec. xiv e xv lançou a maior globalização geográfica, económica e política da época moderna, 1 Henry Kissinger, “Does America Need a Foreign Policy?”, Simon & Shuster, 2001China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 210 8/7/17 3:53 PM
211começando em África, passando pelo Médio Oriente e continuando pela Índia, Ásia até ao Japão e Américas.Proponho-me, neste papel, tecer algumas considerações e refletir sobre a África, a nossa passagem por alguns pontos daquele continente, basear-me também nal-gumas experiências pessoais vividas enquanto desempenhei funções diplomáticas em 5 desses países e tirar algumas conclusões sobre o que chamo “vazios institu-cionais”, que lá deixámos. Claro que se trata de um fenómeno histórico, comum a muitos outros países ocidentais que nos sucederam naquelas paragens, além de outros vazios anteriores originados em conquistas e submissões de algumas nações africanas entre si.Tenho total consciência que estes “vazios institucionais” aconteceram noutras regiões do globo, sob formas diversas, mas resolvi limitar esta reflexão a um Con-tinente somente.Ao fazer esta análise, tenho também consciência de que não me proponho fazer a História da África, mas somente dar alguns exemplos limitados e a que Portugal esteve mais ou menos ligado.Desde logo, julgo interessante sublinhar que há um verdadeiro problema de fontes escritas sobre as épocas mais remotas de certos Impérios ou Nações africanas antigas, mas, para além das fontes orais, que estão a ser mais recentemente estu-dadas, há fontes escritas, para além das de Ibn Khaldun e Ibn Battuta, e a maioria são portuguesas. Também julgo oportuno tecer algumas considerações sobre as consequências a longo prazo que daí resultaram, os seus aproveitamentos depois da II Guerra Mundial, no contexto da Guerra-fria, e terminar procurando elaborar uma análise sobre o recente papel da China face a estes países.* * *Como meros exemplos, um pouco escolhidos sem um critério fixo, citaria os Reinos do Mali, do Benin, de Oyo, as nações do litoral guineense e particularmente o Mbanza Kongo — o Reino do Kongo.Os mandingas (Mandenka) dispersos no seu habitat original, estão na origem do chamado Império do Ghana, cujo apogeo foi no sec. xi, e cuja capital, Kumbi, foi conquistada pelos Almohades, em 1076.2 Depois de lutas entre vários povos da região, surge Sunjata Keita, a personagem — considerada mítica durante algum tempo — que foi o pai-fundador do Império Mali, depois da batalha de Kirina. Veio a conquistar a Casamance e a Guine Bissau.2 Ver, Niane, D.T. Obras sobre o Imperio Mali e os Mandingas (1960 e 1975)China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 211 8/7/17 3:53 PM
212Refiro estes factos, pois ele foi o iniciador de uma “legitimidade” dinástica e socio-política ainda hoje visível nos costumes locais. Segundo a tradição oral, muito estudada nos nossos dias, formou a “Grande Assembleia”, em Kurukanfuga, que como diz Niane, funcionou como uma verdadeira Assembleia Constituinte. Vem a legitimar a sucessão dinástica na linhagem direta de Sunjata Keita, embora a sua primeira mulher devesse descender do clan Konde, em homenagem à mãe de Sunjata e determina a formação de 16 clans de “homens livres” etc. Foi ele que teria dividido o seu reino em duas regiões militares e situado a capital em Niani.3.As várias dinastias, hoje conhecidas, foram islamisadas e no reino de Mansa Musa, sec. xiv, conhecem-se funções ministeriais e governos regionais das pro-víncias. A sua economia era brilhante, baseada no comércio do ouro — principal produtor do Mundo Antigo —, sal, cobre e cola.O Império do Mali, desfez-se face aos ataques berberes do Oeste e à ingerência portuguesa.Deixo aqui este caso, em termos muito esquemáticos, como exemplo da criação de um ou vários vazios institucionais que vieram a ser criados naquela região.4Como o caso do Reino do Mali, poderiamos invocar o Reino Songhai que desde o sec. xii se veio a consolidar num Reino que se tornou importante no sec. xv e vários reinos que se estabeleceram nas margens do Niger. Graças aos estudos de B.Hama e A.W. Pardo conhece-se hoje bastante as formas de Monarquia, de Governo5, de Costumes e de Religião.Eis outros vazios histórico-institucionais que cobrem aquelas regiões, somente estudados pelos historiadores e homens de cultura, que se dedicam a estas matérias, mas sucessivamente ignorados pelos políticos, que se ocuparam com a administra-ção daquelas regiões esquecidas.Podemos referir, igualmente, como outro exemplo, as populações ribeirinhas da região da “Guiné”, região que assim designamos, como Yves Person, e que se estende da foz da Gambia ao delta do Niger. Esta civilização sudano-saheliana, onde encontramos fundamentalmente os Manden, constituíu-se a partir dos secs. viii e ix.Mais uma vez, os portugueses foram quem mais fontes verbais deixaram sobre esta região, que percorreram na segunda metade do sec. xv. Estas populações, dada a sua agricultura e situação geográfica, alimentaram um forte comércio externo. Nelas, sob formas um pouco diferenciadas, a grande divindade era Kru e praticavam um complexo culto dos mortos com embalsamamento prévio. Em 3 So em 1920 as ruinas de Niani foram identificadas e desde então a arqueologia tem-se dedicado ao seu estudo4 Sobre muitos destes factos se referem as fontes portuguesas “Esmeraldo de situ orbis” de Duarte Pacheco Pereira e “Tratado breve dos rios da Guiné” de Andre Alvares de Almada. 5 Kodjo, N.G.,Ishaq II et la fin de l´Empire Songhai» 1971China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 212 8/7/17 3:53 PM
213vez de um Estado estruturado, a sociedade constituiu-se através de “chefferies ou lignages unis par une communauté de cultures”.6 Foram mais uma Nação do que um Estado. Deixaram magníficas esculturas em marfim, algumas, figurando “guerreiros portugueses”.7O caso do Reino do Benin é mais uma ilustração do que desejávamos apontar.Sabemos que o Reino do Benin e de Oyo, faziam parte de uma série de pequenos grupos de língua Yoruba e que segundo as tradições orais, mais ou menos lendárias, têm as suas origens em Ife e descenderiam do mítico Oduduwa, do Ife. Os seus netos Owu, Ketu, Benim, Illa, Sabe, Popo e Oyo encabeçaram pequenos “reinos”.Oyo tornou-se um Estado organizado, assim como Benim e foi o primeiro visitado pelos portugueses. Deve-se ter constituído como Estado a partir do sec. xii. Mais tarde o monarca Eware reconstruiu uma magnífica capital, Edo, com uma grande avenida que separava o palácio real das habitações dos seus súbditos. Foi, então, organizada uma ordem social e política. A arte do Benim tem caraterísticas únicas desde os mais remotos tempos. Embora grande parte tenha sido destruída por tropas inglesas, o estudioso alemão, Leo Frobenius, conseguiu inventariar muitas obras, tanto em bronze como em cerâmica. No dizer dos historiadores de arte, trata-se da arte africana mais evoluída e mais contextualisada dos pontos de vista histórico e sociológico8. Deve referir-se que se encontraram obras de arte de Ife do sec.V aC.Certo é que quando os ocidentais, designadamente os portugueses, la chegaram, Oyo e Benim eram Estados bem estruturados e fortes, com instituições, tecnologia e uma liturgia religiosa bem definida. Possuiam um comércio externo bem organi-zado, de marfim, pimenta e escravos, no dizer de Allan Frederick e Charles Ryder.O desmantelamento destas redes sociais, políticas e económicas seguiram-se nos séculos seguintes, vindo a criar novos vazios institucionais.Mas passemos agora mais para o Sul, para o Reino do Kongo, onde as relações com Portugal foram mais estreitas.Naquela região, parece que os Reinos Luba e Lunda teriam precedido o Reino do Kongo e tinham uma constituição paradigmática diferente dos Songye. A partir de Chefes clânicos — os Pende — todos de línguagens bantus, formou-se o Reino Kongo, uma vez que Lukeni Nimi atravessou o rio e conquistou a ”Chefferie” Ambundu de Mbanza Kongo. Interessante sublinhar, que segundo Jan Vansina, todos os cargos eram de linhagem matriarcal.6 Yves Person, in “Les Peuples côtiers — premiers contacts avec les portugais — de la Casamance aux lagunes ivoiriennes «Cap XII, Histoire Generale de l´Afrique, vol IV, UNESCO.7 Afro-Portuguese Ivories, de William Fagg, Londres.8 Vide as obras de Fagg B.E.B.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 213 8/7/17 3:53 PM
214Por volta de 1483, o Reinado compreenderia seis províncias. O Rei dispunha de um corpo administrativo, de um Vice-rei, um juíz, um cobrador de impostos com tesoureiros, uma polícia, etc. A sociedade compreendia três classes sociais: uma aristocracia, homens livres e escravos.Desde logo é interessante notar que, segundo documentos dos sec. xvi e xvii, ao norte do rio Zaire vivia um Chefe de nome Nimi a Nzinga (Nzinga era o nome dinástico ou da linhagem patrilinear) e Lukeni, pois a tradição também o chamava Nimi a Lukeni, era o nome da linhagem matrilinear. Esta personagem está na origem da criação de Mbanza-Kongo, ou seja no que os portugueses chamaram Reino do Congo. A própria ideia de Reino não correspondia a nenhum paradigma local e tradicional.9Daqui resulta uma legitimidade que vem do cruzamento de duas linhagens e cito:” a sua própria matrilinhagem, de onde lhe vem a autoridade, e a matrilinha-gem do seu pai, de onde lhe vem o poder”.10O Rei, apesar de “sagrado” seria eleito por um colégio de nove ou 12 membros.A Terra, o Poder e os Valores simbólicos Tectnónicos de uma sociedade sacra-lizada e mítica virão a ser destruídos e substituídos pelo “Regimento” de Afonso I do Kongo — um “copy-paste” do paradigma português. Assim, enquanto os diversos chefes da enorme extensão à volta de Mbanza-Kongo (S.Salvador) se integravam harmoniosamente no paradigma anteriormente existente e tradicional, reconhecendo nele a personagem do “Rei” de Mbanza, desfez-se o Reinado como entidade política. Na realidade somente Mbanza se deixou aculturar por muitos dos valores euro-peus, reduzindo o poder e o território do “Reino” Kongo, criando um novo vazio institucional e o Poder fundador de “Ntotila” desaparece.11É, de resto, nesta situação caótica, de guerras intestinas, resultantes da quebra de uma legitimidade e de um paradigma matrilinear, que devemos compreender a Figure da notável profetisa Beatriz Kimpa Vita, nascida em cerca de 1684 e que veio a ser condenada à morte, por bruxaria, pelos padres capuchos, em 1706.Esta mulher veio, apropriando-se de uma simbologia cristã trazida pelos portu-gueses, procurar restaurar os paradigmas tradicionais do poder, da matrilinhagem, dizendo-se incarnação de Santo António, com o menino ao colo. A fertilidade feminina unida à figura de Santo António, criou assim uma corrente de profetismo kongo, chamado antonianismo.9 Veja-se do Prof. António Custódio Gonçalves “ Le Lignage Contre lÉtat”, IICT, Lisboa e Universidade de Évora, 1985.10 Livro citado de António Custódio Gonçalves, cap. III.11 Doutreloux, A. “ Tradition et Modernité dans le développement”, in Culture et Développement, vol II, nr1, 1969-70China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 214 8/7/17 3:53 PM
215Ela é o símbolo de uma tentativa desesperada de restaurar uma legitimidade sincrética. Ainda hoje é vagamente lembrada em Brazzaville, no Lycée Kimpa Vita ou em Angola, no Uige, na Universidade de seu nome — a ESPU (Escola Superior Politécnica).Com estes esparsos exemplos procurei mostrar o que significaram estes vazios institucionais que deixámos em África.Mas cerca de dois séculos mais tarde e de uma colonização que aprofundou estes vazios, e procurou vagamente continuar a “vender” figurinos cada vez mais longe da autenticidade dos paradigmas culturais tradicionais, e em seguida às diversas descolonizações e independências, grande parte da África vê-se palco da Guerra-fria. Aí novos figurinos procuraram preencher estes enormes vazios. De um lado as ideologias soviéticas, do outro, sob diversas formas, um neo-colonialismo desenfreado, que procurava representar os valores do Ocidente.Neste trágico processo histórico, a desresponsabilização das sociedades africa-nas, face a poderes exteriores que a dominavam, foi crescendo e tomando formas relativamente estáveis, frequentemente protagonizadas por ditadores, sem escrúpu-los, que serviam uns ou outros Senhores.É neste contexto que me proponho analisar, em grandes linhas, a atuação da República Popular da China em África, baseada no princípio da não interferência, desde Zhou Enlai e definida em Bandung.* * *Quando, em 2005, ao comemorar os 50 anos da Conferência de Bandung, dizia “ Se assistimos hoje a um confronto de civilizações, ele tem as suas raízes no Bandung de 1955. Ou o que se passa é de natureza diversa e tem raízes históricas e sociológicas diferentes das invocadas nas teorias menos racionalistas do conflito de civilizações”. Claro que Bandung é como que o epílogo de antecedentes, como a Conferência dos Partidos Socialistas da Ásia, da Birmânia, em 1953. Outro ensinamento que referi nessa altura foi que em Bandung “ A China será vedeta, a URSS nem estará presente”12Desde Bandung, que sobressaiu a posição conciliadora de Zhou Enlai, então Primeiro-ministro da RPC, face aos ataques virulentos de outros países. Nessa altura, cava-se uma diferença entre aquele e Nehru e mais tarde Nasser13, como referiu o nosso Ministro Esteves Fernandes, então em Washington, e o principal informador e analista das Necessidades desta importante Conferência.12 Duarte de Jesus, J.M., “Bandung 50 Anos Depois”, in Faces da China, Inquérito, 2007. (Livro que insere o texto de uma Conferência realizada no ISCSP, em 2005).13 IdemChina-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 215 8/7/17 3:53 PM
216Quando se refere Bandung, imediatamente lembramos os famosos 10 princí-pios orientadores da Conferência:1. Respeito pelos direitos fundamentais no espírito da Carta das Nações Unidas;2. Respeito pela soberania e integridade territorial de todas as nações;3. Reconhecimento da igualdade de todas as raças e nações, grandes e pequenas;4. A não-intervenção ou não-ingerência nos assuntos internos de outro país;5. O respeito pelo direito de cada nação se defender, individual ou coletivamente;6. A recusa na participação de preparativos da defesa coletiva destinada a servir interesses particulares das superpotências;7. A abstenção de todo ato ou ameaça de agressão, ou do emprego da força, contra a integridade territorial ou a independência política de outro país;8. A solução de todos os conflitos internacionais por meios pacíficos;9. Estímular o interesse mútuo de cooperação;10. O respeito pela justiça e pelas obrigações internacionais.14Daqui pode concluir-se que o mais importante — como referem as fontes chinesas sobre Bandung — são os chamados 5 Princípios da Coexistência Pacífica, defendidos por Zhou Enlai, que permite a existência de boas relações entre todas as Nações, independentemente das suas ideologias.Esta política não confrontacional e aberta a relações com todo o mundo, na base dos princípios da Conferência Ásio-Africana, de Bandung15 foi pela primeira vez posta em prática por Zhou Enlai, durante a sua visita a diversos países africanos, no ano de 1963.Desde essa altura, verificamos, no caso português, como Pequim esteve aberta a ajudar os vários movimentos nacionalistas das colónias portuguesas em África, independentemente das suas ideologias ou posicionamentos no palco da estratégia mundial. Ajuda em formação militar e de quadros, em Angola, tanto o movimento FNLA, de Holden Roberto, conhecido como pro-americano e amigo de Mobutu, o MPLA tido como próximo da URSS, a UNITA tida como pró-ocidental. No caso de Moçambique ajudou a FRELIMO, cujo primeiro Presidente, Eduardo Mondlane, que foi professor universitário nos Estados Unidos, veio a ser recebido em Pequim, com Marcelino dos Santos.Neste quadro, não posso deixar também de sublinhar a resposta positiva de Zhou a uma proposta secreta de Franco Nogueira, então nosso Ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros, e em plena guerra colonial, através de um jornalista,16 14 O texto é bastante mais completo na versão oficial do Comunicado Final.15 Duarte de Jesus J.M. in “China: a Peaceful and Non-confrontational Foreign Policy, a Portuguese Perspective”, in The Second World Forum on China Studies, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, 2006 (publicado em chinês e ingles)16 O jornalista e enviado secreto foi Edgar Snow.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 216 8/7/17 3:53 PM
217em Accra, quanto à possibilidade do estabelecimento de relações diplomáticas entre Lisboa e Pequim e que o Prof. Moisés Fernandes bem descreve.17Em suma, julgo que podemos concluir que a política externa da RPC, desde a sua definição em Bandung, se tem mantido com grande consistência, iniciada por Zhou Enlai e continuada, até aos nossos dias, por outros políticos chineses. Os seus grandes eixos são: Considerar-se a si própria como uma grande potên-cia, mas em vias de desenvolvimento; respeitando o princípio da não interferência nos assuntos internos da cada país; procurar o diálogo e a negociação mutuamente proveitosa, tanto do ponto de vista económico como geo-estratégico e, neste con-texto, dar primazia à harmonia, à estabilidade e à paz.No mundo em que vivemos, é certo que esta atitude choca com muitas das filo-sofias que vimos afirmadas, com frequência, por outros grandes atores internacionais.Mas é precisamente sobre esta atitude da RPC em África que nos propomos elaborar uma reflexão face aos vazios institucionais de que sofrem muitos países daquele continente.A RPC é hoje um parceiro fundamental em África. Certo que nela procura matérias-primas que lhe são indispensáveis ao seu desenvolvimento vertiginoso. Mas é igualmente certo, que se vê, frequentemente, criticada por não “olhar” para os regimes com quem coopera e parecer ignorar problemas ligados aos Direitos Humanos ou a como são desrespeitados nalgumas daquelas paragens.É dificil, em política ou noutra matéria, realizar a quadratura do círculo. Ou se é um parceiro que se envolve nos assuntos internos de um país e lhe procura vender modelos que julga perfeitos — formas “morais” de frequentes neo-colonialismos — ou se dialoga e se estabelecem parcerias no respeito pela soberania do outro. Nunca a China quis vender o figurino “maoista” noutros tempos, nem agora o seu paradigma político e social.Neste sentido, procurarei — sem fazer a apologia da política chinesa em África — mostrar como a maneira chinesa de se aproximar da África, em geral, com erros pontuais, contrasta com a ajuda típica do Ocidente e proporciona um auto-preenchimento de vazios institucionais e dessa forma fazer que os africanos reganhem a “responsabilidade histórica”, que há séculos foi delegando nos invaso-res, colonisadores ou neo-colonisadores.Para quem viveu ou foi profissionalmente átivo,em vários anos em múltiplos países africanos, entende claramente como o Ocidente, ou, nalguns casos a União Soviética, diretamente ou por interposto país, vendeu política ou econó-micamente figurinos económicos alheios — os chamados elefantes brancos, da cooperação. Neste quadro surgiram os Idi Yamin, Mobutus e outros.17 Esta tentativa foi, de resto, posta de parte por Salazar.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 217 8/7/17 3:53 PM
218Pensar simplistamente que a a política chinesa em África se limita à ganância da procura das riquezas do seu sub-solo, particularmente no âmbito da energia, é, a meu ver, desconhecer o sentido geo-estratégico do longo prazo, da política externa chinesa. A China necessita a prazo, numa nova configuração mundial, de uma África reconduzida a um continente rico, a um mercado com capacidade de com-pra e de um aliado.Não vou aqui repetir os gráficos, que hoje é comum apresentar, sobre o que representa a China face às exportações de petrólio em Angola ou no Sudão. Não esqueçamos que a China representa aproximadamente o importador de 17% do petrólio africano, valor muito inferior ao dos Estados Unidos e da Europa — em suma, do Ocidente.Sei que o artigo de Lamido Sanusi, Governador do Banco Central da Nigéria, acusando a China de neo-colonialismo e fator de atraso do continente, embora indo contra as teses que procuro demonstrar, também foi alvo de críticas em con-ceituados jornais financeiros britânicos. Claro que esta tomada de posição ganhou particular impacto, pois surgiu no quadro da primeira visita a tres países africanos do novo Presidente chinês, Xi Jinping.Yun Sun18 desmonta com a maior clareza, como a política chinesa em África não integra nenhum dos ingredientes estruturantes do colonialismo e termina o seu comentário, com esta frase…”Africa´s approval of China poses an intriguing question for those in the West who desapprove of China activities in Africa: should the West reexamine its approach to Africa in order to better adress what African countries truly need?”Com estas palavras, o autor, põe o dedo na ferida da cooperação ocidental. Não será, que em muitos casos, a nossa cooperação económica satisfaz mais as nossas necessidades do que as dos africanos?Toda a questão está em que na maioria dos casos a China não impõe indústrias ou estruturas de base, realiza aquelas que lhe são pedidas pelos países. É nesta nova relação que se pode começar a consolidar e desenvolver a responsabilidade africana, pois sem ela, aquele continente nunca virá a desempenhar o papel de ator fundamental no mundo de amanhã. Não esqueçamos que o comércio entre a China e a África, de 2011 para 2013 aumentou 25%, encontrando-se na ordem dos 248 mil milhões de US$, segundo o MOFCOM e publicado no Financial Times (o nr. para 2013 é uma estimativa, assim como o para 2015, que seria da ordem dos 385 mil milhões).18 Investigador da Global Economy and Development, da John Thorton China Center, da Brookings Institution.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 218 8/7/17 3:53 PM
219Por outro lado, justifica-se assim porque muitos Bancos Centrais africanos estão a aumentar as suas reservas em Yuans.O Presidente do “China Institute of International Studies”, Qu Xing, num artigo que publicou no Financial Times de 3 de Abril, analisa as quatro áreas fundamentais de atuação da política chinesa em África: capacidades tecnológicas, comércio, industrialização e energia e mostra como se trata das áreas que podem dar capacidade própria, independência e preencher os tradicionais vazios que têm mantido a África fora do palco de atuação internacional.A Paz no mundo de amanhã passará pelo entendimento do Ocidente, desig-nadamente dos Estados Unidos, da Ásia, que se torna um ator determinante e de uma África que acorde do seu adormecimento e pesadelos passados e presentes, ou a humanidade dificilmente terá um futuro sem guerras e sofrimentos, que cada vez serão mais globais.China-Macau-Glob_PDF_imac.indd 219 8/7/17 3:53 PM
