1 THE EMBASSY OF PERO VAZ DE SIQUEIRA TO SIAM (1684 – 1686) Leonor de Seabra

2 Title: The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira to Siam Author: Leonor de Seabra Translators: Custódio Martins and MárioNunes Pinharanda Cover: A. Dias and Fong Seng Publisher: University of Macau Year of Publication: 2005 Number of copies: 500 ISBN:

3 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2. Acknowledgements 3. Abbreviations 4. Pero Vaz de Siqueira: the man and his time 4.1. Biography 4.2. Macau in the 17th Century 4.3. Siam and its Relations with Macao 5. The Manuscript of the Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira 5.1. Translation and transcription criteria 5.2. Transcription of the manuscript 6. Appendix 7. Glossary 8. Bibliography

4 1. INTRODUCTION

5 1. INTRODUCTION After the conquest of Malacca by Afonso de Albuquerque at the very beginning of the 16th century, the Portuguese were the first Europeans to reach Siam. From then onwards they maintained close relations with this Asian power. Not only did they barter but they also exchanged ideas and techniques. This exchange included diplomatic and military support, as well as the spread of Christianity. As a result of these close relations, small Luso-Siamese communities began to emerge at several Siamese ports. These communities were granted a privileged status by the local authorities. The relationship between Siam and the Portuguese was intense and long lasting, yet there are very few recent, let alone documented, historical studies on it. There is no lack of documentation testifying to the historical connection between Portugal, Macau and Siam. There is, however, a lack of interested and capable researchers, as well as a lack of systematic and comprehensive research programs. In the last few years, research on the history of the Portuguese presence in Eastern Asia has developed immensely, both through numerous original studies, as well as through the publishing of archive and library records. Nevertheless, Portuguese historians have not set themselves to the task of regularly publishing many of the still unpublished documents. This could be due to the fact that the publishing of historical documents is a slow process, demanding great discipline with no clear and immediate results. For these reasons, Seabra’s work on the Embassy led by Pero Vaz de Siqueira from Macao to Siam in 1684 is all the more noteworthy. In her Master’s dissertation Relações entre Macau e o Sião (Séculos XVIII-XIX, Macau, Universidade de Macau, 1999) this researcher had already shown her thorough knowledge of this rarely studied field in Portuguese and International historiography. It was during this research that Seabra found the important document narrating Pero Vaz de Siqueira’s Embassy to Siam, at the Historical Archives of Goa in Pangim. This had been, until then, an unknown document. In the same way, so many other documents essential to the knowledge of the vicissitudes of the Portuguese presence in Asia still remain unknown. This very important document is what this researcher has now

6published in the form of a critical edition, set into context through introductory texts and annotations. The current document enables readers to have access to extremely important information, both regarding the diplomatic and economic relations which developed between Macao and Siam, as well as regarding numerous aspects of the 16th Century Siamese reality. Seabra´s current work provides us with unique information of a high documentary value for the study of the Luso-Siamese relations which, from very early on, were conducted from Macao. It is now possible to learn in greater detail and precision about the 17th Century Macanese connection, as well as the most important economic and diplomatic aspects of Portuguese – Siamese relations and their effects on Macao. Through her current work, Seabra has brought to light the extensive and valuable Luso-Asian documents, which were at risk of disappearing. Her work also sets these documents into context through a vast and up-to-date specialized bibliography (mostly in languages other than Portuguese), referring also to a wide range of hitherto unknown documents. For these reasons, this work by Seabra stands out and gains a unique value as a thorough and innovative study. Through this magnificent edition, the author reacquaints us with one of the least researched areas and periods of the History of the Portuguese presence in Eastern Asia; namely, the relations between Macao and Siam during the 16th Century. The University of Macao must also be given credit for having agreed to publish one of the most important research works undertaken by the Department of Portuguese of the Faculty for Social Sciences and Humanities. In Portugal, many worthy works in university academic fields are not published due to the absence of appropriate academic publishing policies. It is good to know that the same is not occurring in Macao. It is also encouraging to know that the academic authorities in Macao were able to understand that the University is responsible not only for the transmission of knowledge, but also for producing it and then making it available and known to the public. Lagos, March 2003 Rui Manuel Loureiro

72. AKNOWLEDGEMENTS Whilst undertaking research for my Masters degree at the University of Macao in 1995, I came across a manuscript book (codex) in the Historical Archives of Goa, containing a series of documents relating to an embassy sent from Macao to Siam. I was immediately interested in these documents and keen to study the manuscript in greater detail. For a number of reasons I was not able to do this sooner. However, in September 2000, I presented a proposal for a research project to the University of Macao, which was approved by the Research Committee. The current work is thus the result of that project and research undertaken during one year, both in Macao as well as in Goa. This manuscript concerning the Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira to Siam belongs to the collection of documents titled Monções do Reino, kept at the Historical Archives of Goa. As is the case with most of the documents at these Archives, it is in very bad condition. Some of these documents can be found at the Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, on microfilm, but many are also in bad condition for reading. Therefore, I wish to take this opportunity to thank Mr. Fernando Calapez Corrêa, MA., for his precious help in the transcription of the manuscript. I would also like to thank the Director of the Archives of Goa, Dr. Shankar K. Mhamai, for his help and friendliness. My thanks go as well to all my friends in Pangim for their support, especially to Mr. Newton Carvalho, his wife and family. I am also greatly indebted to Professor Rui Loureiro, for having been the coordinator of this work, and for his quick response and support each time I experienced any difficulty or doubt. Lastly but not the least, my thanks go to my husband, Aldino Rodrigues Dias who, as always, helped me with the technical details of editing this work.

8 3. ABBREVIATIONS AC - Núcleo da Administração Civil (Public Administration Collection) AHM – Arquivo Histórico de Macau (Historical Archive of Macau) AHU – Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Historical Overseas Arquives, Lisbon) HAG – Arquivo Histórico de Goa (Goa Historical Archive) AM – Arquivos de Macau (Macau Archives) LS – Núcleo do Leal Senado (Collection of the Leal Senado, Macau) VOC – Verenigde Oost – Indische Compagnie (Dutch East Indies Archives) CÓD – Códice (Code number)

9 4. PERO VAZ DE SIQUEIRA: THE MAN AND HIS TIME 4.1. Biography 4.2. Macau in the 17th Century 4.3. Siam and its Relations with Macao

104.1. Biography Pero Vaz de Siqueira, son of the fidalgo-cavaleiro and captain, Gonçalo de Siqueira de Sousa, was born in Macao. Gonçalo de Siqueira de Sousa was a reinol, son of Rui Gonçalves de Siqueira, who was Capitão mor of the Moluccas from 1598 to 1603 1. In 1614 Gonçalo de Siqueira de Sousa took part in an armada under the command of his father, which took Spanish troops from Cadiz to Manila. This was possible because, at the time, Portugal was under Spanish rule (by the Philips, the Kings of Spain). After the death of his father in 1619, Gonçalo de Siqueira de Sousa returned to Portugal, and as a reward for his services he was named captain of the galleon Misericórdia. In 1621 he left Lisbon on this galleon, bound for Goa. However, due to a storm, he did not reach that destination. From then onwards, he made several voyages as a captain. This gave him a deep knowledge the Oceans, both in the West, as well as in the East.2 In 1644, Gonçalo Siqueira de Sousa led an Embassy to Japan. This embassy had been suggested two years earlier by Father António Cardim, Procurator-to the Jesuit Province of Japan. His intention was to promote the reopening of the Japanese trade, which had ceased in 1639 after the expulsion of the Portuguese3. This was the first European embassy to have been sent to Japan, but Shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu continued to refuse to open trade to the Portuguese4. Pero Vaz de Siqueira accompanied his father on that mission to Japan (1644-47), and returned with him to Goa in 1648. After the death of Gonçalo Siqueira de Sousa in 1649, Pero Vaz de Siqueira returned to Portugal. From 1657 to 1669 he served on the Armada of the State of India, where he took part in the conquest of Coulão and in the defense of Cochim, in 1657 and 1663, respectively. His career in India came to an end while he was Captain of the Fleet of the Crown, in Muscate. He arrived in Macao in the early 1670´s, where he settled down and 1 Manuel Teixeira, Marinheiros Ilustres Relacionados com Macau, Macau, Centro de Estudos Marítimos de Macau, 1988, pp.46-47. 2 Manuel Teixeira, Vultos Marcantes em Macau, Macau, Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cultura, 1982, pp. 65–66. 3Embaixada de Portugal ao Japão em 1647: unpublished report annotated by C.R.Boxer, Macau, Imprensa Limitada, 1928, pp.5–15. 4 Regarding this embassy also refer to: A.H.U. – Macau – Avulsos, Cx.1, Doc. n°.49 (25 de Novembro de 1645).

11married Ana Maria de Noronha, who belonged to an important local family of rich merchants5. Ana Maria de Noronha was the sister of Dona6 Catarina de Noronha, who in turn, was the daughter of Dom 7 António Manuel de Noronha, Governor of Macao between 1630 and 1636. Dona Catarina had married a rich merchant and wealthy ship-owner called Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo8. Francisco Vieira, Captain of the South China Sea, held judicial and administrative power over all the Portuguese communities east of Malacca, with the exception of Macao. After the fall of Malacca to the Dutch, in 1641, he transported the Portuguese community to Makassar, which became an important trading post. Vieira traded both with Macao, Cambodia and Siam, as well as with Timor, Solor and even Manila9. However, in 1660, the Portuguese were expelled from Makassar by the Dutch and, once again, the ships of Francisco Figueiredo carried the Portuguese to Macao and Timor, as well as to Siam and other locations. Yet, ten or twelve of the wealthier Portuguese, including Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo, remained in Makassar under the protection of Sultan Hassan Udin10. In 1661 Figueiredo left for Goa and on the way back to Timor, and stopped in Macao, where he married Dona Maria Catarina de Noronha, who then followed her husband to Makassar. In February of 1665 Figueiredo left Makassar permanently with his wife (Catarina de Noronha) for Larantuca, on the island of Flores11, close to the islands of Solor and Timor. He perished there in 1667, but his wife stayed on to close her husband´s business deals. Dona Catarina returned to Macao in 1670 on her ship Nossa Senhora do Rosário e Almas do Purgatório. There she carried on her business activities for several years12. She 5 Goerge Bryan Sousa, A Sobrevivência do Império: Os Portugueses na China (1630 – 1754), Lisboa, Publicações D. Quixote, 1991, p. 62. 6 “Dona”, a title of respect and status prefixed to the Christian name of a woman. 7 “Dom”, a title of respect and status prefixed to the Christian name of a man. 8 C.R.Boxer, Estudos para a História de Macau (Sec.XVI-XVIII),I vol., Lisboa, Fundação Oriente,1991, pp. 222-223. 9 Glenn J. Ames, Renascent Empire? The House of Braganza and Quest for Stability in Portuguese Monsoon Asia, c. 1640-1683, Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 2000, p. 132. 10 C.R. Boxer, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo e os Portugueses em Macassar e Timor na época da Restauração, Macau, Escola Tipográfica do Orfanato Salesiano, 1940, pp. 1-8. 11 Also known as Mangarai island. 12 Charles Boxer, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo: A Portuguese Merchant-Adventurer in South East Asia, 1624-1667, Gravenhage, Martinus Nijhoff, 1967, pp. 48-49.

12passed away in Macao in 1701, as can be verified in a letter by Father Miguel do Amaral, S.J., Procurator-General of the Province of Japan. Therein, he certifies having received everything the aforementioned lady donated to the Church upon her death, through the executor of her will, Pero Vaz de Siqueira13. In the letters exchanged between the ambassador to China, Manuel de Saldanha, in Canton, and the Leal Senado, as well as with the Capitão geral of Macao (Dom Álvaro da Silva) it is mentioned that Dona Catarina was a lady of great wealth. The aforementioned ambassador even ordered the Senado to send a ship to bring Dona Catarina “who is a great asset to this city, for she can help it much, as well as help the King by means of her riches (…)”14 to Macao. Bryan Sousa states that this woman´s “direct participation and active role which she undertook as ship-owner were unique for a woman in Macao”15 From 1660 to 1680, Macao traded with Siam and with ships from the Siamese Corte, which at times came through Macao to obtain provisions, goods, and also to take on seamen. In 1669, at the request of the Senado in Macao, (which had run out of resources), King Phra Narai of Siam granted a loan to pay for the costs of Manuel de Saldanha´s embassy to the Emperor of China. The repayment of this loan was done by means of the direct trade between Macao and Ayutthaya. From the 1690s onwards, the Portuguese of Macao paid back this loan to the Siamese Crown through direct payments for the customs duties of the Siamese ships in Canton, as well as by loading these ships with silk, on their return voyage (i.e., Canton-Macao-Ayutthaya). The last installment of this debt was finally paid off in 1722.16. At the end of the 1670s and all through the 1680s, Pero Vaz de Siqueira traded with his ships at Banjarmassim, Timor, Batavia and Siam. Around 1683, the Portuguese Crown and the Macao Senado chose a few casados to head embassies to some Southeast Asian countries, with the aim of improving trade relations. This is how in 1684, Pero Vaz de Siqueira came to be sent from Macao to Siam by the Viceroy of India, Dom Francisco 13 Jesuítas na Ásia, Cód. 49-V-24, de 23 de Junho de 1701, fl. 9. 14 A.H.G., Arch.Vol.1210 – Embaixada à China, 1669, fls. 44-50. 15 George Bryan Sousa, A Sobrevivência do Império: Os Portugueses na China (1630-1754), Lisboa, Publicações D. Quixote, 1991, p. 52. 16 George Bryan Sousa, ob.cit., pp. 62-63. See also Jean Aubein, “Les Persans au Siam sous le Règne de narai (1656-1688)”, in Mare Luso-Indicum, IV, Paris, Société D´Histoire de L´Orient, 1980.

13de Távora, first Count of Alvor. His mission aimed at obtaining permission to participate in the maritime trade with Japan via the Siamese Crown. Apart from this it also had religious aims. However, he did not manage to get any support from King Phra Narai, because the requests made by the residents would put Siamese trade with Japan at risk. Besides this, there was also an increasingly strong influence of the French in the Orient, through the Foreign Missionaries of Paris, who had the support of the Propaganda Fide. In Siam, the minister17 of King Phra Narai, Constantine Phaulkon, strongly favored the French Missionaries. Pero Vaz de Siqueira failed in his mission due to the interference of the Apostolic Vicar of Siam (Mons. Louis Laneau), the Foreign Missionaries of Paris, and some Portuguese in Siam for whom it was convenient to keep the Portuguese Crown at a distance. He therefore returned to Macao18. In 1685, the residents of Macau rescued a group of Japanese who were shipwrecked, and took the opportunity to send a ship to Japan carrying those people, so as to once again try to re-establish trade with that country. The only ship available at the time in the port of Macao was Pero Vaz de Siqueira´s S. Paulo, which had returned from the mission to Siam. As Pero Vaz de Siqueira was preparing to set sail for Manila, he promptly offered his ship and to pay ¾ of the expenses of the voyage to Japan. The remaining expenses would be paid by the Procurator Priest of the Province of Japan19. As had already happened on the previous embassy, the Portuguese were not allowed to disembark in Nagasaki. They were ordered to return with the warning “that the Government of Macao should not think of sending any other ship …”, and the only reason that the crew was not killed, was that they had returned the group of shipwrecked Japanese20. Pero Vaz de Siqueira went on to develop his business using his own ship, the Rosário, as well as the S. Paulo and the frigate Conceição, on voyages to Manila, Siam 17 Here, “minister” translates the Portuguese term “ministro” which is used throughout the manuscript describing the Embassy, and which refers to “minister, advisor or administrator”. 18 A.H.G., Arch.Vol.58 – Monções do Reino,vol. n°51 A. 19 Beatriz Basto da Silva, Cronologia da História de Macau (Séculos XVI – XVII), Macau, Direcção dos Serviços de Educação, 1992, p. 143. 20 Ana Maria Leitão, “Os Portugueses e o termo das relações comerciais com o Japão: tentativas de reaproximação e substituição”, in O Século Cristão do Japão, Actas do Colóquio Internacional comemorativo dos 450 anos de Amizade Portugal-Japão (1543 – 1993), Edited by Roberto Carneiro e Artur Teodoro de Matos, Lisboa, 1994, p. 228.

14Timor, Aceh, and elsewhere. In 1687, Viceroy Dom21 Rodrigo da Costa, in a letter to Pero Vaz de Siqueira, states: “In one of the mentioned letters you tell about your voyages and your frigate to Manila, as well as your sister-in-law´s nau to Timor, and how the Count of Alvor wanted it to be protected (…)”22. At the end of the 17th century there were only twenty four homens-bons in Macao. Among them, only fifteen were still active, although only seven were capable of governing the city. As for ship owners, there were only five, one of whom one was Pero Vaz de Siqueira who was in partnership with his sister-in-law Dona Catarina de Noronha23. Throughout the 1690s and the beginning of the 1700s, Vaz de Siqueira was the most significant single ship owner in the city, traveling to Goa and other Indian ports, Aceh, Banjarmassim, Timor and Manila. In 1702, Timor was in a very unstable political situation. This island was known for its sandalwood, which was an essential trade for the survival of Macao. Thus, the ship Boas Novas was sent out to assist Timor. Pero Vaz de Siqueira sent his own ship S. Paulo, to accompany the former24. Aside from his commercial activities, Pero Vaz de Siqueira was also a member of the Senado da Câmara, from 1689 to 1698. In 1693-94 he also belonged to the Board of the Santa Casa da Misericórdia. From 1698 to 1700, he was appointed as Capitão geral of Macao, by the Viceroy of India, and again for a second term from 1702 to 1703. He passed away in Macao during his last year in office (1703)25. One of his sons, António Siqueira de Noronha, was also Governor of Macao from 1711 to 1714. But during his office he was in constant conflict with the Senado, a conflict which continued even after he had left office26 One example of these conflicts was the incident that occurred in 1710 concerning the ship S. Paulo, which was registered under António Siqueira de Noronha´s name, since it had belonged to Pero Vaz de Siqueira and 21 “Dom”, a title of respect and status prefixed to the Christian name of a man. 22 A.H.G.,Arch.Vol.1265 – Correspondência de Macau, Livro 2 (1682 – 1689). The reference is obviously to Dona Catarina de Noronha. 23 Benjamin Videira Pires, A Vida Marítima de Macau no Século XVIII, Macau, ICM/Museu marítimo, 1993, pp. 11-14. 24 Arquivos de Macau, 3ª Série – Vol.1, N° 1, Fevereiro de 1964, pp. 19-20. 25 A.M.,3ª Série – Vol. 1, N° 3, Abril de 1964, pp. 201-215, and, A.M., 3ª Série – Vol. 1, N°4, Maio de 1964, pp. 201-231. 26 AH/LS/333 – Livrio de Actas das Sessões do Leal Senado (1712 – 1721), fls. 56 – 60, and, Manuel Teixeira, Macau no Século XVIII, Imprensa Nacional, 1984, pp. 110–113.

15his wife (Dona Maria de Noronha), to whom the Senado owed money. This can be verified in a letter from the Senado, dated 5th February 1710, which states: “The deferment of a favorable response to Dona Maria de Noronha is due to the Senado´s understanding of Your Excellency’s order to charge taxes on the ship belonging to António de Siqueira de Noronha, son of the aforementioned widow”27. However, in 1712, the ship already belonged to António de Noronha Siqueira, at that time Capitão geral of Macao28. Later, in 1714, this same ship was “put up for sale at auction”. We can also find several requests by Siqueira de Noronha, in which he asks that the Senado pay him the salaries “which the Senado owed his late father Pero Vaz de Siqueira”. Finally, on the 22nd of August, 1714, António de Siqueira de Noronha wrote a petition requesting that “he and his family be sent to the Court of Goa”. This request was granted. It seems that he eventually lost all his wealth, since there is a reference to him living in Goa, in 1719, but “with means of support”29 Yet, his father, Pero Vaz de Siqueira was an important figure in Macanese society, both in the political and the economic fields. During this period, the “independent Portuguese merchants” (the casados, the Church and the Administrators of the Crown) took part in the inter-Asian maritime trade in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. Both the Administrators of the Crown (without the support of the Treasury of the Crown for this type of trade), and the Jesuits, were allowed to own ships or to invest in ships belonging to casados and to “independent merchants”. Although others (Administrators of the Church and the Crown) could take part in the trade, as was mentioned earlier, it was the casados who had the largest investment in the inter-regional Asian maritime trade. In Macau, they were all involved, either directly or indirectly, in these quite profitable activities30. Whenever a Capitão geral was someone nominated from among the casados, and a person who had already had a post in the Crown’s Administration, then an 27 A.M.3ª Série, Vol. V, N°3, Março de 1996, p. 179. 28 Benjamin Videira Pires, A Vida marítima de Macau no Século XVIII, Macau, ICM/Museu Marítimo, 1993, p. 25. 29 AH/LS/333 – Livro de Actas das Sessões do Leal Senado (1712 – 1721), fl. 48 – 49; as well as, A.M., 3ª Série, Vol. II, N° 3, Outubro de 1964, p. 206; and also, A.M., 3ª Série, Vol. V. N° 4, Abril de 1966, pp. 191 – 228. 30 George Bryan Souza, A Sobrevivência do Império: Os Portugueses na China (1630 – 1754), Lisboa, Publicações D. Quixote, 1991, pp. 62–64.

16Administrator of the Crown could very well be the most significant ship owner in Macau. Such was the case of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, at the end of the 17th century. 4.2. MACAU IN THE 17TH CENTURY Throughout the 17th century Macau kept its importance as the center of the Portuguese Maritime Empire, which extended from Africa, to the Indian Ocean Coastline, to the Spice Islands and as far as the Coast of China and Japan. During this period Macao kept its splendor and was also the center of the commercial (and even missionary) activities of the Portuguese in areas such as Cambodia, Patane, Siam, Sunda, Borneo, Timor, Tidor and Solor; as well as at the fortresses and trading posts of Goa and Malacca. During the last few decades of the 16th century, both Macao and Malacca were the most important destinations and trading posts for exotic and tropical products, such as: pepper, cloves, nutmeg, incense, silk, and silver. The voyages extended from Bengal, Martaban, Tenasserim, to Cambodia, Sunda, Borneo, Solor and Timor, etc. In Macao, the Portuguese Crown earned thousands of cruzados each year from these voyages. We also have to take into consideration the complementary voyage to Siam, which carried products from Siam and Ayutthaya to Japan, via Malacca. Macao was basically a commercial community. However its position in the economic circle and in the political field placed it in the center of international activity between China and Japan. It also came to be in the center of national interests, given the complex relations between Spain and Portugal. These the two Iberian powers had opposing interests, but were governed by the same sovereign and competed in South Asia and East Asia: Goa – Manila – Macao. To add to the complexity, there was the religious issue. Macao was the center for the expansion of the Portuguese Ecclesiastical Patronage in the Orient into such regions as China, Japan, Southwest Asia, Tongking, Cochin China, Hainan, Cambodia and Siam. It was the rival of the Spanish Ecclesiastical Patronage, based in the Philippines. The latter aimed to fight against the Portuguese predominance in the region. As a result of this

17rivalry, the fight extended to the religious orders: Jesuits, Franciscans, Augustinians and Dominicans. The first were firmly established in Macao and in Japan, and opposed strongly to the entrance of the others based in the Philippines31. Thus, having begun as a commercial community, Macao developed into a center for general politics, a base for religious expansion and orientation, fought over by two opposing national interests - the Portuguese and the Spanish – as well as by the rivalry of the religious orders32 In commercial terms, Macao was situated at the junction of the economic interests connected to the biggest market in the Orient - China - and the most sought after source of silver - Japan. It was the compulsory port for all Portuguese navigation from India and Malacca to China and Japan. It was Macao which had to guarantee the regular supply of silk bought in Canton, in order to keep the voyages to Japan running smoothly. Macao also supplied the ships with provisions for the voyage in both directions, thus providing logistic and technical support33. Ever since the first direct contacts, the Portuguese thought of Japan as the land of silver. In exchange for this commodity, at a low price, the Portuguese traded silk from Canton. It was a highly valued item in Japan, and since there was no official navigation by the Japanese to China, this trade became highly profitable to the Portuguese. The connecting points for this trade were the islands of Canton, and later Macao. China was a huge consumer of silver. This was the metal with which foreign traders paid China for its products, especially silk. As mentioned, Japan had a plentiful supply and high quality of silver at a lower cost than China. Thus one needed far less weight in silver to pay for a piece of silk in China, than one would receive in that metal upon selling the same silk in Japan. This market particularly appreciated silk and imported it in great amounts. As M. Godinho states, China was “the whirlpool of the world’s silver”. The “front door” through which the West enters the Empire, is Macao. It 31 Charles R.Boxer, A Igreja e a Expansão Ibérica (1440-1770), Lisboa, Edições 70, 1990, pp. 98-99. 32 Geoffrey Gun, Ao Encontro de Macau: uma Cidade-Estado na Periferia da China, 1557-1999, Macau, CTMCDP/Fundação Macau, 1998, pp. 44-46. 33 Manuel Lobato, Política e Comércio dos Portugueses na Insulindia: Malaca e as Molucas de 1575 a 1605, Macau, Instituto Português do Oriente, 1999, pp. 255-267.

18reaches the Cidade do Nome de Deus34 by way of the Cape Route, Goa and Malacca, and via Manila after 1565. Japan, the other great source, is at a distance of just a few days35. Departure dates of the nau do trato from Macau to Japan, 1546 – 1617 Year of departure Number of vessels Year of departure Number of vessels Year of departure Number of vessels 1546 3 1570 2 1594 0 1547 0 1571 2 1595 1 1548 1 1572 1 1596 1 1549 0 1573 2 1597 0 1550 2 1574 4 1598 3 1551 1 1575 1 1599 0 1552 1 1576 1 1600 1 1553 1 1577 2 1601 0 1554 1 1578 1 1602 1 1555 2 1579 1 1603 0 1556 2 1580 2 1604 1 1557 2 1581 2 1605 1 1558 2 1582 2 1606 1 1559 2 1583 1 1607 0 1560 3 1584 2 1608 0 1561 5 1585 1 1609 1 1562 3 1586 2 1610 0 1563 3 1587 2 1611 0 1564 3 1588 1 1612 1 1565 2 1589 2 1613 0 1566 2 1590 2 1614 1 34 City of the name of God, (translation of the Portuguese Cidade do Nome de Deus), an epithet for Macao. 35 George Bryan Souza, A Sobrevivência do Império: Os Portugueses na China (1630 – 1754), Lisboa, Publicações D. Quixote, 1991, pp. 65 – 74.

191567 3 1591 1 1615 1 1568 2 1592 0 1616 0 1569 2 1593 1 1617 1 Source: Boxer, Great Ship and Brown, Money Economy. It was the Nau do Trato (the ship used on the Route to Japan) that collected this metal and transported it to the vortex of China. Besides silver, Japan also paid with some gold. In China silver was also exchanged for gold. Therefore, in Malacca and in Goa, the taxes paid to the Portuguese Crown for the goods from the Far East, came to be of utmost importance. The arrival of the Portuguese in Japan, meant gaining access to a very sought after market. Japan consumed huge amounts of silk, (a commodity they valued over other products), and they paid for it in bars of silver produced nationally. In Japan, the production of silver was abundant and silver was not used as a coin, but rather as merchandise. The Portuguese came to be the great carriers of commerce in the Orient, as well as the only and undisputed holders of the fabulous monopoly of the trade with Japan36. Shortly after their arrival in Japan, the Portuguese managed to take over the silver trade for their navigators and merchants, astutely and peacefully distancing the Chinese and Japanese competitors, by establishing agreements which combined the interests of all parties. The continuity of the Portuguese presence in the China Sea appears to have been possible due to a confluence of several factors. As for the Portuguese, it was due to their daring character and the persistence of their adventurers; their capacity to penetrate the local trade networks and benefit from the rivalries between the different rulers of those regions; their technical superiority (military and naval), and the diplomacy practiced by most of their noblemen, missionaries and even adventurers. As far as the Japanese are concerned, the profits made by the Portuguese through their trade, proved to be of utmost importance, since they enabled the Japanese feudal lords to upgrade their armies. By permitting the Portuguese presence in Macao, the authorities in Canton guaranteed that 36 C.R. Boxer, The Great Ship from Amacon, Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1988, pp. 114 – 116.

20the profits from the Sino-Japanese trade would remain in their city. It was also a way of keeping the Japanese pirates (the wakô) away from the Pearl River Delta37. As mentioned previously, all Japanese production was intended for export. It is estimated that by 1580, (less than 40 years after the commencement of trade with the Portuguese), Portuguese ships carried an annual average of five hundred thousand cruzados in silver bars. In the period 1583-91, the annual cargo already exceeded 600,000 cruzados, and reached one million cruzados by the turn of the 17th century38. Nevertheless, Portuguese exports to Japan were not only in the commercial field. They also included western military and mining technology, which brought about important changes in Japanese society. INSERIR GRÁFICO Silver exports to Japan, 1598 – 1638 Apart from their role as missionaries and mediators with the Japanese, the Jesuits were also important commercial agents. They paid for the expenses of their Mission in silk brought in from Macao (90 picos per year, yielding a profit of 4 to 6 000 cruzados). Furthermore, they often served as mediators for the Japanese, as did the Portuguese in general. The merchants in Canton also used the Portuguese to ship their goods to Japan and to the Philippines. The Administrator and the Capitão mor Governor had to render such services themselves, because it was in their own interest to do so. They invested large amounts of silver to buy silk from China for retail in Japan. The situation was such that the merchants from Macao ended up being mere agents for this alien trade39. The system of sales was flexible. After the founding of Macao, and even more so after the establishment of the selling system known as the pancada, in 1604, the 37 C.R. Boxer, op.cit., Macau, ICM, 1988, pp. 159-160. 38 C.R. Boxer, op. cit., Macau, ICM, 1988, pp. 96-97 and p. 122. 39 Benjamin Videira Pires, A Viagem de Comércio Macau-Manila, nos Séculos XV a XVIII, Macau, Centro de Estudos Marítimos, 1987, p. 9.

21Governor of Macao was a key figure. This system consisted in an auction of the entire stock of silk, which took place in the presence of the representative of the Japanese silk trade monopolists. The Governor was the representative of the Portuguese side, and all sales of silk belonging to individual merchants were done through his intervention. This sales system was based on Macao´s commercial organization. From 1578 onwards, trade in Macao was organized by taking into consideration the interests of the merchants, the residents and the need for funds to maintain the Jesuit Missions in Japan40. During the period in which the Macao-Japan trade flourished (1546-1639), the exports of silver from Japan to Canton reached a staggering yearly average of 12.525 kg41. As a result of external politics and several economic factors, at the beginning of the 17th century, the Portuguese position in this market began to weaken. On the one hand, by that time the Dutch had arrived in the region. The ease with which they captured Portuguese carracks (large naus and galleons) made it clear to the merchants in Macao that they would have to use smaller vessels, and in larger numbers. Due to this fear among the merchants, shared also by the Crown and the Governor, in 161842 the trade with Japan was carried out by galeotas. On the other hand, the Japanese scribes considered the connection between the Japanese Christians (daimyo) and the Portuguese to be dangerous. It was widely believed that the Japanese Christians obeyed their European spiritual guiders more so than their superiors (normally feudal lords). Therefore, Christianity began to be considered a dangerously subversive religion. These ideas led to the deterioration of the relations between the Japanese and the Portuguese43. Furthermore, Portuguese commercial debts began to make their Japanese creditors wary of the systematic use of the respondência (a credit system whereby the ships, their cargo, or both, were used as the guarantee for a loan). This system, previously only occasionally used, became a frequent practice after 1627. The Portuguese would borrow 40 C.R. Boxer, The Great Ship From Amacon, Macau, ICM, 1988, pp. 96-97 and pp. 154-155. 41 C. R. Boxer, Fidalgos no Extremo Oriente (1580-1770), Macau, Fundação Oriente/Centro de Estudos Marítimos, 1990, pp. 26-29 and pp. 43-44. 42 It should be noted that the first Dutch attack on Macau was in 1601. They repeated in 1604 and 1607. The final attack was in 1622, which is known for the heavy loss by the Dutch. Cf. Anders Ljunstedt, Um Esboço Histórico dos Estabelecimentos dos Portugueses e da Igreja Católica Romana e das Missões na China, Macau, Leal Senado de Macau, 1999, pp. 98-99. 43 C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549 – 1650, Manchester, Carcanet, 1993, pp. 368-374.

22silver from the Japanese and take it to China to buy silk. The point was reached where most of the silk brought back to Japan belonged to the Japanese. Around 1630, the total Portuguese debt was between 200 and 600,000 taéis. Once the Japanese had stopped granting loans to the Portuguese, they began to obtain credit from the quevees (brokers of the Chinese merchants) in Canton44. The constant weakening of the Portuguese position, however, and the mistrust with which the shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu viewed the increasing power of Christianity, under Portuguese patronage was aggravated by the activities of the Dutch. The latter undermined what remained of the Portuguese interests, so as to strengthen their own position. In 1587, a first decree issued by Hideyoshi expelling the missionaries, led to the loss of Nagasaki. Later, in 1614, Ieyasu issued a decree forbidding Christianity. This made it increasingly difficult for the Portuguese to pursue their trade with Japan45. By 1636, the Portuguese had been banished to the lesser commercial port of Deshima. However, this tolerance ended abruptly in 1638 – 1639 when the Tokugawas, in the wake of the “Shimabara Uprising” 46 , enacted their exclusion policies and persecuted all those who had converted to Christianity. However, by this time, the Portuguese monopoly had already been taken over by Japanese, Dutch and, especially, Chinese competing merchants47. Yet, even in the final phases, the profits gained from the Macao-Japan trade were immense. Near the end of the 16th century, the silver exported annually from Japan to Macao on the Nau do trato, was valued at one million cruzados. But forty years later, the export carried out on the smaller galleys was valued at three or four million cruzados. It is not known how many of these bars of silver represented Japanese or Chinese capital. 44 C.R. Boxer, The Great Ship from Amacon, Macau, Instituto Cultural, 1988, pp. 159 – 160. 45 Anders Ljundstedt, An historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlement in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China, Hong Kong, Vicking Hong Kong Publications, 1992, pp. 94 – 96. 46 The “Shimabara Uprising” – was a farmers´ uprising, which began in the region of Arima, on Kyushu, where the Christian farmers rose up against the dayimio. They were crushed and massacred in large numbers. Cf. Benjamim Videira Pires, A Embaixada Mártir, Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1988, pp. 36 – 47. 47 During this period the English also tried to establish direct trade relations with China. They sent a fleet of four ships, under the command of Captain John Weddel, in 1637, which came to Macau and then followed on to Canton (cf. Tien-Tsê Chang, O Comércio Sino-Português entre 1514 e 1644, Macau, Instituto Português do Oriente, 1997, pp. 176 – 182.).

23Nevertheless, the amount involved in this trade was huge, especially if we compare it to the volume of trade by other European countries in Asia in the first half of the 17th century. In 1639 the Portuguese were totally banished from Japan (through the exclusion law). For Macao, a glorious era founded on the trade with Japan had come to an end48. However, the loss of the trade with Japan in such a dramatic way did not prove fatal to the merchants based in Macao, as they also traded in the South China Sea. Far more significant, in the view of Sanjay Subramanyam, was the famine of the 1640’s, together with the transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty, which brought instability to Southeast Asia’s internal markets. In fact, waves of refugees fleeing from the Qing reached Macao and drained it of its resources49. In 1640, the Macao Senado grieved about how the trade with Japan constituted its source of revenue, and it thus foresaw the total collapse of the city should it not be able to reopen that trade. The Senado refused to lose hope in reviving trade with Japan, and in 1640 sent a special embassy, in the hope of achieving reconciliation with the Japanese. The ambassador, his entourage and his crew were all executed, and the galley was burnt. For Macao, this marked the end of a prosperous era that had depended on the trade with Japan50. Even so, both the independent merchants in Macao and the Senado continued in vain to try to re-establish that fabulous trade. Needless to say, the Portuguese merchants were compelled to make some adjustments to their trade routes, due to the new circumstances in 1639, brought about by the end of the trade with Japan and also by the ascension of the aggressive trade and naval power of the Dutch. During the 1630s, Macao saw its trade expand, especially in three areas: Makassar, Manila and Vietnam (Tongking and Cochin China). The voyages to Vietnam, Tongking and Cochin China were handed 48 C.R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549-1650, Manchester, Carcamet, 1993, pp. 375-382 and, C.R. Boxer, The Great Ship from Amacon, Macau, ICM, 1988, pp. 163-165. 49 Sanjay Subramanyam, O Império Asiático-Português, 1500 – 1700: Uma História Política e Económica, Lisboa, DIFEL, 1995, pp. 292-293. 50 B.Videira Pires, A Embaixada Mártir, Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1988, pp. 57-71.

24over to the smaller merchants of Macao. The era of splendor of the trade with those regions stretched from 1617 to 163751. After the end of trade relations between Portugal and Japan, trade in the ports to the south gained a new importance. Although the route Makassar-Flores-Solor-Timor came under intense pressure from the Dutch, it proved to be profitable in the trade of products such as sandalwood and spices52. At the end of the 1660s, the Ching (Manchu) Chinese Dynasty ordered the coastline populations to retreat inland. This was due to the attacks by Coxinga (Zhen Cheng-Kung), a loyalist and follower of the Ming53. This would mean the end of Macao’s prosperity, and thus, in 1664, Capitão geral Manuel Coelho da Silva asked King Dom Afonso VI to send an embassy to the court in Beijing54. By 1667, Ambassador Manuel de Saldanha was already in Macao, preparing for the embassy to set out for Beijing (via Canton, as was the custom and the imposition by the Chinese protocol)55. In 1669, Coxinga who had expelled the Dutch from their fort Zeelandia, on Formosa Island (Taiwan) in 1662, was himself expelled and he retreated from Formosa. Following this event, the Chinese authorities withdrew the order for all coastline populations to move inland. Saldanha’s embassy arrived in Beijing in 1670. Although it was warmly welcomed, it did not yield any practical result. The same occurred in 1678 with Bento Pereira de Faria’s diplomatic mission. He had been secretary to the previous embassy, and took a lion as a present to the Emperor, who appreciated it very much56. According to Sanjay Subhramanyam, the aim of these embassies was not only to guarantee the privileges of Macao, but also to ensure that the Dutch embassy (1666-1668) 51 B.Videira Pires, A Vida Marítima de Macau no século XVIII, Macau, ICM/Museu Marítimo, 1993, p. 13. 52 B. Videira Pires, op.cit., pp. 14 -29. 53 Beatriz Basto da Silva, Cronologia da História de Macau (séculos XVI-XVII), Macau, Direcção dos Serv. de Educação, 1992, p. 132-136. 54 Manuel Teixeira, Macau no Século XIII, Macau, Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cultura, 1982, p. 106. By 1640, Portugal had regained its independence from Spain, and was still at war with that country (the Restauration Wars). In China, there had been a change of Dynasties, from Ming to Qing, in 1644 (the year in which the Manchus captured Beijing). 55 Fernado Correia de Oliveira, 500 Anos de Contactos Luso-Chineses, Lisboa, Público/Fundação Oriente, 1998, pp. 67-75. 56 C. R. BoxerDutch Merchants and Mariners in Asia, 1602-1795, London Variorum Reprints, 1988, pp. 30-46; and, José de Jesus Maria, Ásia Sínica e Japónica (annotated by C.R. Boxer), vol.II, ICM/Centro de Estudos Marítimos de Macau, 1988, p. 101-103.

25would not be successful57. It should be stressed that, with respect to these diplomatic endeavors, as well as in relation to diplomacy with Cambodia, Vietnam and Siam, the Portuguese in Macao were relatively autonomous from Goa. As in the 18th and 19th centuries, the merchants based in Macao were still able to provide canons, guns and ammunition to the Asian powers; even though the arms foundry in Macao had already ceased to exist. According to some sources, this factor often gave them an advantage in relation to the Chinese competitors. These Chinese traders sailed the same seas, trading the same type of products58. In 1685 Emperor Kangxi published an imperial decree allowing the opening of the port of Canton to foreigners, at least once a year, during an annual market59. Thus, Macao lost its role as an exclusive commercial trading post and the Portuguese ceased to be the only mediators in the trade with China. In 1688 the Chinese customs (Ho Pu) was established in Macao, in the so called Praia Grande zone. Later, in 1732, another Ho Pu was established in Praia Grande, dependent on the former. In 1698, the Chinese authorities ordered the measuring of the ships and exacted heavy anchorage duties60. In 1690, the dissensions among the several religious orders regarding the “Chinese rites”61 were aggravated. This gave rise to what became known as the “Rites Issue”. What brought about this situation? Until 1631, there were only Portuguese Jesuits in China. So even though they might have been of several nationalities, they all obeyed the same Superior. In 1631 the Spanish Dominicans arrived, and in 1680 the Augustinians (from the Philippines). The missionaries from the Foreign Missions of Paris arrived in 1683, and in 1688, the French Jesuits. It so happened that the Portuguese Jesuits were tolerant towards the Chinese rites, since they considered them to be civic and 57 Sanjay Subramanyam, O Império Asiático Português, 1500-1700: Uma história política e Económica, Lisboa, Difel, 1995, pp. 298. 58 Manuel Teixeira, Macau no Século XVII, Macau, Direcção dos Serv. de Educação e Cultura, 1982, p. 47; and, C.R. Boxer, Portuguese Conquest and Commerce in Southeast Asia, 1500-1750, Londres, Variorum Reprints, 1500-1750, pp. 164-166. 59 Beatriz Basto sa Silva, Cronologia da História de Macau (séculos XVI-XVII), Macau, Direcção dos Serviços de Educação, 1992, p. 140. 60 António Marques Pereira, “As alfândegas chinesas de Macau”, in De Longe à China: Macau na Historiografia e na Literatura Portuguesa, Tomo II, organized by Carlos Pinto Santos e Orlando Neves, Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1988, pp. 614-618. 61 Chinese Rites were the cult of Confusious, the cult of the ancestors and the Chinese name for God (T’ien = Heaven and T’ien Chu = Lord of Heaven).

26not a heresy. But the remaining orders did not agree and sent word on this issue to the Pope. There were several conflicts in which the Macao authorities themselves were involved. For example, in 1709, the Governor and the Bishop opposed the Senado and the Jesuits. In 1720, Cardinal Mezzabarba (a delegate to Pope Clement 11th) arrived in Macao, and the situation improved. However, in 1742, Pope Bento IV sided with Cardinal Tournon, and forbade the “Chinese rites” by means of the papal Bull Ex quo singulari. This situation prevailed until 1939, when it was changed by a papal decree62. At that time, the merchants usually lived at the same location where they carried out their commercial transactions. But, in 1717, Emperor Kangxi limited the access of foreign trade by confining it to the port of Canton. Even so, foreigners could only remain in Canton for commercial purposes, and only until their ships with the merchandise had been dispatched. After that, they would have to go to Macao, where they resided temporarily, with the Mandarins’ permission. However the Senado constantly opposed allowing foreigners into the city63. In 1719, Emperor Kangxi prohibited Chinese navigation to foreign countries. Following this, he offered Macao the foreign trade in China, but the Senado rejected the proposal. In 1732, Emperor Yung Cheng reiterated the proposal, and again it was rejected. In 1757 foreign concessions trading posts were opened in Canton: French, Spanish, Danish and Swedish. But the foreigners were not allowed to reside there. Thus, they would return to Macao, where they made good use of their wealth, credit and knowledge during their stay. Nevertheless, the pressure on the Chinese authorities to abolish the restrictions on foreign trade continued until the Co-hong were disbanded in 1771. The Co-hong were merchants who had the exclusive right to trade with foreigners in Canton, under the so-called “Canton trade System”64. 62 Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua Deocese, Vol. XIII: A Missão da China, Macau, Tipografia da Missão, 1977, pp. 164-170 and pp.230-237.; and, António da Silva Rego, O Ultramar português no Século XVIII (1700-1833), Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1970, pp. 115-124. 63 Anders Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlement in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China, Hong Kong, Viking Hong Kong Publications, 1992, p. 56. 64 Cheong, W.E., Hong Merchants of Canton: Chinese Merchants in Sino-Western Trade, 1684-1798, Surrey, Curzon Press, pp. 331-333; and, Austin Coates, Macao and the British (1637-1842): Prelude to Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1966, pp. 43-45 and pp. 74-76.

27 In spite of the direct trade between China and other western countries, Macao remained the main establishment for the settlement of foreign traders. These included the British (whose East India Company had its headquarters in Macao as of 1664), the French, Dutch and others. INSERT MAP 4.3. SIAM AND ITS RELATIONS WITH MACAO65 65 For this chapter, reference can be made to Isabel Leonor Silva Diaz de Seabra, Relações entre Macau e o Sião(Séculos XVIII-XIX), Masters dissertation, Macau, Universidade de Macau, 1999, pp. 1-20.

28 The city of Ayutthaya was founded by King Uthong (Rama Thibodi), in 1351. From 1351 to 1767, the kings were influenced by the divine royalty practice whereby the coronation was carried out following Brahman rituals, and they were given Hindu titles. The founder of Ayutthaya, Rama Thibodi 1, for example, derived his name from Rama – a reincarnation of the god Vishnu and a hero of the Hindu epic poem Ramayana66. Ayutthaya controlled the River Menam basin (Chao Praya), including the kingdoms on the northern bank, namely Sukhothai, Chiang Mai and the Kmer Kingdom (including Angkor), and many principalities to the south and west. In Southeast Asia wars between neighboring kingdoms were a common phenomenon. Kingdoms were competing for resources and a regional supremacy. Through such wars, Ayutthaya reached the peak of its expansion during the 14th and 15th centuries, establishing itself firmly in the center of the Thai world67. Following the defeat of Cambodia in 1431, Siamese influence expanded throughout the whole of the Malay Peninsula. The Kingdoms of Tenasserim and Ligor were under Siamese sovereignty. Pahang, Padang, Terengganu, Kelantan, Kedah and Selangor were its tributaries, and so was Malacca. At that time, the most prosperous Siamese port was Mergui, close to Tenasserim, in the Gulf of Bengal. It was from here that the Chinese and Siamese merchandise was transported to Indian ports, and later, to Europe. The main products were silk and porcelain from China, and wood, brass, ivory, elephants and buffaloes from Siam. On the return voyage, Indian products (mainly cotton) were brought to Siam. The Chao Praya basin (Menam River) – which became the center of power for Ayutthaya – was very fertile in agricultural, minerals and other products. Ayutthaya´s prosperity as a trading post sprang from a long economical development in the Lower Menam Basin, converting it into an important centre 66 Mary Somers Heidhues, Southeast Asia: A Concise History, London, Thomas & Hudson, 2000, p. 61. 67 Leonor de Seabra, Relações entre Macau e o Sião (Séculos XVIII-XIX), Masters dissertation, Macau, Universidade de Macau, 1999, p. 13.

29for trade. While the largest cities from the Dvaravati period were disintegrating, newly formed cities took their place and continued their economic activities68. By trading the natural resources of these reigns, the Siamese were able to expand their network of commercial contacts to the west and to Southeast Asia, reaching to ports of Coromandel, in India, Persia and even Europe. As an agrarian monarchy and a maritime trading power, foreign policy was vital to the interests of Siam. These external relations were carried out mainly through trade, diplomacy and war. Trade and diplomacy were closely linked, and were based on the tributary relations prevalent in Asia at the time. The tribute was paid by a vassal to a sovereign in the hope of obtaining commercial privileges. When Rama Thibodi 2nd rose to the throne in 1491, Ayutthaya began to seek diplomatic and commercial relations with foreign powers. However, it is presumed that Persian merchants had visited the city soon after it had been founded. The first states to have had relations with Ayutthaya were its closest neighbors. Thus among the merchants to have settled in Ayutthaya or who maintained contacts with it, one could find people from Sukhothai or the Khmer Kingdom of Cambodia, Chinese, Léquios, Japanese, and others.69. As an international trade centre, Ayutthaya was an important connection in the Asian state–run trade and in the international “junk trade”, both led by China70. China was the first great empire to have had regular trade relations with Ayutthaya. In the 13th century, when China was invaded by the Mongols, a large number of Chinese emigrated to Cambodia and to Siam. Subsequently, the Chinese Emperor from the Yuan Dynasty sent an embassy to Sukhothai in 1281. From then onwards, the Chinese culture began to enter Siam. The Ming and Ching Dynasties maintained diplomatic relations with Siam through the mutual exchange of embassies. Later, the Chinese emperors were content to receive tributes (kung) from the Siamese embassies sent to Beijing, via Canton. As “sons 68 Plubplung Kongchana, “Ayuthya as a Port City, in Ayuthia Historical Centre, Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, p. 38. 69 Dhiravat na Pomberjra, “Ayutthaya and its External Relations”, in Ayutthaya Historical Centre, Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, pp. 109 – 114. 70 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol.3), 4 volumes, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, p. 1168.

30of Heaven”, the Chinese emperors received rich tributes from the Southeast Asian merchants who were under the rule of Ayutthaya. Although the Siamese were considered to be vassals of China, their junks returned laden with Chinese merchandise, such as silk and porcelain. In 1370, after ascending to the throne, Emperor Hung Wu sent his envoys to various kingdoms of Southeast Asia to inform them of their vassal status. Siam was among these and the Siamese responded to this news of the new dynasty in a quick and efficient manner. From 1371 to 1423, 62 envoys bearing tributes in soap-wood and pepper were sent by Siam to the Imperial Court. The number of emissaries exceeded by far those of any other Southeast Asian kingdom. Contrary to the Siamese enthusiasm, the new Ming emperor paid little attention to this Buddhist kingdom. In fact, no other official mission from the Ming Court was sent again to Siam, after the first visit in 1371. Emperor Yung Le (1403 – 1424), managed to change this negative attitude towards Siam. He sent Cheng Ho (Zeng He) on several expeditions, including to the Kingdom of Siam71. During the diplomatic contacts between Ayutthaya and the western nations, trade became, almost always, the most important issue. By holding a strict control on trade, the Siamese government did not get less profit from this lucrative business than the visitors, i.e., the foreign merchants72. The Portuguese were the first Europeans to arrive, in 1512. In the same year they had conquered Malacca, which Siam considered to be under its suzerainty. Duarte Fernandes, sent by Afonso de Albuquerque, was the first European to reach Siam73. It seems as if Afonso de Albuquerque sought the support of the King of Siam, who claimed suzerainty over Malacca. However, the occupation of that city was not contested by the Siamese king, perhaps because he was too busy with the constant wars with Chiang Mai74, trying to defend the north, and was therefore not interested in 71 Sarasin Viraphol, Tribute and Profit: Sino-Siamese Trade, 1652-1853, Harvard University Press, 1977, pp. 7 – 27. 72 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol.3), 4 Volumes, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, p. 1168. 73 “Carta de Rui de Brito Patalim a Afonso de Albuquerque” (Malaca, 6 de Janeiro de 1514) in Documentos para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente – Insulíndia, col. e anot. por Artur Basílio de Sá, 1° vol. (1506 – 1549), Lisboa, Agência geral do Ultramar, 1954, p. 43. 74 Chiangmai or Chiang Mai, a kingdom to the north of Ayutthaya.

31another war against the Portuguese75. Siam was an agricultural country and, thus, needed trade. However, it had many riches which attracted the greediness of other peoples. This is mentioned by several contemporary authors, such as Duarte Barbosa, Tomé Pires, João de Barros, Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, Fernão Mendes Pinto. Afonso de Albuquerque began practicing a policy aimed at establishing good relations with the neighboring kingdoms of Malacca, so that the Portuguese could trade peacefully in that region. This friendly neighborhood policy that the Portuguese developed with Siam was motivated by several issues: Malacca’s dependency on Siam for rice and other food stuffs; the overall lack of knowledge about the Siamese military and naval power; and the Portuguese not wanting to get involved in more military conflicts in the region76. Among the all the European nations the Portuguese were the first to arrive in Ayutthaya. They basically brought several fundamental skills to this kingdom: military techniques and technological advances, the art and technique of modern warfare, and the building of defensive fortifications. This “military revolution” spread throughout Southeast Asia, where modern firearms were introduced by the Portuguese merchants. Not only did they sell their arms to the Asian kings, but they were also mercenaries, fighting in military campaigns. This was how the Portuguese mercenaries appeared in the Kingdom of Siam, and elsewhere all over Asia. Progressively the other kingdoms also modernized their armies77. From the first contacts between the Portuguese and the Siamese, the possibility of military aid played a very important role in the relations between Siam and the Portuguese authorities in the Orient. In exchange for this aid, these authorities sought to guarantee a favorable disposition from this Southeast Asian kingdom with respect to the Portuguese presence in the region. On the one hand, the Portuguese committed themselves to supplying arms and ammunitions. The King of Siam, on the other hand, 75 Ronald Bishop Smith, Siam or the History of the Thais from earliest times to 1596 A.D., Bethesda-Maryland, Decatur Press, 1966, p. 72. 76 Leonor de Seabra, Relações entre Macau e o Sião, (Séculos XVIII-XIX), Masters dissertation, Macau, Universidade de Macau, 1999, p. 4. 77 Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, The Introduction of Western Culture in Siam, Bangkok, 1925, p. 107.

32was expected to allow the Portuguese to establish trading outposts in Siam, as well as grant them freedom of religious practice78. Nevertheless, it was not enough for Siam to merely buy modern Portuguese arms which the Siamese did not know how to handle. Therefore, Malacca79 supplied the King of Siam with both arms as well as men to handle them. This aid was decisive in Siam’s wars against its enemies. The military aid that the Portuguese granted several times to the Siamese against the Burmese, was acknowledged through the concession of a piece of land for the Portuguese to settle on. This was the beginning of the Portuguese Settlement, in Siam80. As a result of the economic development of the Philippines after 1565, it became involved in the South China Sea’s junk trade. It thus became the centre for Spanish commercial, military and missionary activities81. The first war with Burma took place in 1538, and was followed by others in 1549, 1563, and 1568. As a consequence of the last one, Ayutthaya became a vassal of Burma for 15 years. In 1584, Prince Naresuan expelled the Burmese and declared independence once again. After the death of King Thammarach in 1590, his son Naresuan, who was his successor, led Ayutthaya to its highest splendor. After several campaigns against Burma, this King consolidated his kingdom’s independence during some 160 years. It was during this reign that Siam emerged, de facto, as one of the most powerful kingdoms in Southeast Asia, with an institutionalized political system, based on strong economical and military power82. King Naresuan nurtured an interest in the Malacca and China agreement. After bringing peace to his kingdom and, given the fact that two or three years had passed since the Portuguese had last gone to Siam, he sent a letter to Malacca requesting for Franciscan friars; preferably Portuguese. Father Fr. André do Espírito Santo was chosen to go. He embarked together with the embassy which Captain Fernão de Albuquerque sent to the King of Siam on behalf of the King of Portugal. This friar, who was warmly 78 W.A.R. Wood, A History of Siam, Bangkok, the Siam Barnavich Press, 1933, pp. 98-99. 79 Malacca, a port city in the Strait bearing the same name on the west cost of the Malay Peninsula. 80 Leonor de Seabra, Relações entre Macau e o Sião (Séculos XVIII – XIX), Masters dissertation, Macau, Universidade de Macau, p. 4. 81 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol.3), 4 Volumes, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, p. 1169. 82 David Wyatt, Thailand: A short History, Bangkok, Transvin Publications, 1984, pp. 100 – 101.

33welcomed by the Siamese king, built a church and lived there for several years. He seems to have been succeeded by the priests Fr. André de Santa Maria (as vicar) and Fr. António Madalena, both from the same religious order83. As soon as King Ekathotsarat (1605 – 1610) became King of Siam (after the death of his brother, King Naresuan), he wrote to the Interim Governor to the State of India, Dom Aleixo de Meneses, requesting the reestablishment of commercial ties. Tristão Golaio, a merchant based in Meliapor, headed for Siam in 1606 together with the Jesuit Baltasar Sequeira. The latter came to be the founder of the first Jesuit residence there, in 160784. In 1608, the first Siamese embassy was sent to the Netherlands. They were the first Siamese to have gone to Europe85. In fact the Dutch, who in 1602 had established trade relations with Patane (a vassal state of Siam), were becoming increasingly active in the Gulf of Siam. In 1604 they sent an embassy to establish relations with Siam - the region’s most important vassal kingdom of China. In 1610, the King of Siam granted the VOC (Dutch East India Company) the opportunity to build a fort in Mergui, an adjacent port to Tenasserim (the main port of trade with India since 1593)86. In 1612 it was the English who established themselves in Ayutthaya, albeit with the disapproval of the Dutch and the former’s interference in the trade between the Siamese and the Japanese87. The first treaty between Siam and Japan was signed in 1621. The trade was based on the exchange of Japanese silver and copper for local products (pewter, sugar, coconut oil, sandalwood etc.). In the 17th century, Japan became an important market for Siamese products. It basically imported large quantities of wood and animal hides, which the Siamese junks traded in Japanese ports such as Nagasaki. Furthermore, the Japanese junks also used to go to Ayutthaya for commercial reasons. 83 Fr. Paulo da Trindade, Conquista Espiritual do Oriente, III Parte, Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1967, p. 440. 84 António da Silva Rêgo, Curso de Missionologia, Lisboa, Agência-Geral do Ultramar, 1956, p. 584. 85 J.J.L. Duyvendak, “ The First Siamese Embassy to Holland”, in T´Oung Pao-Archives, Vol. XXXII, dir. Paul Pelliot, Nendin/Liechtenstein, 1975, pp. 285-292. 86 David Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History, Bangkok, Transvin Publications, 1984, pp. 100-101. 87 D. K. Basset, “Early English Trade and Settlement in Asia, 1602-1690”, in Historiography of Europeans in Africa and Asia, 1450-1800, ed. Anthony Disney, Hampshire, Variorum, 1995, pp. 86-92.

34Owing to religious persecution, many Japanese emigrated. Some settled in Ayutthaya, where they formed a small community of merchants and mercenaries.88 In 1616 an Embassy from the King of Siam arrived in Goa. In return, the Viceroy Dom Jerónimo de Azevedo sent an ambassador, Fr. Francisco da Anunciação. He was a Dominican who had already lived in Siam for many years. Hence, the trade between the Portuguese and the Siamese was reestablished, as well as the sending of religious orders. Siam was at war with its neighbors and also internally. Moreover the Dutch and English settlements were prejudicial both to Portuguese trade, as well as to the Christianity itself.89As a result, contacts between the two kingdoms were reestablished. In order to speed up the negotiations regarding the Malacca trade, Father André Pereira (S.J.), former Rector of the College of Malacca from 1608 to 1609) was sent to Ayutthaya in 1619. Accompanied by Constantine Phaulkon, the Visiting Priest of the Diocese of Meliapo, and Gaspar Pacheco de Mesquita, a casado living in Cochim, his mission was to discuss the peace treaty with the King of Siam. In 1625 the Jesuit priests Pedro Morejón, António Cardim and the Japanese Romão Nixi sailed from Macao to Siam, arriving there in 1626. In 1627, Father Júlio Marguiço was sent from Malacca as the Superior of the Mission90. However, in 1628 there were renewed hostilities between the Siamese and the Iberians. In 1629 Cardim returned to Manila together with the Spanish mission which had been sent to solve the difficulties in the relations with Ayutthaya. Father Margiço and his Japanese brother were taken prisoners. In 1632 the Japanese priest was rescued by his compatriots, but Father Margiço died in prison. The Jesuits did not return to Siam again until 1655, when they established another residence there91. Nevertheless, commercial and non-official relations seem to have continued until 1633. In 1630, the ancient Siamese dynasty (Maha Tammaraja) was replaced by the new Prasattong Dynasty (1630 – 1655). Siam was at war with Portugal since the time of 88 Dhiravat na Pombejra, “Ayutthaya and its External Relations”, in Ayutthaya Historical Centre, Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, pp. 105 – 106. 89 António da Silva Rego, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente – Índia, vol. VII, Lisboa, Agência-Geral do Ultramar, 1952, pp. 462 – 463. 90 Manuel Teixiera “A Missão Portuguesa no Sião”, in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocesede Macau, Vol. LX, nº 696, Abril de 1962, pp. 330 – 334. 91 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol. 3) 4 Tomos, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, pp. 1180 – 1181.

35King Songtam. The cause of this war had been the capture of a Dutch ship by the Portuguese. Since Portugal was at the time under the rule of Spain (1580-1640), King Prassatong, wrote a letter to the Governor of the Philippines, expressing his wish to re-establish friendship ties with the Portuguese. The war between both countries came to an official end in 1633, with the arrival of a Portuguese envoy in Ayutthaya92. During Prasattong’s reign, the Dutch became increasingly involved in Siam’s political and military affairs. In 1634, the VOC supported Prasattong, both economically and military-wise in its anti-Iberian politics, as well as in its war against Patane. In exchange it was granted important commercial concessions93. In 1636, the King of Siam made new concessions to the Portuguese of Malacca and to the Spanish in the Philippines. In 1641, the Portuguese lost Malacca, as well as their influence on the Malay Peninsula, to the Dutch. During the last years of Prasattong´s reign, the VOC´s position in Ayutthaya weakened94. In 1639, the Governor of Macao, Dom Sebastião Lobo da Silveira, sent an ambassador to that kingdom: a casado resident of Macao called Francisco de Aguiar Evangelho”. The latter reestablished commercial relations and reported on the Siamese king’s request for religious orders. The Vicar of the House of Macao, Father Fr. António de S. Domingos, decided to go to Siam together with Fr. Jacinto Ximenes and the mentioned ambassador. They arrived there in 1640. Once again, there was some opposition by several ministers of the Siamese Crown, who were incited by the Dutch, and even more so by the doings a chincheo. Later, other religious men were sent to the Mission in Siam. The number of Christians there increased, especially after the fall of Malacca in 1641, and Father Fr. Luís do Rosário erected another church and founded the Santíssimo Rosário confraternity95. King Narai ascended to the throne after a succession crisis. He began to consolidate his power and kept an open mind towards European tradesmen and missionaries. Simultaneously, both he and his merchants monopolized the foreign trade 92 Rong Syamasnanda, History of Thailand, Bangkok, Taiwatana Panich, 1990, p. 70. 93 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol. 3) 4 Tomos, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, pp. 1184. 94 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol. 3) 4 Tomos, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, pp. 1184. 95 António da Silva Rego, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente – Índia, Vol. VII, Lisboa, Agência - Geral do Ultramar, 1952, pp. 465-466.

36in Ayutthaya and developed direct trade with Japan, China and Taiwan. In 1664, a new treaty between Siam and the Dutch was signed. However, this favorable situation for the Dutch changed after the French missionaries and the British tradesmen arrived in Ayutthaya. The East India Company established a trading post there in 1674, which it later closed down due to the expansion of French influence96. In 1668 a Thai embassy was sent to Persia and, in exchange, ambassadors from Persia and Aceh were sent to Siam. Towards the end of the 1670s, the Persians held a great influence in Tenasserim and Mergui. In Phuket it was the Indians who held an important position, and in Bangkok, the Turks97. After its establishment, the Society of the Foreign Missions of Paris began to interfere in the areas where Portuguese Ecclesiastical Patronage was established. The aforementioned French Society contested the Portuguese Ecclesiastical Patronage over Tongkin, Siam, China, and Cochin China. The tension became particularly violent after the Holy See formulated the idea of nominating Apostolic Vicars who were only dependent on the Pope and not on any patron98. Portugal protested, but to no avail. It was in an inferior position at the time, since the Holy See had not recognized its independence in 1640. That recognition only happened in 1668. Hence, in 1658, the first Apostolic Vicars were appointed to oversee the Tongkin and Cochin China missions, as well as those in neighboring countries. After several conflicts, the Portuguese Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in Siam was abolished in 1669 99 . Since the missionaries of the Propaganda Fide Congregation were protected by King Phra Narai and by his minister Constantine Phaulkon, from then onwards, the influence of Portugal on Siam diminished. 96 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol. 3) 4 volumes, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, pp. 1184 - 1185. 97 Muhammad Ismail Marcinkowski, “Persian religious and Cultural Influences in Siam, Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia in Historical Perspective: A Plea for a Concerted Interdisciplinary Approach”, in the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 88, Parts 1 & 2, Bangkok, 2000, pp. 186 – 194. 98 António da Silva Rego, Lições de Missionologia, Lisboa, Estudos Cient. Politic. E Soc., n° 56, 1961, pp. 174-175. 99 António da Silva Rêgo, Le Patronage Portuguais de l´Orient, Lisboa, Agência-Geral do Ultramar, 1957, pp. 55-66.

37 The French made their way into Asia through the Propaganda Fide Congregation. Both the French missionaries as well as the French merchants were eager to take part in the Asian trade. The Propaganda Fide had been founded with the aim of liberating the Missions from the control of the secular states. It agreed reluctantly to send three Apostolic Vicars to the Orient. The Society of Foreign Missions of Paris was formed as a complement to the Propaganda Fide. During the foundation of the former, money was collected in France and sent to the Apostolic Vicars throughout its Asian posts. The first to set sail was Lambert de la Motte (Bishop of Beirut). He was to have ecclesiastical jurisdiction over Cochin China, four provinces in the south of China and on Hainan Island. Lambert de La Motte and two companions left Marseille (France) in 1660 and arrived in Ayutthaya in 1662. Due to the hostility of the Christians, they were forced to remain in Ayutthaya. It had around two thousand Christians and was a tolerant city, because according to Thai belief, “all religions are good”. Jacques de Bourges, a companion of Lambert and a secular priest, was ordered to return after one year in Siam. He arrived in Rome in 1664. There he made a report on the conditions of the missionary work. In this report he complained of the hostility of the Portuguese and the Jesuits. At the time, in Paris, both the French East India Company and the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris had been officially created. François Pallú (Bishop of Heliópolis) arrived in Ayutthaya in that same year (1664). He had jurisdiction over Tongkin, Laos and five provinces of China. After assessing the situation, the French decided to establish themselves in Ayutthaya, which was to become their religious center in Southeast Asia. In 1668 King Narai granted the French a piece of land to build a seminar and a church. In 1673 they received another piece of land from the Siamese king, in Lopburi. Simultaneously to the above, the Pope ordered the members of the religious orders in all the territories not directly under Portuguese rule, to obey the Apostolic Vicars. In 1677, the Jesuits in Siam finally accepted the authority of the French Vicars. In 1678-79, after the Dutch left Ayutthaya, the French East India Company established a trading post there. In 1681 and again in 1684, King Narai sent ambassadors to France. The missionaries in Siam wanted to convert the King to

38Christianity. They counted on Constantine Phaulkon to help them, since this Greek gentleman was close to King Narai, and had himself recently been converted.100 In response to the initiative of the King of Siam, Louis 14th of France sent the first French embassy to Siam in 1685, which included French missionaries. The French ambassador was Chevalier Alexandre de Chaumont, and François de Choisy (known as Abbé de Choisy) was his coadjutor. On Chaumont´s mission there were also six Jesuit scientists headed for China. One of them, Guy de Tachard, returned to France with Chaumont, in order to recruit Jesuit scientists for Siam. In 1687, the French decided to send troops to establish camps in Siam. The others would continue to work on the conversion of Narai and his kingdom. Hence, a new embassy was sent to Siam, headed by Claude Ceberet du Boullay who was one of the leaders of the French Company. This embassy also included Simon de la Loubère and fifteen Jesuits. In spite of an increasing hostility on behalf of the Court against Pahulkon and his French friends, King Narai signed a commercial agreement with the French, that same year. In 1688, the French diplomats left Siam together with the Jesuit Guy Tachard, who was sent to France as the representative of the Siamese government, to negotiate a political alliance with that country101. However, in 1688, taking advantage of King Narai’s illness, the Court conspired against Phaulkon, which led to his execution and the expulsion of the French102. In that same year, the Macao Senado, discussed sending a ship to the Kingdom of Siam, on account of its king’s death, because “this city needs the friendship and the ties with the mentioned kingdom (…) and the favors the Portuguese Nation, especially this city, owes it”103. This was clearly a reference to the 100 Jurien van Goor, “Merchant in Royal Service: Constant Phaulkon as phraklang in Ayutthaya, 1683 – 1688”, in Historiography of Europeans in Africa and Asia, 1450 – 1800, edit. by Anthony Disney, Hampshire, Variorum, 1995, pp. 317-465. 101 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, III: A Century of Advance (Vol. 3) 4 volumes, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1993, pp. 1185-1193. 102 Donald F. Lach, ob.cit, p. 1194. 103 “Termo e Assento feito em Junta de Homens bons, sobre se convém mandar barco ao reino de Sião, datado 17 de Novembro de 1688”, in Arquivos de Macau, 2ª Série, Vol. I, n° 5, Setembro-Outubro de 1941, p. 275.

39loan granted by King Phra Narai to the Macao Senado. It took many years to pay back that loan. The last installment of the debt was finally paid in 1722104. The “Revolution of 1688” marked the end of Siam´s open policy, and the country was closed to foreign European trade. MAPA In Rong Syamananda, History of Thailand, Bangkok, 1990, p. 110 104 António Silva Rego, O Ultramar Português no Século XVIII (1700-1833), Lisboa, Agência-Geral do Ultramar, p. 107.

40 After the fall of King Phra Narai and his minister Constantine Phaulkon, King Petracha took to the throne and began a new dynasty (Ban Plu Luang). In 1709 Petracha was succeeded by his eldest son, King Thai Sa, whose reign was marked by an increase in trade with China, especially through the export of rice. Much of the Siamese trade with China and Japan had been carried out by the Dutch. Now it was turned over to private Chinese merchants. The death of this king in 1733 brought about once again a dispute for the throne. He was eventually succeeded by King Borommakot, whose reign was like a “golden era”. This peace-loving king was one the best kings of Ayutthaya. After his death, the disputes between his two sons, led Prince Ekat’at to power. He took on the name of Borommaracha and was King from 1758-1767. In 1765 Burma once again invaded Ayutthaya, completely demolishing the city after a two year long siege105. In 1767 the Thai general, Phya Taksin (who was Siamese, but of Chinese origin), founded a new capital in Thonburi, on the west bank of Menam river; opposite Bangkok. Taksin´s revolt was supported by the mercantile Chinese community in the region. Thus, significantly, this king did not return to Ayutthaya. He settled in Thonburi, which was only 20 Km from the sea, and therefore in a much better location for the purpose of maritime trade. Once he had established his base, he set off to conquer several villages, in an attempt to reestablish central power through the submission of his rivals. The Portuguese fought on his side, and hence he granted 105 David Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History, Bangkok, Transvin Publications, 1984, pp. 124-137.

41them a piece of land in the new capital, in 1768, where they settled and built a church (Santa Cruz de Thonburi Church)106. When King Rama Thibodi (1782 – 1809), who began the Chakri dynasty in Siam, became king, the capital was transferred to Bangkok, a little further down from Thonburi, on the east bank of the Chao Praya (Menam) river107. The capital was shifted to Bangkok for strategic, geographical and religious reasons. This shift appears to be perfectly justifiable, since the river ran right through the center of the city, making it difficult to defend Thonburi in case of an attack. Furthermore, the Royal Palace was located on the curve of the river, exposing it to constant erosion; and also because it was not possible to enlarge the area of its grounds, since it was built between two monasteries. In Bangkok, the Royal Palace was built in an area which had formerly been Chinatown. The Chinese community was moved to an area south of the Palace, in Sampeng. A canal was built a mere two kilometers distance from the Palace. It stretched from one end to the other of the Chao Phya (Menam) river, and had solid walls, gates and fortresses for defense purposes108. During the reign of Rama Thiobodi 1st, a piece of land was granted to the Portuguese Government of India, to establish a trading post. We can verify this in the report written by the Portuguese consul in Siam, António Feliciano Marques Pereira, in 1881109. However, it seems as if this trading post did not come into being due to the opposition carried out by the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda, which, by then, was well established in Siam. According to others, the Portuguese settled in Bangkok, on a piece of land given by the Siamese king, in 1786. They named it Campo do Rosário, and built the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário there110. The kings of Bangkok tried to make the society as similar as possible to that of Ayutthaya. But the Burmese destruction of Ayutthaya in 1767, and the exodus from 106 Joaquim de Campos, “A feitoria de Sião (II)”, in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau, Ano XXXL, n° 410, Maio de 1938, p. 872. 107 David Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History, Bangkok, Transvin Publications, 1984, p. 145. 108 Rong Syamasnanda, History of Thailand, Bangkok, Taiwatana Panich, 1990, pp. 102-103. 109 AH/AC/P. 287 – “Relatório do Cônsul Geral de Portugal em Sião, António Feliciano Marques Pereira, acerca do Congresso de Geografia Comercial a realizar em Lisboa” (1 de março de 1881). 110 Manuel Teixeira, “A Missão Portuguesa no Sião”, in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau, Vol. LX, n° 703, Novembro de 1962, p. 931.

42the Siamese capital, brought to a halt the agricultural and mercantile activities which were the base of the economy of Ayutthaya´s society. Given the extent of the devastation caused by the Burmese, it was extremely urgent to foster the country’s economic recovery. That is the reason why the people became increasingly involved in production for export, contrary to previous times, when that trade practically belonged exclusively to the king. This difference might also be partly the result of the geographical relocation of economic activity, caused by the Burmese invasion. It may also have been resulted from the way in which King Taksin and his successors handled the kingdom’s economic recovery. All this brought about a period which was more open and less rigid that the previous one111. This opening meant the reestablishment of trade and friendship relations between Siam and the European nations. 111 Rong Syamasnanda, History of Thailand, Bangkok, Taiwatana Panich, 1990, pp. 104-105.

43 5. The MANUSCRIPT OF THE EMBASSY OF PERO VAZ DE SIQUEIRA 5.1. TRANSLATION AND TRANSCRIPTION CRITERIA 5.2. TRANSCIPTION OF THE MANUSCRIPT

445.1. TRANSLATION AND TRANSCRIPTION CRITERIA: In the translation of the transcription of the original Portuguese version of this manuscript, the following criteria were used in the translation of the historical manuscript: - The documents were freely translated into modern English. While an attempt was made to approximate the syntax of the translation to that of the original document, this was not always possible. Moreover, the punctuation of the original documents was only partially maintained, as it was necessary to construct sentences with shorter periods in English. - Text that could only be interpreted, but not transcribed with certainty, is translated between square parentheses [] - Additional text not found in the original documents, required in the translation in order to clarify the meaning, is indicated within parentheses {. - Comments on the physical condition of the original document, as published in the Portuguese transliteration (Seabra 2003) were not retained in this translation.

45 5.2. TRANSCRIPTION OF THE MANUSCRIPT

46[Fl. 221] Your Excellency There has been constant news that in the Kingdoms of Siam, Cochin China, Tongkin and Cambodia, the Portuguese Missionaries were suffering under the Jesuit missionaries who were scattered throughout those regions, spreading calumnies against our ways, as well as against our Faith among the Christian communities. Furthermore, they have tried to oblige us to accept the oath, which Your Majesty is already aware of. Considering that this disorder needed a prompt solution, as it is possible that what is still anticipated from Rome will arrive in time, at the Council of the Missions all the information we have regarding these matters has been discussed, and considering (…). for its particular importance, it was unanimously agreed that it was convenient at the time to send Ambassadors to those kingdoms, and by their means find out about the development and the peaceful conditions of the Missions that could not be achieved by the French Bishops. The latter, in addition to what I have mentioned, attempted via the Church and under the disguise of religion, tried to dissimulate their temporal aims, which are to introduce and maintain their recently arrived Nation in India; unique in that region. Yet, due to State impediments, this resolution was not easy to carry out, for, aside from others (…)

47[FL. 221v.] to Siam, and Cochin China, the latter being enemy to Tongkin and Cambodia, during the Chinese monsoon169 I sent them letters, guidelines, presents and other instructions necessary for them to (…) do as I had ordered. Having arrived (…), according to recent news, large war vessels had gone to Tongkin and Cambodia. It was thought (…) and the city as a whole agreed that it was convenient to suspend the (…) and that for the mean time, only that of Pedro Vaz de Sequeira112 should go ahead. The latter, given this resolution, embarked on one of his frigates to Siam. There, he carried out, with much splendor (…), much (…) all which I ordered him to do. For this mission, he spent a considerable amount of his own funds, with no other interest than that of serving Your Majesty generously, and it appears that he is well worthy of your gratitude. Hence, it is appropriate that Your Majesty honor him, so that the others who will serve him from now on may feel motivated by this example and encouraged with this (…) of all the achievements of the Embassy. He handed me a long report regarding the above, which I now send together with his letters, so that Your Majesty may ask to see one (…) where it is present. The King of Siam (…) even though a sincere (…), strongly influenced by the French, decided to send Ambassadors to that Kingdom. Since the Bishops who resided there, were not able to deter him, in spite of their efforts, he finally sent them in one of his vessels, so they would then depart from here in one of ours. Upon their arrival in Goa, I ordered they be welcomed and cared for with all the respect and politeness, as was customary. Until now, we have covered the expenses with Your Majesty´s funds, and through the same account (…) it (…) which include(s) the necessary belongings and (…) and if (…) in it for them and for their people to (...) 169 The two words that follow have been crossed out and are totally illegible. 112 Because many words of the original text are illegible in this pararagraph, the direct object of this sentence is not stated. Yet, we may infer it from the context that the direct object is the Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira.

48 [Fl. 222] which the pilot said sufficed. The King, based on information given by a Greek who is his protégé, assigned this Commission to Friar Estêvão de Sousa, who is an Augustinian, and seems to behave more like a Siamese than a Portuguese. Instead of showing the qualities a priest, he reveals himself to possess the free and distracted spirit of a layman, not yet fully following the norms of the Catholic Reform. As Your Majesty may read in some of the papers attached to this letter, I have very sad news regarding this Friar. In my opinion, the aforementioned papers state nothing good about the Friar. From what I was able to perceive regarding his character, during the few months he spent here, I see him as troublesome, proud, rude and open to any kind of disruptive attitude; be it either as far as the service to God is concerned, or to Your Majesty. For all these reasons, Your Majesty, as well as for the sake of the Nation, it is not advisable, in any possible way, that this Friar return to India, let alone to Siam. Your Majesty should command so, for all the reasons I have mentioned, as well as to avoid any compliant on behalf of the King and his Ambassadors. The matter could be presented in such a way as to persuade them that, as is common knowledge, the one who is not worthy of living, eventually meets his death. The Prelates of this priest may entirely dissimulate everything, keeping it a secret and proceeding with dexterity. Even though what I say may not be convenient, to none other is it more important than to them, both for the reputation of their insignia and as an example of their religion. These ambassadors did not bring a letter from the King, but instead, a letter from his Prime Minister. Thus, I and the Council both decided not to grant them a hearing, having excused myself by stating that they were Ambassadors to Portugal and not to the State113. This error on the part of these men must appear odd to someone from that Kingdom. I let them know that your Majesty felt that one could not treat the Viceroy in the same way as one would treat the representative of Your Royal Highness in India. In what regards their attitude, I believe that the Siamese are less to blame than are Friar Estêvão and Friar Pedro Martyr, the Dominican friar who in that Kingdom (…) 113 State, this refers to the Portuguese State of India, under the Government of a Viceroy.

49 [FL. 222v.] our Ambassador gave our word that we would not wait and not he resolved that (…) by order of the King (…) due to the immense power and considerable influence of his protégé who was advised by these two servants of God. On account of these hindrances, the remaining Embassies to Cochin China, Tongkin and Cambodia were not yet carried out until when they do take place (if it is (…) time ) all that will be done on these Embassies shall be reported to Your Majesty, so that being informed you may rule accordingly. May God keep Your Highness and most powerful Majesty for many years to come. Goa, the 24th January, 1686. (Initialed signature)

50 [Fl. 223] Your Excellency It was my intention to provide Your Excellency with a detailed report of my departure from Macao to this Kingdom of Siam and of everything I experienced there until I left. But, as I am sending this letter by an uncertain and insecure means, I have decided merely to give a brief account of the affairs the Embassy that by Your Excellency I was ordered to carry out on behalf of our Prince, to the King of this Kingdom of Siam. And with considerable detail I have sent Your Excellency a report, God taking me to salvation at the City of Macao on the ships that from there may depart for that Court. I set sail from Macao to this Kingdom of Siam on the 6th of March 684 and throughout the crossing of twenty one days that I spent in the voyage I didn’t spend a single hour that wasn’t of great fear and toil, for upon leaving the islands of China the ship sprung a leak that the water pumps were insufficient to overcome by day and night, whereby I and all those who accompany me suffered great losses. When we entered the Bay of Siam, the ministers of this Kingdom wanted to force me to provide an inventory of the weapons, artillery, people and goods, in the same manner that the merchant ships usually do. I did not want to subject myself to this requirement and merely told them that the aforementioned ship carried an Ambassador, sent by Your Excellency on behalf of the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms and Dominions of Portugal, to the King of Siam. The abovementioned ministers set off immediately with this news. I sent an officer of the Embassy with a written notice to the Prakalang (the Governor of the Kingdom) and to Constantino Falcão, who is the closest protégé of the King of Siam. Together with these letters I also sent letters to the Father General of the Society of Jesus, Manoel Soares, and to the Capitão mor, Francisco Barreto de Pinna. I requested that they come to see me, so that I could hand them Your Excellency’s letters, and inform them of the best way in

51which to carry out this Embassy, along the lines that Your Excellency has directed me to do in your letters. Once we arrived at the place where all ships carrying Ambassadors usually dock until they are granted an audience, the governing ministers of the Kingdom ordered that, albeit our boat represented an Embassy, the captain of this ship should present the inventory I have previously mentioned. I replied to this that the Ambassadors’ ships were not bound by these kinds of laws that were only applicable to the merchant vessels. {I said that even} if they had been applied to the boats that had sailed to this Kingdom bringing Ambassadors of those Princes and Kings of this part of Asia, the Ambassadors of the Prince of Our Lord were not to follow all these regulations, since the King of Siam (…)

52[Fl. 223v.] and a very old, and close friendship with the mentioned Gentleman, and he was aware of the special privileges that had been given to the Crown of Portugal among those nations, wherever its goods arrived. This was extensively debated, and at last I managed to dissuade them from their insistence. As the King of Siam was not in the Court of the first city (…) in another city twenty seven leagues up river, which they call Luvo, they prepared the Portuguese trading post situated in the Bandel for me, where (…) {they} serve. It had been repaired and had been enlarged for this purpose, according to the news that had previously been received via Malacca. After four days they sent for me from the ship I had sailed on, with great ostentation and a large entourage. Upon arrival at the aforementioned houses, which I found to be very clean and very well renovated, I was told by the ministers of the King that I should rest until the King sent an order from the Court of Luvo for me to go and present my Embassy to him. {I was told} that he ordered all expenses of my stay and of all those who accompanied me to be paid by His Royal treasury. He commissioned a Portuguese by the name of Joseph Cardozo to manage those expenses, to ensure more efficiency. I was reluctant to accept the offer, but since I was told it would be a major offence to the King {should I decline}, I accepted that he pay for the mentioned expenses; a situation that has endured until now and will continue until I depart for Macao, so plentiful and pro (…) that I have on no occasion felt anything wanting. After having stayed in the aforesaid houses for one month and three days, word was sent that I should depart for the Court and present my Embassy. The cause of such a delay were the preparations ordered for this occasion, and because in the meantime the King had ordered that the Capitão mor Francisco Barreto de Pinna be detained on account of crimes which, for the time being, I am unable to report to Your Excellency. As I expressed my utmost disagreement that this imprisonment should be carried out on my arrival, since the crimes he was accused of had occurred much earlier, there was a delay in providing me with an explanation. He was handed to me with an account of his offences so that I could be informed of them and meter out the punishment that he

53deserved. Since it was handed to me on the eve of my departure to the Court, I had the mentioned Francisco Barreto de Pinna imprisoned on my frigate until I had finished presenting my Embassy. The King sent for us with enormous pomp and honor, both with a vessel as well as the accompaniment of many important men of his Kingdom, bringing

54[Fl. 224] They brought a state baloon114 specifically for me to take the gift115and Your Excellency’s letter, since the King of Siam considered this Embassy to be one of the most important things to have entered his Kingdom, due to the great love he has for Your Highness and his great esteem for the Portuguese nation. This causes much envy among the other foreign nations who come in rivalry to this Kingdom. Along the twenty seven leagues journey to the Court, the King ordered that we make three stops. At each one there were many elephants and horses, so in case I should become bored of traveling on the river I could have plenty alternatives to carry on by land, which I declined except at the last stop which was close to the Court. From that point the King sent his highest courtiers with a numerous infantry to accompany me, and sent me a royal elephant harnessed with one of his own biers. Truly my Lord, he made it seem as if he were fetching a grand Prince of the world. When I arrived at the Court in all this pomp, Your Excellency’s letter was translated with great honors and solemnity, so that I could present it together with the gift to the King - something which cannot be done in Macau. They took me immediately to a large house which had been expensively decorated. After a few days, when the Prakalang of the Kingdom had by then been informed that I would not accept entering and talking to the King in same the manner that the Ambassadors and people of other great nations do, he ordered me to follow the customs of the Kingdom. To this I answered that I should not subject myself to them as he had told me to do. Thus, I explained to him the manner in which I would speak to the King, and that should the King not wish to admit me in that manner, I would return without presenting the Embassy to him. There were very long debates on this issue on which I will report in due course. The King desisted from his customary practice and fixed a date for me to enter the Palace and present the Embassy. His desire to receive the Embassy, 114 The term “balloon” translates the Portuguese balão, a type of rowed barge. See the Glossary for details. 115Here “gift” translates saguate, the word used throughout the original document. According to Dalgado II, Hamburg, Helmut Buske Verlag, 1982, p. 271, saguate derives from Hidustani-Persian and is also used in the Concani language.

55which he much esteemed, led the King to desist with regard to traditional practice, and to concede me my wish contrary to {the opinion of} his entire State Council. On the day I was to enter the Palace four of the King’s envoys came to fetch me. When I entered with all (…)

56[Fl. 224v.] 116I felt that I was being received with such pomp and majesty that (…) great King of Europe could not, with all his power and wealth and his (…) the splendor that on this day this King displayed at this function, which Your Excellency shall be able to read about when I provide you with a detailed account, both of the first address as well as the remaining words that I addressed to the King. I went before him with my shoes on, a sword and a dagger at the waist and walking upright, paying him courtesy according to our costumes. He ordered me to sit in front of his Royal Throne, very close to him. He received the Embassy cheerfully and pleasantly, having inquired about My Lord the Prince and Your Excellency’s health, the (…) of the letter, and the gift. He asked me several questions, and since he is normally very restrained with everyone in such matters, the noblemen were surprised that he should be so prodigious. Having told him that I had private matters to discuss with His Majesty, he ordered the Kingdom’s Prakalang to grant me an interview on his behalf and to dispatch all my matters so as to (…) gifts for the stay as is his custom, having told me that he would not participate in all the legal matters. Granting me an interview to settle all the matters of my Embassy, he presented a long list, but left out the first and principal point which (…) you ordered me {to deal with} in your instructions and guidelines. As for the reasons that obliged me not to mention it, I will communicate them to Your Excellency through a more secure means, as I have mentioned previously (…). Apart form that which Your Excellency instructed me to do, I also proposed a few matters regarding the administration of Justice and the governing of the Portuguese who serve in this Kingdom, as well as a few issues related to the City of Macao. With (…) the discussions and debates that were held regarding this matter, the King granted everything just as I asked, and gave his Royal word that he would fulfill everything, except for allowing Francisco Barreto de Pinna to remain in his Kingdom, neither under the surveillance of the Portuguese, nor (…). I am thereby obliged to take the mentioned Francisco Barreto with me to Macao so that from there I may 116 The page of the original document begins with the Portuguese suffix “mento” which has not been translated here as it is impossible to decypher its root word at the end of the previous page.

57inform Your Excellency of the crimes that he is accused of (…) here. And in truth, my Lord, for me to find out things about this man in this Kingdom and to deal with them in a judicial manner, I shall need (…) {many} months. However, I shall do everything possible to send Your Excellency the account of Francisco Barreto de Pinna’s crimes which are the reason why the King of Siam, either correctly or wrongly informed, asks that Your Excellency send a man who is honorable and true in justice to

58[Fl. 225] to come and govern the Portuguese who serve in his Kingdom. If such a man has the qualities that are requested, the King shall give his Royal word that he will be allowed to administer justice without any interference at all from his Ministers. Instead, he will order them to give the man all their assistance, and to allow him to be properly obeyed, and he will also help him by granting him favors whenever he may wish to make use of them for the administration of matters concerning his day to day existence. The King sent an invitation to go with all my people to a hunting event where he usually organizes elephant hunts, because he wished to offer me this entertainment. When I was seated at the place which had been reserved especially for this purpose, the King arrived on an elephant and had me summoned to sit by his side. Very courteously he began to talk to me just as any individual would do with another his equal. Since there were many thousands of souls at the mentioned camp, both from his nation as well as from all the foreign countries that come to this Kingdom, he wished to show all those present the pleasure he took in treating me with such honors; the likes of which he had never granted anyone else. This caused great surprise, and admiration among everyone, for this King is treated with great Majesty and sovereignty, however, he is very benevolent by nature. The King ordered that a banquet be held at my own house, because he did not have a convenient place for this at his Palace. And he ordered Constantino Falcão, his closest protégé, who is the one who truly governs his entire Kingdom, to help out and to organize the mentioned banquet, as well as to preside over it on his behalf. In due course, I shall describe the pomp, wealth and abundance at that banquet in detail. When all the matters had been taken care of, I asked for permission to take my leave from the King, for I had already been at his Court for one month and the monsoon to return to Macao had begun. He sent word that he wished my farewell to take place at night, by which I presumed that he wished to receive me at his

59Palace for a second time with a different display of ostentation. My thoughts turned out to be correct because, as I entered late at night, I found his entire Palace, courtyards, houses and gardens lit up as on a clear day, due to the many thousands of fires along the walls, like lanterns. Five for each one of a thousand men. They came in such curious and ostentatious varieties, that I will describe this in detail on another occasion. Upon entering his Royal House181 in the manner that I did on the first occasion, I was given the same seat. The King asked several questions including whether I had concluded and accomplished all which I intended from his Court, to which I replied that in no (…) 181 The word “House” may actually be “Hall” as it is not entirely clear in the original document.

60[Fl. 225v] at all, but rather very excessive honors which had been granted, which (…) to Your Excellency so that the news of my Lord the Prince could be received. To this he answered that he was determined to send his Ambassadors (?) to Your Excellency at the end of August, bearing letters and gifts to Goa and from there on to the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms and Dominions of Portugal. This was because he was very committed to (…) from the many letters that he and his forbears always received (…) never replied, and presently is very grateful for this Embassy. {They shall} always {be} honored (?) by the gifts Your Excellency sent him on behalf of Our Lord the Prince. Your Excellency may be certain of this, given the great effort he has put in decorating and assembling the gift which the aforesaid Ambassadors shall take to the Royalty, as well as to Your Excellency, which is the reason for (…) asked, the King gave me no more than one letter to Your Excellency in reply to the one I brought. The Kingdom’s Prakalang has done the same. He is not the one (…) who used to govern, but another who was recently appointed and who was of little help to me for he has no chance to govern the Kingdom, since Constantino Falcão administers everything, as I have already stated. I bid farewell to the King, much honored and laden with his gifts and courtesies, (…) the Bandel in the same pomp and grandeur with which {I} had gone to the Court. Upon arriving at the Portuguese Bandel where I was lodged, I found (…) return voyage, I began to understand that Francisco Barreto de Pinna’s matters, as I have mentioned, and I did not refrain from making efforts to (…) could serve as a means to satisfy the complaints the King has about him. But it was not possible. In fact, this matter has reached a point where, if I leave him in this Kingdom, it will be much to his insult and to the discredit of the Portuguese nation and an offense to His Highness. What led me to this conclusion was the consideration of the severe poverty of the aforesaid Francisco Barreto de Pinna, and the burden of family duties to which he is obliged, as well as the confusion on

61the part of both parties as to the true nature of the crimes and the complaints against him. I also wish to inform Your Excellency that I am determined to leave the government of the Portuguese who serve in this Kingdom to the Vicars of both parishes that exist here, because I was not able to find a suitable layman entirely capable of fulfilling this need in relation to the administration of the civil disputes. In this way, His Highness’ vassals in this Kingdom shall not be left entirely without their own judge, which could {otherwise} be harmful {to them}. Therefore I ask Your Excellency to send someone who may govern this Christian community as soon as possible, because they are now, and always have been, left to themselves, and will be worse off if there is a delay in sending a Minister who they can obey. {Otherwise} they shall all be subject to the laws of the King of Siam that even if well organized

62[Fl. 226] and justified, it is not proper for the Portuguese Nation to go to other courts of justice. I also inform Your Excellency that the Governor for the common matters (…) of this Christian community has died already, and left as the Vicar Forane a priest who is worthless and has so little authority that nobody respects him. The priests and other priests of this Christian community say that this Vicar Forane is an intruder, because the Governor did not have the authority to appoint him for the present post at this Christian community which is on the verge of a rupture and a breakdown, for these Christians easily become disunited and drift away from the teachings of the Church. It will be troublesome for all these things to occur in the presence of the foreign Bishops and Missionaries who serve in this Kingdom of Siam. I ask Your Excellency to put an end to this matter for the reasons I have pointed out. No further can be done but to report it to Your Excellency. May God keep your Excellency for many more years to come. The Kingdom of Siam on 24th of June 1684. Servant to Your Excellency. (signed) Pero Vaz de Siqueira

63[Fl. 226v.] Siam – the 24th of June, – 684 By Pero Vaz de Siqueira Answered in 685 183 183 The rest of the page of the original document is blank.

64 [Fl. 227] My Lord, Worn out by the toils of the sea, I have reached this city on my return from the kingdom of Siam, and immediately regained my good spirits on account of Your Excellency’s letters, for in them you mention how much you esteem Our Lord the Prince’s vassals who in good will accept the opportunities to be in his Royal service. I very much feel that the successful achievements of my work will not meet Your Excellency’s wish, since they are owed mostly to the aforesaid {Prince Our} Lord. Yet, should this fault exist, the various occasions brought about by the passing of time shall forgive me, for they always confer good intentions {on our deeds}. Should I, nevertheless, still be considered to be errant, may Your Excellency be assured that whatever task I did wrongly was not because I lacked the will to succeed, but because I was incapable of putting my intentions into words. After having accomplished all of the Embassy’s matters in the Kingdom of Siam, I immediately sought to send Your Excellency, via Tenasserim, a general report concerning the Embassy and the honors which the King granted me. The reason that I did not write a full report was that the routes were so insecure that it could have fallen into the hands of those who could harm the vassals of His Highness serving in that Kingdom. And since in this letter I cannot mention too many details with regard to the information I have to report to Your Excellency, I have directed the Secretary of the Embassy to give me an accurate and faithful report, from the very beginning to the end of the aforesaid Embassy. I now hereby remit this report to Your Excellency, so that you may be informed in detail of what I carried out, and of all the obstacles set before me in an attempt to prevent me from fully accomplishing what I was ordered to do by Your Excellency. Should the report seem too long, may I be excused since Your Excellency in your letter last year told me to be circumstantial when reporting all the events.

65 In the Report I have explained in detail the King of Siam’s intention and disposition to send his Ambassadors to Your Excellency, so that they may be sent to Portugal. I considered that the mentioned Ambassadors would reach Your Excellency before January, given the great speed with which they prepared themselves during a time when it was impossible for ships from this city to reach that Court. So that Your Excellency could be informed of all that happened in the Kingdom of Siam, and on how I arrived at this city, I immediately ordered the frigate Nossa Senhora da Conceição to be prepared at my expenses. I bought the vessel in Siam for this purpose (apart from others that are listed in the aforesaid Report). In this way, before Your Excellency would take the decision to send the mentioned Ambassadors to His Highness, you would already have received the detailed account of my Embassy. I did not send {this report} by land due to the reason I have already pointed out, as well as because the protégé Constantine Falcão induced his King to send Friar Estêvão de Souza and Friar Pedro Martyr, who have been extensively mentioned in the Report, as guides for the Ambassadors. Since these two priests are very close to the aforesaid protégé, should they talk of the Embassy they would distance themselves greatly from the truth so that Your Excellency, in gratitude to Constantine Falcão, would praise him to Our Lord the Prince. Given the great speed with which I had my mentioned frigate prepared, at the end of October it was already set to leave for that Court carrying all which I now send. It so happened that at the same time the ship from Manila arrived in this city, with António Botto Barreto on board, whom I had left in Siam for his convenience. He gave me the news that, following my departure from the Kingdom of Siam, nine English frigates had entered {that Kingdom}, and that one of them had spread the news about the success of the wars of Sevagy and the ensuing state of that Court at that time. When the King of Siam came to know about this, he ordered to stop the preparations of one of his frigates, which was being hastily equipped to take his Ambassadors to Your Excellency, giving the excuse that it was not convenient for him to send his Ambassadors until he was sure that the situation at the Court was completely

66calm. When I heard the Kings’ second resolution, I decided not to send the frigate, for it was to set sail merely for the purpose I have mentioned to Your Excellency. I am quite certain that the King of Siam will not desist in his intention to send his Ambassadors, if not this year, then next year, and for that reason it occurred to me as an obligation, and with all due respect, to warn Your Excellency that it will be very harmful to send the two aforementioned priests together with the Ambassadors of the King of Siam to see His Highness when (…) those who

67[Fl. 227v.] send; however they are very odd and somewhat deranged men, and for the negotiations to have better (…) and the Ambassadors should be treated with esteem, it will be highly preferable that they be accompanied by two priests of the Society of Jesus, since the latter are always more zealous in the service of His Highness. They are interested in the tranquility and peacefulness of the Southern Missions {and} shall invest considerable effort in their task. As they will be good company for the Ambassadors of that King, the aforementioned priests may be able to obtain everything they wish from his Kingdom, because he highly values the honors and favors granted to the vassals who represent him, and from (…) the aforesaid King deserves all possible esteem, since he highly values the friendship that he maintains with the Portuguese Crown, besides the great favors and honors that he grants the Portuguese. During my stay in his Kingdom he was always careful to please {me} in the best possible way, and I do not have the least complaint regarding his hospitality. (…)From his close protégé, I only received the (…) as has been extensively mentioned in the Report. As I consider Francisco Falcão to be the one who totally governs the whole Kingdom of Siam, I did not openly complain about what I experienced there, because my complaint could cause great damage to the Christians who serve in that Kingdom, and also because this city depends immensely on that port and owes many favors to that King. In order to ensure that the aforesaid protégé continues disposed to favor the Portuguese Nation, I always told him (as well as announced it publicly in the Kingdom of Siam) that he had been the main reason for the grand treatment that the King had given to the Embassy of His Highness. Upon bidding farewell (…) I acted out what I had mentioned in words, showing myself to be very grateful to him. That is why I was of the opinion that the letters that Your Excellency sent him in the current monsoon should be handed to him so that he may more willingly favor the Portuguese, until Your Excellency gives further instructions. I brought along the Capitão mor of the

68Bandel, Francisco Barretto de Pinna, because on no account was it convenient for him to stay on in the Kingdom of Siam. Apart from the fact that the King does not want him to occupy the post he currently holds, it is certain that he would be severely insulted. I shall not oblige him to go before Your Excellency and (…) he does so it will be under his own will, for I am moved to compassion by the great (…) as well as his poverty. {He has} a very large family, and (…) to support it in his current condition I believe is not a light punishment for his offences. I merely send Your Excellency a brief lawsuit with the remaining {information} attached to it. In the Report I detail the events, enumerated according to their nature, so that Your Excellency may determine what is to be done. The administration of civil justice will be carried out by two priests who administer the Sacraments to the Christian community: Friar Manoel Soares, the Superior of the Residence in Siam, and Friar Domingos de Santa Anna de the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário. Both accepted this task since it was not wise for the Christian community to remain without a minister vassal of His Highness (…).Father Manoel Soares did try to excuse himself from this obligation as it is not in accordance to his statute. But as he heard that it would please His Highness, and {that you} wished the Priests occupy this empty post, given his great respect for the King the aforesaid priest accepted the post so as not to displease the King, nor fail in the service of His Prince and Lord. The Kingdom of Siam truly does not have any Portuguese capable of governing the Bandel, and it greatly needs an impartial man, of noble conduct and good sense of how to deal with the King’s protégé, who wants to govern everything. In the same manner that the secular sphere is without leadership, so is the ecclesiastical one, for the Governor of the Bishopric has passed away, and the Vicar who replaced him is a very timid priest, and not at all capable, who does not know how to spiritually govern the Christian community. Without a person with a solid education in the humanities, there will definitely be confusion and much disorder due to the large amount of liberty everyone has and also due to the neighboring French Bishops and Missionaries. When Your Excellency decides to send a Capitão mor to the Bandel, I wish to warn you that the biggest mistake he may commit in the Kingdom of Siam will be to accept a post, or a title, from the Royal House, because such dignities merely cause infamy to the vassals of His Highness. For all the titleholders of the Kingdom of Siam are

69called his Negros, and when for some reason he punishes them he does it as if they were slaves, and for this reason the Dutch

70[Fl. 228] the Dutch do not want to allow the employees of the Company to accept any honor whatsoever from the aforesaid King. Concerning the acceptance of a title, if Francisco Barretto de Pinna had not received one he would not have been tied to a pole (…) when I was in the mentioned Kingdom. This infamy almost caused the failure of the Embassy, as has been clearly specified in the Report. Furthermore, the Capitão mor who is to be appointed should, immediately upon arrival, punish extensively according to the jurisdiction of his post since it is immensely corrupted, for Francisco Barretto de Pinna let it fall entirely under the control of the King’s Ministers. Yet it is the King’s wish that the Portuguese in his Kingdom be judged by their own Minister without the intervention of any of his {own Ministers}. However, since the previous Capitão mor merely looked after his own interests, everything fell into pure disorder. Thus, it so happened that when the King of Siam wished to equip an armada last year, his protégé ordered the aforesaid Capitão mor give him a list of all the Christians. He complied and allowed this protégé to enter the Bandel and force those picked out from the list to serve on the King’s armada. The {same} King does not allow the Portuguese and other Christians to serve him against their will. The Capitão mor is the only one to blame for that order to have been carried out, because apart form not having fulfilled his duty, to a certain extent he too was an aggressor in that disorder. When the King at times allowed his Ministers to inquire about the matters of the Portuguese, it was only because he was aware of the bad Minister they had. I do not doubt that the aforesaid Francisco Barretto de Pinna may present Your Excellency with information on his behalf contrary to that which I write about him to Your Excellency, since it is usual for some of the residents of this city to provide false information in favor of their preferred ones, and to place many objections to every lawsuit of virtue against those whom they disfavor. Yet I wish to tell Your Excellency that in the details regarding Francisco Barretto de Pinna, I have not resorted to any animosity since I had never dealt with him, nor contacted him before having arrived in the Kingdom of Siam.

71I have sent the King of Siam’s reply to Your Excellency via Capitão mor Manoel Rodriguez da Fonsequa, Captain of the frigate São Pedro de Alcantra, together with the reply from the Prakalang. The correspondence relating to the gifts has been reserved to be sent by his Ambassadors. This was an abuse on the part of Constantine Falcão, whereby Your Excellency may observe the low moral of this man, despite his good sense. And so that Your Excellency need not read the letters, I have taken steps to have them mentioned in detail in the Report. With regard to Your Excellency’s orders concerning Amador Coelho, it was not possible to do anything, for he did not appear during my stay in the Kingdom of Siam, and I presume that his absence was caused by the offhandedness with which Francisco Barretto de Pinna showed Your Excellency’s letter to many people, as is mentioned in the Report. In the same Report reference is made to a large nau belonging to the King, which did not arrive at this city, since it departed late and is said to have anchored in Cochin China. In the Report which I hereby send to Your Excellency a reference is included to the treatment that this noble city displayed towards me upon my departure for the Kingdom of Siam. I know that they will mention my complaint to Your Excellency, with the excuse that they were about to accompany me had I gone from my house to fetch them at the Municipal Court (as they wrote to me), which was not convenient for me since I would have discredited the service to His Highness. For when the nations of these regions see an Ambassador leave the Courthouse of the city to assemble his Embassy, they see him as an envoy sent by that same Court, for which they have less respect. Furthermore, when these people ran themselves into debt so that Manoel de Saldanha could go as Ambassador to the Empire of China, upon his departure, the Ministers of the Senate (who were governing at the time), together with all the population, went to his house and took (…)117 to see the aforesaid Manoel de Saldanha to his ship, so that all the foreigners could see 117 In the original Portuguese document, this page begins with the ending of the final word of the previous page. However, there is insufficient information to permit its translation here.

72[Fl. 228v.] The Ambassadors of Our Lord the Prince were highly criticized, because that post was not higher than the one Your Excellency gave me, {and} I felt (…) the difference in respect. Should the Ministers say that I lack the powers that were given by His Lordship Conde de São Vicente to Manoel de Saldanha, I do not agree, because in my father’s case, when he left this City as Ambassador to Japan, and because he lacked such powers, he went to the Municipal Court together with all the noblemen, so that he could embark in an honorable manner. Yet, what happened was that the aforesaid Ministers (contrary to their own beliefs) wanted to satisfy the wish of the Procurator, Jozeph Vieira da Silva. He was the one who argued fiercely on this matter, driven by his bad character, wanting to satisfy himself more than to fulfill his duty to His Highness. And when (…) from Siam, the visit they paid and the reception they gave me, was done by sending two guards before I had even left the vessel, to see to it that none of the goods were hidden from the customs, for fear I would spend all that I had taken in the service of His Highness. Even the Factor of this city did not refrain from reminding me (…) the payment for the prisoners who accompanied me. And since Your Excellency did not grant me any power to handle this issue, I faced many difficulties in the preparation of my voyage. I tried hard to catch the current monsoon for the second Embassy to the Kingdom of Cochin China (as Your Excellency had ordered me to do), but I was unable to do so. Besides being in very poor health, I was also greatly lacking in funds, since the voyage to Siam cost me more than twelve thousand patacas, and as these are today so hard to restitute, on account of the bad trading results, I do not have sufficient means for further expenses immediately after the first. Even less so, because the expenses would be far greater, for that nation is very mercenary, and one does not profit much from trading with them if one does not have valuable goods to exchange. Since that King is very proud and arrogant it is always necessary for me to take along the same ostentation that I displayed in Siam, so

73that they respect and esteem me and those who accompanied me (…) very disappointed, because the Senate of the Municipality took away their rights to all that (…)I divided it among all of them, for they did not make any other profit for themselves, for although they are devoted to serving His Highness greater ( ) my men are pompous and refined people, they never disappointed me in (…) enduring many toils. The greatest admiration felt by that Kingdom of Siam was that my people did not scandalize anybody, nor did they criticize (…) their traditions. In the Kingdom of Siam I came to know that the King of Tongkin had replied to the letters from His Holiness and those from the King of France (…) {saying} that he did not allow the presence of a Christian community in his Kingdom, and the King of Cochin China will reply in the same manner. May Your Excellency command what should be done regarding this matter. Regarding what Your Excellency tells me about the trade with Japan being done by via the aitão who governs the province of Canton, I have informed his protégé and trading agent, João Cortez, about this issue. He told me that this would be impossible to carry out without the consent of the Emperor of China, who would not wish to allow his men to (…) fail the good name of the Portuguese in Japan, due to the risk involved (…) Through an easier, albeit slower means, it so happens that, for many years, the Emperor of China has prevented Ambassadors from Japan from entering his Kingdom, as used to occur every three years, on account of some disagreements. Currently the aforesaid Emperor has ordered that the Japanese proceed with their Embassies, and arriving at the Court of Beijing [Fl. 229]

74and seeing the Emperor of China’s great interest (…) and how very satisfied he is with the Portuguese nation’s fidelity, (…) the Japanese give news of this to their Emperor, and the Priests take (…) the Japanese who continue in the Court of Beijing, and they will be able to (…) on their land. This is what I have to report (…) regarding, and as for the estimated expenses (…) goods, it would be well spent in order to restitute a very large (…) has been lost. Your Excellency wished that I be the one to elect the Secretary of the Embassy, and since I chose him I do not need to praise him. But I do not think that due to a slight mistrust it be prudent not to mention the (…) and thus I wish to inform Your Excellency how the Secretary of the Embassy, Francisco Fragoso, is worthy of all the honors Your Excellency may grant him because he always behaved with care and devotion, helping out (…) with great dedication, which I always expected of him, for he never failed in all the years I have served His Highness. He has never had the luck of gaining an opportunity to be rewarded for his service, (…) it is a big family with very few resources, but full (…) of spirit to carry out all that Your Excellency may order him in the service of our Lord the Prince. There is nothing else to add. May God keep Your Excellency for many years to come. Macao, 18 November 1684. Your Excellency’s servant (signed) Pero Vaz de Siqueira

75[FL. 232]118 118 Blank page. Folios 230 and 231 are missing.

76[FL. 233] By the boats that (…) will be sent from there by the boats that will go to Goa (…) this (…) the second one which will go on the boat of (…) with the Embassy of Your Highness. Regarding the matters of the Embassy to this Kingdom (…) {a special Ambassador119}. I have already mentioned to Your Excellency, in my first letter, what happened and how {he} was welcomed by this King, as well as the many honors he bestowed upon the Ambassador. {I also mentioned} how Your Excellency’s orders were adhered to as far as possible, thee greatest difficulty being the Ambassador’s entrance with shoes and sword. Even though the Ambassador spoke 120 (…) well during this Embassy, he, nevertheless, is not sure of some of the matters that he came to deal with, lacking the necessary confidence, because {he121} said he would leave some documents here stating that this King had granted what had been asked for. Yet, what value can those documents have if they were left behind without having been signed, either by the King, or by the Prakalang. Thus, the King’s protégé, Constantino Falcão, knows (…) of the documents requested122. He said that they were worthless and that the King had not granted such things (…) he gave them back to me. As for (…) from Santa Anna, a document left by the Ambassador (…) both of us, each at our own parish drafted the official letter (…) justice relating to civil matters, so as to appease the people of this Bandel until Your Excellency may provide a new Captain. Until now we do not even know whether the King orders the French Bishops not to interfere in wishing to govern the Portuguese priests and our people. What we do know is that they still say, attempt to, and do everything in their power to govern them and to continue to carry out their intentions (…) more so now, after his death, the Priest Governor (…) of the (…) and of the Vicar Forane who had agreed (…) take no notice, 119 Since part of the sentence is missing in the original document, it is difficult to assess the meaning of the word “seguro” that precedes “Ambassador” in the original version. Thus, the meaning of the remaining elements of the sentence “Embaixador extraordinário” translated here as “Special Ambassador” is not entirely clear. 120 The context is not clear. 121 Inferred from the context. 122 Since there are missing elements in this sentence in the original document, its full meaning is not clear.

77and say that they do not (…) any power whatsoever; and thus that the attempt (…) By (…) was frustrated and that was what (…) mattered. Such was the situation (…) or even worse.

78[FL. 233.v] (...) And charity work, because he is an honourable man, yet poor and in the many years that he spent here, he always revealed himself to be a very loyal vassal, dedicated in the service of His Highness. It was very difficult to go against the King’s protégé, because both the documents that the King left for us, which I have already mentioned above (…) {?123} faithfully translated. On another matter, I had written to Your Excellency that Captain Francisco Barreto de Pinna’s son in law, André Gomes Piçarro, seemed to be capable of taking over the office of Captain, should the former pass away. However, time makes things clearer, and I now do not consider him to be apt for that {post} and therefore warn {Your Excellency of this}. The decree Your Excellency sent me, sealed and bound with the official ring to be opened in the event of Francisco Barreto de Pinna’s death, shall be kept in my office until further orders from Your Excellency. The chest for orphans {of the community} which had three keys and could not be opened with any one of these was broken on one side. It remained, thus, open (…) in Francisco Barreto de Pinna’s house, without any silver gift for the orphans. Once the new captain arrives it will be possible to repair {the chest} and close it, since it is necessary and important so that the orphans’ silver may be stored in it, once available. Friar Estevão, who is an Augustinian friar, will go as Ambassador or agent or companion of the Embassy. This Friar has been away from his convent in Macao for the past two or three years, with the aim, as he says, of collecting alms for the convent. Here he was nominated secretary to the Prakalang in the service of the Portuguese and for that purpose (…) provided the interpreter, this post does not seem124 (…) The Ambassador told me that this Friar, in his presence (…) had accompanied our Embassy, and he told me one (…) that (…) that is to say a sergeant of the Ambassador, who accompanied him on the baloon, that this Friar spoke ill of our Provincial. Therefore, it would be wise if 123 In the original document, the two words prior to “faithfully translated” appear incomplete and, thus, cannot be translated. 124 The meaning of this part of the sentence in the original document cannot be inferred from the context, since most of the elements of the sentence are missing, thus it has been translated literally.

79Your Excellency could keep him from joining our Embassy (…) because (…) auger well to send an Embassy (…) priest who is outside of the convent and who speaks (…). I see here a letter of Your Excellency to Father Nicolau da Mota. Since you discovered that he had already passed away and as there is a Vicar Forane named by the Priest Governor, it seems (…)

80[FL. 234] (…) and to me that to (…) we all may (…) open the letter. Thus, if (…) everything in secret 125 that (…) remains (…) 126 from his Vicar-General who has instructed him and (…) Santa Anna. He says he will go to Timor this Monsoon, but some people say that they will not believe him until he has left the bay, even if there is no boat to Timor during this monsoon. The French Bishops were immensely apprehensive of this Embassy, for they were convinced that the Embassy had come to ask this King to expel them from the Kingdom, which the Ambassador did not actually do. Even if he had requested this, it would have been useless, owing to the influence that these French Bishops have on the King. But had this been included in the list of notes, or instructions that the Ambassador brought from Your Excellency, I know not how this could have been revealed, unless the Ambassador had told it to someone, which I consider improbable since it would be careless, when it was obvious that it would not have a positive result. The letter that Your Excellency sent to Francisco Barreto de Pinna was read by him in the presence of the Ambassador and a Dominican friar who he had brought along from Macao. Who knows whether the friar revealed all of its contents to Friar Pedro Martyr and Friar Pedro if (…) report everything to this King’s protégé, to whom he is secretary and scribe. Should this have been the case, one could also understand the cause of the events between the Captain and the King’s protégé. I heard that this French Bishop had told the King that this Embassy had not been sent by the Prince, but rather by the Count Viceroy. It thus seemed as if neither the Embassy, nor Portugal or Your Excellency had the appropriate authority and power. However, the King did not take any notice of this. These Bishops also said that your Excellency had sent in a bundle of correspondence from Goa to Macao a letter of this Embassy to the Rector of the Society of Jesus, so that he may give it to Pero Vaz de Sequeira – Ambassador Extraordinary. They {= the French bishops} make malice of this, 125 Partly inferred from the context. 126 This line is illegible in the original document.

81imagining that we have asked the Embassy to banish the Priests of the Society of Jesus. And if this was what Your Excellency (…) those letters of the Embassy to (…) (…)127 127 This part of the line is illegible.

82[FL. 234v.] (…) a priest by the name of Constâncio Jorge (…) {?128}. And since Your Excellency (…) what shall be done of it (…) that Your Excellency should send us (…) news of His Highness’ ecclesiastical patronage. For the French Bishop who resides here has said that the {(?) Prince129} has already left Rome (…) and the matters of the Propaganda Fide concerning the ecclesiastical patronage are against Portugal. Should (…) of this (…) Dominican Friar, who resides here write anything to Your Excellency (…) Captain Francisco Barreto de Pinna, Your Excellency will know that there may be a reason to take notice of this, because they suffered some discredit among themselves. I am sure that Francisco Barreto de Pinna was considered a suspect in some matters. Since there is nothing else to report, may God Our Lord grant Your Excellency many years of life, which we wish for the Glory of God, the service of His Highness, the well being and the preservation of all of India. Siam, the 12 November, 1684 Vassal of Your Excellency Father Manuel Soares, priest of the Sacred Society of Jesus and Superior of the Residence of Siam 128 As words prior to this point are missing in the original document, it has not been possible to translate the Portuguese words “no viver” that appear here, since their meaning cannot be inferred from the context. 129 In the original document the words corresponding to this approximate translation are “o Senhor Prin(...)”. However, as there are items missing, caution is warranted with respect to the translation.

83[FL. 235] Your Excellency In a {letter} I received from the most Reverend Governing Vicar130, he tells me how Your Excellency had ordered him to (…) {?131} for several times the mission of Friar Jozeph Correia and Friar Pedro Martyr. Attached, he sent me a prescription of excommunication in order to summon them to set off immediately for Solor or Timor. Friar Jozeph Correia already went there last year, in response to a letter he received from our Head Priest and Vicar-General, Friar (…132) da Encarnação, may God bless him in His glory. I immediately sent for Friar Pedro and he told me he would certainly go there. However, today, the 17th of the current month, Constâncio133 Falcão called for me as well as the other priests and some laymen. In the presence of all he took out a written order by His Excellency João Nunes da Cunha, former Viceroy of that State, which granted the King of Siam the power to use any of the vassals of the Crown of Portugal. By this order the priest would be prevented from going to Timor and have to remain here. I am prepared to disagree with him at the risk having all the churches closed and being sent to Tenasserim. This is what has been happening, and Your Excellency may be sure that I have not failed to enact the order I received from my Prelate. My God grant Your Excellency the {many} years of life that this humble servant of yours and Chaplain wishes you. Siam, 17 November 1684. Humble servant and Chaplain. Of Your Excellency (signed) Friar Domingos de Santa Anna 130 “Governing Vicar” is used to translate the Portuguese Vigário Governador. 131 The final part of a word, impossible to infer from the context, and thus impossible to translate. 132 The name of the Friar is illegible. 133 “Constâncio” most probably refers to “Constantino”, first name of the protégé of the King of Siam.

84[FL. 236]134 134 This is a blank page.

85 [FL. 237] Your Excellency With the arrival of the Ambassador Extraordinary, Pero Vaz de Siqueira, I received a letter from Your Excellency whereby, once again, your order me to maintain in this land the religion of His Highness (may God keep Him) according to the order and jurisdiction of the French Bishops as well as the obedience that they ask of the Missionaries, whom we here assist. Your Excellency need not worry about this matter, for I will more easily lack the will to live than the obedience to my natural Prince and Lord, whom I must to serve and obey according to the inheritance I received from my parents and my grandparents, who were all faithful servants of their King. It was not a small feat for His Excellency (may God keep Him) to send an Embassy on this occasion, for aside from the immense credit we gain from it in the eyes of all the foreign nations, we will avoid being insulted by them at any time with such disturbances. The opponents will also be terrified of ever trying any such thing in the face of so many honours with which the King of Siam received the Embassy of the Prince My Lord (may God keep Him). As an eye-witness, I am able to truthfully inform Your Excellency, for I accompanied the Ambassador to the Court of Luvo, where we remained for one month and two days. Also, in his company, I entered the palace, which he entered (by extraordinary favour) wearing footwear, and bearing a long sword and dagger, walking upright and very firmly until he sat down on the seat which had been prepared for him, carrying out the courtesies according to the Portuguese style. There he maintained conversation for a full hour and in his presence {the King} ordered him to put on a cloth dress coat. On the second occasion {he was given} another one as well as a golden sword, apart from many other gifts, as well as other small precious items and favours. {The King} bestowed these courtesies and favours not only to {the Ambassador}, but also to all His people, telling him

86 [FL. 237v.] that he would ultimately grant him His Royal word never to break off the friendship between the two Crowns. He granted everything that the Ambassador asked for, in spite of the French, who were also present and tried to interfere as much as they could. Your Excellency may read about this in greater detail further on, in the report by Ambassador Pero Vaz de Siqueira, who is a very talented nobleman and therefore knows how to better explain this to Your Excellency. May Heaven keep Your Very Knowledgeable Person for many happy years. We all wish (…) and health of Your Excellency as well as to the very benevolent and fair Prince. Siam, June 21st 1684 Your Excellency’s Humble and unworthy Chaplain (signed) Friar Domingos de Santa Anna

87[FL. 238]135 135 This is a blank page.

88[FL. 239] Siam – 21 June 684 From Friar Domingos de Santa Anna Answered for the second time on the19th of February, 6(...)136 136 The year in which the letter was answered is illegible in the original document.

89[FL. 239v.] With the arrival of His Highness the Ambassador Extraordinary, Pero Vaz de Siqueira, I received the letter that Your Excellency wrote to me, together with the provision and confirmation of the post of Procurator of those who are absent, with which Your Excellency has honoured me. I am aware that I am not worthy nor deserving {of this post}, but it is a great honour and benevolence granted by Your Excellency, to whom I submit my humble gratitude. As soon as the aforesaid Ambassador arrived, he paid me his respects and I fulfilled my obligations by making myself available for everything that he might wish me to do in the service of His Highness. I humbly assisted him, warning him a few times on important matters to the state and the credit of the Nation before he disembarked from his frigate. He listened to me carefully, since he found everything that I warned him of to be true and convenient to the service of His Highness and the success of the Embassy. {I did all this} because Your Excellency had ordered me to assist the Ambassador. But after he had disembarked and delivered the Embassy, he ordered that I be taken prisoner without my knowledge of the cause for such an act. I immediately came to know that it was due to envy and false information which had been given to him by some people who were envious of the honours and grace that Your Excellency had granted me. They said that I had written and given false information to Your Excellency. The information that I gave Your Excellency regarding myself was the provision of my post, penned by Capitão mor Francisco Barreto de Pinna. Those disloyal and envious people later claimed that I had been taken prisoner for having dared to write to Your Excellency. What I have written to Your Excellency in the past monsoons was no more than my obligation as vassal of His Excellency, for the zeal I have of His Royal Service and because I desire the good of the Nation. But I did not provide false information in what regards the service to the Prince, nor against the good of the Nation, as Your Excellency may remember. In this land it is common for some not to bear to see others being honoured, and they become envious without further cause. As for the money that the deceased Diogo da Mota owed the municipality of Macao

90[FL. 240] I am sending it together with this report on the actions that I took, for Your Excellency to see. For I did not write false information, neither would God permit such, nor would I dare to wrongly inform such a fair Prince as Your Excellency, to whose punishment I now submit myself, should Your Excellency find me guilty of any crime. I already decided to come by this city, merely to offer myself at Your Excellency’s feet, but I was unable to do so. May Your Excellency, as a fair Prince, analyse my cause benevolently, and order whatever may be most appropriate, for in my previous letters I informed Your Excellency of myself in all truth, of how I am a native of this land and of my love and zeal for the service of His Highness. I shall not be defeated by those who now live in Siam, because for the good of the State and the Nation I am prepared to sacrifice my life, and apart from it, I have nothing else to lose. Ambassador Pero Vaz de Siqueira is a worthy nobleman of many talents and worthy of occupying such a post, as he has well proven. This King granted him great honours and received him in a manner that had never been shown to other nations. They say that He has granted everything that the Ambassador asked for. However, the Ministers of this King are such that, after the Ambassador’s departure, our situation is worse than before, as we are now able to see and experience. May our Lord grant Your Excellency the happiness that we all wish for the development of India and the common support of the vassals of His Highness. Siam, 2nd October 1684. ((signed) Attentively) António da Fonseca

91[FL. 241]137 [FL. 242]138 [FL. 242v.]139 137 This is a blank page. 138 This is a blank page. 139 This is a blank page.

92[FL. 243] five days before the arrival of the Ambassador, the Reverend Bachelor140 Father Nicolau da Motta passed away. He was the Governing Priest of the Bishopric of Malacca and his death brought much sorrow to all in this Bandel. Truly he is greatly missed for he was a Prelate very devoted to the honour of God, to the service of His Highness and the good of the Nation of which he revealed himself to be mindful. And had he not passed away the matters of this Bandel could be in a better state and order. Upon his death the Vicar Forane was taken over by a priest, vassal of the Archbishop of Goa, called Salvador Fernandes, a virtuous priest. He does all he can and not what he wishes because our people in Siam have never been united or obedient. They only wish to live within the liberty of the land. For this reason many are envious of him and quite opposed to him. Yet he has the courage and devotion to work in the service of God and His Highness. Dom Francisco Palú, a French Bishop, went to China during the last monsoon together with his companions. He passed through Taiwan to the Empire with the Tartars, who took him along. We do not yet have news of what this Servant of God has done there. However, his presence in China is very harmful to the City of Macao, for the major effort of the French is to introduce the French Society’s trade and commerce there. This is how they proceeded in other places and they have achieved what they so strongly desired. Friar Bernardino da Igreja, a Capuchin Bishop, Italian by nationality, left this year together with two companions on a Chinese boat to the islands of Macao, (...) Canton, with the intention of entering that very same Empire (…) God willing there will be no disturbance there (…) things well. During this monsoon a sloop (…) from Zurrate. On board they brought a (…) they presented in the name of the Society to this King, who (…) much to see him. He did not show much interest because it was not (…) {?141}, because he was informed that His Highness had sent to the Emperor of China an animal which was more 140 “Bachelor” is used to translate the term “Licenciado” used in the original document and meaning that the priest held the academic degree of “licentiate”. 141 The Portuguese word that appears at this point in the document is “real”. Because a substantial part of the sentence is missing, it is impossible to infer whether “real” means “Royal” or “real”.

93[FL. 243v.] representative, beautiful and proud. These French gentlemen are quiet and did not know with (…) nor if they still speak of papal bulls or briefs, even though the (…) Luís Lancau did not miss the opportunity to disturb (…) Portuguese. For he purposely went to the Court where the King was and informed him of how the Ambassador had not been sent by the Prince Our Lord, may God keep Him, but instead had been sent by Your Excellency, and thus he should not be granted so many honours and so much accompaniment. Yet, not (…) a good reply from the King, who turned his back on him because he knows his ill will and envy, which he sometimes displays towards the Embassy And because of the honours and reception, as bestowed on the Embassy by this King, such as had never been seen in the (…) 142. He also sent for one of his priests (…)governor, a day before his death, to whom he sent word that he had been excommunicated by His Lord the Bishop and (…) he wish to take absolution he would take the (…) {?143} to pardon him. To this the Governing Priest replied that (…) was good because he had not been excommunicated. The Bishop said that once he had died144 (…) to be pardoned, so that he could then announce that (…) knew (…) obedience as a Prelate (…) that this was his intention. (…) on this occasion this King (…) {?145} so as to go from there to (…) Portugal (…) by the packet-boat with a letter (…) use until (…) and it is said that there is a great (…) that the (…) goes to Siam, {?he} has instructed (…) the King the matters of the Embassy to the Reverend Father (…) Estevão de Souza, an Augustinian priest, (…) as their Rector and administrator (…) I did not receive Your Excellency’s letters via 142 The final word in the sentence in the original Portuguese document, trafação, was unidentifiable and, hence, not translated. 143 Following the missing elements in the original document, only part of the next word is clear, and its meaning is impossible to infer from the context. 144 The translation of this part has been inferred from the context in the original document, since its real meaning is not very clear. 145 This part of the original document, “para es (…) ”, has not been translated, for its meaning is not clear.

94Malacca this monsoon nor even the copy through Macao. I ask Your Excellency if you may 146(…) with letters, please send them through the priests of the Society of Jesus 146 In the original Portuguese document, prior to the bracketed missing section of text, there is an incomplete word that cannot be translated.

95[FL. 244] so that they may reach me. I will not fail in my obligation as a vassal to inform you of whatever is of import to the service of His Highness, even though the envious people and the disbelievers claim that I am impertinent. If I deserve to be punished, I hope for Your Excellency’s benevolence and that You may deal with me as appropriate. This King is expecting the Embassy of the Grand Mogor, and he has ordered his advisors to renovate houses for the Ambassador. This has been said by the Muslims who live in this kingdom. May God keep Your Excellency with the happiness that we wish for the development of India and the common support of the vassals of His Highness. Siam, the 2nd of December 1684. ((signed), Attentively) António da Fonseca

96[FL. 245]147 147 This is a blank page. Folios 246, 247, 248 and 249 are missing.

97[FL. 250] because (...) duties (...) the (...) obedience (...). And in (...) within the (...) Priest Governor of Malacca (…) from Your Excellency I do not lack (…) Missionaries from the Society of Jesus (…) many irritable Christians and (…). I have served His Majesty at the Fortress of (…) soldier and later in the artillery, and have always served the Portuguese Nation as a humble vassal of the King Our Lord. May God keep Your Excellency for many and happy years in all prosperity and great increases in the wealth and the states of the King Our Lord, may God keep Him etc. Cochin China, August the 8th, 1682148. ((signed), Attentively) João da Cruz 148 The date and place of the document show that this folio is not correctly located within this file.

98[FL. 250v.] Cochin China – 8th of August, 1682149 From João da Crus (…)150 – who resided many years in Cambodia where he served as Governor of the sea ports and as (...) Answer given on the 10th of May, written to His Lordship the Viceroy with the post of Capitão mor (…) complain of the Bishops and Missionaries (…) French ships and asks that (…) an Embassy of the King go 149 In the original document, the year is written vertically. The date and place of the document indicate that this folio is not correctly located in the file. 150 In the original Portuguese document, the word following the bracketed, missing text, section is incomplete and cannot be translated.

99[FL. 251] Your Excellency On the arrival of the ships that came with this monsoon from Malacca, I received the letter that Your Excellency wrote to the Governing Priest-Governor Nicolau da Motta, may he rest in peace, dated the 3rd of May of this year. Thereby, I had information on how Your Excellency once again instructed that Friar Pero Martir be banished from this land by his Prelate for having been so harmful to it, where he had remained (…) {?151} of last year. The aforesaid Priest was notified by his Prelate to go leave here for Timor. However, I doubt that the order that came this year will be obeyed, because (…) of a very close protégé of this King, called Constantino Falcão, who serves the King as scribe, a fact that grants him a great prestige, so much so that these foreign heretics are surprised at witnessing this, and their brothers and priests feel it all the more. Because of the death of the Archbishop Primate, Reverend Cabbido did not delay the letters of the Reverend Governor, Bishop of Malacca, and if by chance he did reply, the reply did not reach me. On this occasion this King is sending an Embassy to strengthen the grace and friendship of His Highness. And it said that the Ambassadors will go to Portugal and that they shall take a grand gift, and that Friar Estevão de Sousa, an Augustinian priest, will go as Secretary. Furthermore, it is said that, without his opinion, the Ambassadors will not be able to resolve anything. This is what is said and discussed in this land. I wrote to Your Excellency, via Macao, that this King had granted all that the Ambassador of His Excellency wished for. However, such are his 151 In the original Portuguese document, following the bracketed section of missing text, an incomplete word occurs, and cannot be translated.

100 [FL. 251v.] (…) things will remain (…) as before and no one can (…)from this Bandel, for they are so oppressed (…) this new Government the status of this Minister152, a protégé of the King of Siam, who is supposed to be Catholic, is against our Government, and therefore I cannot conduct my work in the service of God as I wish to. The Capuchin Bishop Friar Bernardi da Igreja153, who was kept behind in this land last year by Dom Francisco Pallú came through here this year on a Chinese boat, with two companions also intending to enter that Empire. This is something that these foreigners very much look forward to. May God not allow any disturbance there as has happened here. Via Macao I sent as prisoner to that city, a priest called Constâncio Jorge da Silva, who is a priest subject to the Bishopric of Malacca. Together,{I sent} the documents pertaining to his crimes. The pagans and the heathens always found his lifestyle to be very strange due to the liberty that he professed and practiced much to the discredit of the Ecclesiastical State. May Your Excellency order that this man be forbidden to return to the line is illegible because of a fold as well as to the Ecclesiastical State, but according to (…)crimes (…) {?154}. ( ) in that city a certain Silvestre Soares who, during the last monsoon Reverend Governing Father Nicolau da Mota ordered to be ordained (…) priest, and the ordination had been recommended to the Primate Archbishop. However, due to the {Archbishop’s} death he was not ordained and due to the lack here of (…), I ask Your Excellency if you might permit him to be ordained. He will be a great help to us, having grown up in this land and knowing the language well, which is what matters the most in this Christian community in order to interpret the doctrine. In the letter that the Primate Archbishop 152 The meaning of this part of the text is unclear because part of the preceding text is missing in the original document. 153 It was decided to translate the latter two words as being part of the Bishop’s surname. 154 As the remainder of this sentence occurs after a bracketed missing section of the original document, it is not possible to translate it.

101

102[FL. 252] wrote to the Reverend Governor of this Bishopric of (…) he found it very strange that the Treasurer of the Bull of the Holy Crusade had not been published (…) in the past years (…) as he usually did (…) and for this reason (…) my obligation (…) see to it that he did so because it was very necessary to disabuse the French of any illusions {and show them that} things were not as they claim. For they say, loud and clear, that the aforesaid bull is not valid wherever the authority of their Apostolic Bishop Vicar is present. Although the Treasurer knows about this, he has been very careless with the aforesaid publication. I ordered that António Rodrigues da Guerra, who is Treasurer of the Crusade here, be notified. He answered with excuses as can be read in his answer which I hereby send for Your Excellency to see that the reason for not having carrying out the publication, was due to the expenditure, to the little profit gained and (…) I am led to believe, Your Excellency, that many do not take the bull because they do not know whether it exists, and some ignorant {souls} believe that what the French say is the absolute truth. I am sure that once the publication exists, all will come to take bulls. But there is no way that the Treasurer will carry out his obligation as a vassal of Your Highness, since he spent very little with the aforesaid publication. I am not sure if it amounted to eight cruzados. May it please Your Excellency to order that the Treasurer effect the aforesaid publication every year, as it is so convenient for the abovementioned reasons. As for the Royal Jurisdiction there is nothing new for me to report to Your Excellency. As for what may come to happen in the future I will not fail to report it to Your Excellency. May God keep your most excellent person with the happiness we all wish for and for the development of Christianity in India and the protection of the Vassals of His Highness. Siam, 29th of October, 1684. Humble servant and Principal Chaplain Of Your Excellency (signed) Father Salvador Fernandes

103[FL. 252v.] Siam, the 29th of October, 684 From Salvador Fernandes

104[FL. 253] Your Excellency Even though I have already written through two different means, one by Macao and the other by the ship of the Embassy to the King of Siam, yet another motive has arisen {for me} to write these short sentences so as to report what I witnessed, for I heard everything and saw it with my own eyes. The Protégé of the King of Siam was very annoyed with the Dominican Vicar of this Bandel because he wanted, by means of an order from his Prelate, to send Friar Pedro Martir from here to Timor. He thus threatened him that he would order him to close the doors of his church and excommunicate him should he carried out the order of the Prelate. When the Vicar read the excommunication that came from the Prelate of Goa, he took no notice, saying that it was the will of this King as well as that of the former Viceroys that the vassals of His Highness serve this King in the matters pertaining to His service. This included Friar Pedro Martir’s service as scribe of the mentioned protégé of the King. Therefore, I do not think it will be possible to make Friar Pedro Martir leave this Kingdom, given the efforts of this protégé of the King. I report this so that Your Excellency may understand that the most Reverend Father, Vicar-General of the Dominicans, Friar António Pereira, is not at all guilty of this matter. And neither is Friar Domingos de Santa Anna. The latter writes about the issue to Your Excellency and to the most Reverend Father, Vicar-General, Friar António Pereira with much grief in his heart because this priest sincerely wishes that Your Excellency’s orders, as well as those of his Prelate be carried out. I remind Your Excellency that if you send to

105[FL. 253v.] (…) be afraid of the protégé of the King. The letters that Your Excellency wrote and sent to this King, were nor different or (…) {?155} (…), or of the Prakalang, because if they get into the hands of the protégé, who is to say what will happen. All may remain (…) without anything having been remedied. Should Your Excellency write to the King regarding Friar Pedro Martir, Your Excellency may say that he has gone astray from what is right. For the King knows nothing, nor does the protégé want to tell him. And should Your Excellency do this, it would be convenient that, in the letters which the Ambassador of that King will write from Goa to that very King, or to the Prakalang, he include or also through that means send to Your Excellency the (…)so that they may reach the King. Siam, the 28th of October, 684 Vassal of Your Excellency (signed) Father Manuel Soares 155 In the original text, the word “mesmo” may be translated as “even” or “same”, but due to the fact that the words before and after the word “mesmo” are missing, it is not possible to provide a translation.

106 [FL. 254]156 [FL. 254v.]157 156 This is a blank page. 157 This is a blank page.

107[Fl. 255] Report of the commencement, undertaking and completion of the Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira to the Kingdom of Siam, as ordered by His Lordship the Count Viceroy in the name of His Highness. It was compiled accurately from the diary kept from the beginning until the end by the Secretary of the Embassy, Francisco Fragoso, who will present the report to the Ambassador whenever he sees it fit to report matters in detail to His Lordship the Count Viceroy. When the Ambassador received orders from His Lordship the Count Viceroy to carry out three Embassies to the Kingdoms of Siam, Cochin China and Cambodia, he made no fuss about having to pay for the expenses at the service of His Highness, for he had always wished to serve him, given his great dedication to him, being a loyal vassal. But in order to be successful in those Embassies, he needed a large amount of magnificence and ostentation, in terms of both men and attire, since the Kings of these regions do not respect the Ambassadors to their Kingdoms according to their character but rather by the pomp with which they enter their Kingdoms. Based on this knowledge, the Ambassador realized that the twelve soldier prisoners and one infantry canon that His Lordship the Count Viceroy had provided him with were not sufficient for venturing into foreign Kingdoms while holding such a high post. {He} immediately took advantage of the offer made to him by a few honest residents to provide him with some of their men to accompany him. On his own, as well as with the help of others, he began to summon able people to take along with him. In order to succeed in the first Embassy to the Kingdom of Siam, he chose the frigate Nossa Senhora do Rosário from among the vessels that he normally uses for his trade. He immediately had the vessel fitted out in the manner which shall be explained further on. As the Ambassador many men available, both people who offered themselves to him as well as those who were contracted, he chose from them at his own will, and gave them the following different posts: He chose as Chaplain of the Embassy, Master158 Friar Pedro de Trindade, a Dominican priest. He was an authoritative and learned man, and not only did {the Ambassador} take him along to administer the holy sacraments, but also to 158 “Master” is used to translate Portuguese Mestre, indicating the status of a teaching priest.

108have his advice whenever the need should arise during the negotiations for which he was responsible. He chose Hieronymo de Vasconcellos, a competent senior citizen of this city, to be Captain of the aforesaid frigate. He has occupied several posts up to Infantry Captain in the service of His Highness. He chose Manoel de Rodrigues Freyre, a citizen of this city who has also gained much merit in the service to His Highness, to be Captain of the Royal Banner. He gave the post of Artillery Captain to João Correa de Liger, a resident of the city, who holds the post of Infantry Captain and

109[Fl. 255v] Sergeant Major. He chose António Preto Barretto, a very honest citizen of this city, to be Lieutenant to the Master of Ceremony. Domingos da Silva was promoted to Assistant of the Embassy since he had already been appointed for that job in the city of Goa. Manoel Pereira, a resident in this city, was promoted to Second Lieutenant of the Navy since he had already been appointed for the same post in the Infantry of the jail. Francisco Pirez, who was born in this city and who served His Royal Highness for many years, was promoted to Sergeant of the Navy. And so that each of the officers would serve His Royal Highness enthusiastically, accompanying His Excellency the Ambassador, I was ordered to supply all with provisions according to the posts that each had been assigned. The Ambassador thought that the Count Viceroy would agree with such a measure, and would order that they be listed according to their titles so it would not be forgotten that they had served His Royal Highness in such an important enterprise. Each then received the provisions. All felt greatly honored to have joined for such a cause, since they all are honorable men and they cherish any honor that they receive at the service of their Prince. These men are: Luiz de Sousa de Siqueira, António de Oliveira Aranha, João Homem da Cruz, Henriques Teixeira, Domingos Gonçalves, João André . They are all honest and trustworthy men. Manoel de Araújo and Manoel dos Santos were chosen to undertake the task of Royal Treasurers of the Embassy. Both are honorable and trustworthy Portuguese or good backgrounds. The Ambassador ordered the Ambassador to supply silk from China to all these men, for them to have their formal garments made. Not only the officers but also the soldiers of the jail were supplied with silk from China ordered by the Count Viceroy. Once the Ambassador managed to arrange all the necessary things to accomplish the Embassy, and once the monsoon that would allow the Embassy to set sail had begun, it was thought most convenient that when they embarked, they should do so with all the splendor and magnificence possible, with the best local products on board, not only for locals to see, but also because there was another

110vessel of the King of Siam present in this city with officials of that King, who were to accompany the Embassy on this trip. They were to be eye-witnesses before their King with regard to the authority and honor of the Ambassador who was being sent to him. The Ambassador immediately set to writing a letter to the noble city, which reads as follows. Gentlemen of the Senate of this very noble and loyal city Next Monday, God willing, I intend to set sail, and I solemnly invite You Good Sirs, should You Good Sirs wish to add solemnity to my departure, for I aim to carry out that which His Highness orders me to do at His Royal Service. Should there be no one {at the departure} I do not wish to be accused of having been careless in not having fulfilled my obligations. May God Keep You Good Gentlemen, etc. Macao, the 4th of March 1684. Endorsed by me Francisco Fragoso, Secretary of the Embassy. (signed) Pero Vaz de Siqueira [Fl. 256] The reply from the Noble City

111 Ambassador, This city agrees that the departure should be conducted with the utmost magnificence, and for this to occur, its Capitão geral should meet the Ambassador at this Town Hall. This city together with all its inhabitants will demonstrate the dedication with which they will always serve the Our Lord the Prince, may God protect him. Town Hall, the 4th of March, 1684. Endorsed in session by me, Rodrigo Homem de Azevedo, Second Lieutenant and Scribe of the Municipal Office of this city of the Name of God in China, Macao, who {also} drafted the document. (signed) Lourenço de Mello da Silva When the Ambassador saw this reply, he understood that the aforesaid Ministers wanted him to go to the Town Hall while they were in the Court so that he could receive orders, or suggesting that he was obliged to bid them farewell and offer to help out in the matters that this city always maintains with the King of Siam. Being a resident, the Ambassador would conform to everything. Yet Manoel de Saldanha, who was also sent as Ambassador to the Emperor of China, {had} the expenses for all which was necessary paid by the people, because the Embassy was for the benefit of the city. When he departed, all the Town Hall Ministers and all its residents went to see Manoel de Saldanha off, to show the Chinese how very important the Ambassador who was being sent to their Emperor was. The same should be done on this occasion with the Ambassador before the vassals of the Kingdom of Siam, who are currently in this city. However even though the post of Manoel de Saldanha was not different to that of the Ambassador’s he decided to leave his house and embark accompanied only by those who were sailing with him to the Kingdom of Siam. Moreover, knowing that the Procurator of the noble city, being his adversary, was against this mission and acted on behalf of his own interest rather than for the good of duty to His Highness. But it is not surprising that this man should act in such manner, since he is one of the main figures among some

112residents of this city who do not know the Viceroys and His Highness. Furthermore, in order to obtain what they wish for their own interests, they may even provide false information, for in the City Court they consider themselves to be Roman Senators who want to govern entirely according to their own will. The aforesaid Joseph Vieira da Silva so strongly urged his companions to dissuade them from their desire to call the residents to accompany them to the house of the Ambassador and assist him to embark, that he made them desist of their noble [Fl. 256v.]

113noble intention. {So much so} that a few were present, as individuals, on the day the Ambassador embarked. But this was not a good enough excuse, for they could freely act as they wished against the will (…) of the mentioned Procurator, Joseph Vieira da Silva, and so as not to neglect any single obligation on his part, the Ambassador wrote another letter to the Capitão geral of this city, Belchior de Amaral de Menezes, in the following manner. Capitão geral, I am waiting for the tide to rise so that I can embark in order to accomplish that which His Highness has ordered of me as part of His Royal Service. So as to embark with greater pomp and authority, I wish to inform Your Lordship of this, so that should you want to accompany me, I will not have failed to let you know. I would also like to request that Your Lordship allow a gun salute be given from the Hill Fortress and from the one at the Barra, in whatever manner Your Lordship may consider most appropriate. In this manner, I shall not take leave from this port without the foreigners being able to observe the importance given to those who set off on missions for Our Lord the Prince. Above all, I will comply with Your Lordship’s wishes. May God protect {Your Lordship}. The 6th of March 1684. Endorsed by me Francisco Fragozo Secretary of the Embassy. (signed) Pero de Vaz de Siqueira This letter was delivered by the Assistant of the Embassy, to whom the aforementioned Capitão geral replied verbally that he was currently very ill

114{and} would order (…) the Barra Fortress to give the gun salute which the Ambassador had requested at the appropriate time. On the 6th of March, 1684, the Ambassador left his house and embarked in the following manner. The most distinguished people of this {city} came to the Ambassador’s house to accompany him. Among them were: the Reverend Father, Governor of the Bishopric of China, António Moraes de Sarmento, accompanied by many of his priests; the Augustinian Abbot with his friars; the Dominicans, with the exception of their Prelate who was ill; the Custodian of the Church of Saint Francis with his entire community; the Commissioner of the Nuns; and His Highness’ Magistrate, Francisco Gomez Botelho, with all his officers. The common people and the mixed-race Chinese were so many in number that they could not fit along the street. Once all had gathered, the Ambassador stepped out dressed in a rich silver woven fabric, lined in fine gold, with an expensive necklace of fine craftsmanship that weighed five and a half gold loaves. The cloak had rich gold filigree buttons and a matching sword and dagger of the [Fl. 257] of the same gold and of very fine craftsmanship. The ornaments were made up of more than eight gold loaves, one talim with an expensive gold embroidery work from England; and on the hat a beautiful golden braid which was more dear {to him} for its handicraft than for of its real value, under a fine

115gold parasol lined with yellow damask with its pinnacle in silver; and another four parasols of nacre damask lined with yellow damask and also bearing silver pinnacles. On the Ambassador’s right stood the Reverend Father, Master Friar Pedro da Trindade, Chaplain of the Embassy, and on his left the Secretary, Francisco Fragoso, who ceded his place to the Reverend Father Governor. Immediately behind the Ambassador stood Manuel Rodrigues Freyre, the Captain of the banner, who carried it hoisted on a peculiar pole in such a manner that the Royal arms were clearly visible from both sides. The banner was made of white damask bearing the Royal coat of arms, exquisitely embroidered in golden thread with borders and girdles and bullions in crimson and gold. In front of the banner were the six noblemen, immediately followed by the Captain with his Second Lieutenant and Sergeant, followed by the Master of Ceremonies and the Assistant. Further on were the two Chamberlains ahead of who were two Kaffirs, one carrying a drum and the other a silver trumpet with a nacre damask flag hanging from it, bearing the Ambassador’s coat of arms embroidered in gold and silk. The Kaffirs were very well dressed in a Chinese cloth and nacre velvet caps with white lacework. On the flanks of this display were twelve soldiers in the form of an open guard, whom the Count Viceroy ordered to be sent from the prison guard, under the command of Captain Francisco Ferreira da Cruz. These men were fashionably dressed in springtime fabrics from China in much pomp, which was paid for by the Ambassador, as was previously mentioned. Since the Ambassador found this to be a very small number of musketeers, he added another eight residents who would act as soldiers so as to number a total of twenty. To oblige them to go with him to Siam, he paid them at his own expense and to their satisfaction. Behind the Ambassador was Manoel da Rocha, born in this city, who was the main scribe of the Embassy’s Secretary. He was dressed in a very pompous festive robe which the Ambassador had ordered to be given to him; six pages all dressed in the same color fabric from China with silver filigree buttons; behind them and to the right was the sedan

116chair that the Ambassador took for himself to the Kingdom of Siam. It had silver fittings and crimson velvet carpet and cushions, embroidered in a fine gold thread. The canopy of the sedan chair was covered entirely with a crimson and green piece with silver and gold from China, lined on the inside with yellow damask. There were nine young men to carry the sedan chair dressed in the same way as those who were carrying the parasols: in very fine silk woven in China with their crimson velvet caps bearing white lacework all around. These young men did not have parasols for they all had good English hats, adorned

117[Fl. 257v.] adorned with different colored laces. Amidst this exuberant pomp, with many people who had gathered there, some of whom had been invited and others not, at the sound of the drum and the trumpet, the Ambassador left his house and headed towards the São Paulo College. Upon arriving at its church door, all its Priests were standing there with the Inspector and remaining Prelates, for they had been notified that the Ambassador would go to bid farewell to Saint Francis Xavier, of whom he is a firm devotee. They led the Ambassador in a procession to the main altar where they had placed a carpet and a seat for him, on which he sat and said a prayer. After this, the Prefect of the Church, wearing a surplice and a stole, went up to the altar, took down the relic of the Saint’s arm and brought it to the Ambassador. With much reverence {he} embraced it and bid it farewell with such devotion that the people accompanying him cried. {Then he} stood up and bid farewell to all the Priests of that College who insisted on following him to the seafront. For, in a silent manner, both they as well as the rest of the principal residents of the city were condemning the officials of the Town Hall for the lack of esteem that they showed towards an Ambassador who was being sent by His Lordship the Viceroy of India, on behalf of the Prince Our Lord, to foreign Kingdoms. Leaving the aforesaid College together with the entire {the buildings}, the Ambassador walked through several streets towards the site where he would embark. All the windows of those streets were filled with women, due to the word spread about the magnificent departure of the Ambassador. Furthermore, the people were also sad to see him leave, for he is much esteemed by all in the city. Accompanied by his entourage, the Ambassador arrived at the jetty on the small beach were a baloon had been fitted out and thoroughly cleaned. In the same manner, the principal residents had fitted out their baloon to accompany the Ambassador to his frigate and take with them all those who wished to follow too. There were many who did so and went on board the Ambassador’s frigate and did not leave until {it} had left the bay. The main figures to have done this were His Highness’

118Magistrate, Francisco Gomez Botelho, and many of the Jesuit priests who, oddly, were sad to see him leave. The entire community of the Church of Saint Francis did the same, for the main supporter of their needs was leaving. The Reverend Governing Priest, António de Moraes Sarmento, also wanted to follow suit but the Ambassador did not want to allow him to, in spite of the former’s insistence. When the Ambassador left the jetty together with all the baloons that were accompanying him to his frigate, every ship of this city that was near the port, all decorated with large shields and banners, gave loud gun salutes. Should the Town Hall Ministers have forced all the people to be present at the farewell and applaud as loudly as possible, they would not have done better under such orders than they did out of spontaneous admiration and immense devotion in honoring the matters of their Prince and Lord. The Ambassador arrived at his frigate, which was waiting for him adorned with bright colored flags and banners, newly painted, both inside and outside, in various colors{.}

119[Fl. 258] seamen with ten pieces of iron and bronze artillery with which they gave their perfect salutes. Everything was so well fitted out according to the orders and at the expense of the Ambassador. He took the same care regarding the provisions, which were plentiful, for he lavishly maintained all the people that he took in his company, besides having spent much silver on those who accompanied him, with the exception of the prison soldiers who had no need of it, since they were paid with the money of His Highness. Once the Ambassador had set sail, followed by all of the baloons, he sailed past the fortress at the port where the Royal salute was given. Due to the distance, the Ambassador asked all those who were following him to turn back because they were drifting too far away from the city. Everyone agreed to do so, against their will, because if it had been possible they would have shown a great desire to accompany him on such a noble journey in the service of His Highness. Even though in this city some do not feel it a great honor to serve their Prince, the rest are always ready to devote their lives and their wealth to such a service. All sadly bid farewell to the Ambassador. Sailing with a strong wind and having passed the islands and entered the Gulf, he came across such rough seas that he was not sure whether the wind had already passed or was about to blow with great fury. During the night the doubt was allayed because an easterly wind arose, steering the vessel off its course. It was so strong that it forced the frigate to turn southwards. It began to rain heavily, causing great concern and trouble because it became very difficult to overcome both these situations. The greatest confusion was the darkness of the night and endless swaying. The lantern and the flagpole were thrown into the sea making it a difficult night. On the following day, which was the seventh of March, the wind had subsided somewhat, making it possible to see what damage had been done to the hold of the frigate, since around five palms of water had leaked in and it was found that many of the Ambassador’s goods had been damaged. As for the boxes of those who were accompanying him he took responsibility for their losses. He

120immediately said that he would replace everyone’s loss since they were accompanying him out of their own good will. It was very lucky that the frigate was not carrying goods from the residents of Macao, because the losses would have been greater. For this unforeseen event the many men that the Ambassador took were of great help in working with the pumps, which did not stop day and night. Despite many efforts it was not possible to discover where the water was coming in from. During all this trouble we went in search of the Cochin China coast with calm seas and countercurrent winds and currents that put the Ambassador and all his company in great danger, for they were very close to the shallows of Pulosisy159. By the Grace of God a strong wind blew in from the north, pushing us away from danger and allowing us to sail along the coast. This was not an easy task and we sailed along the coast with a favorable wind and working the pumps daily. On the twenty seventh of March, a Monday, the Ambassador sighted the port of the Kingdom of Siam, at the end of twenty one days at sea. While sailing into the mentioned port and because it was low tide, the pilot struck a sand bank at a point which is not dangerous because it is muddy. Yet, this allowed us to stop the pumps so that it felt odd 159 Pulosisy, a toponym referring to an island, deriving from the composition of Pulo (from Pulau, the Malay word for island) + Sisy. As it was not possible to verify the current name of this toponym, the spelling from the original document was maintained.

121 [Fl. 258v.] it seemed odd for the water to leak in from below, after all the work that it had caused. At around eleven o’clock at night during high tide the Pilot began to enter the river of Siam and the Ambassador ordered me, the Secretary, to write three letters: one to the Prakalang – the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Siam{,}Governor of the Kingdom of Siam; another to Constantino Falcão, Greek by birth, who is one of the protégés of the King of the mentioned Kingdom; and a third letter to the Capitão mor of the Portuguese Bandel, Francisco Barreto de Pinna, so that the mentioned parties be informed beforehand of the arrival of the Ambassador. This was the way to ensure that, upon his arrival, there would be no lack of appropriate ceremony shown to the Ambassador due an unannounced arrival. He ordered the Master of Ceremonies of the Embassy to be prepared to take the mentioned letters to the aforesaid people as soon as a boat became available. The aforementioned letters are the following. Letter to the Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna His Lordship the Count Viceroy ordered that it befitted the service of His Highness for me to come as Ambassador to the Kingdom of Siam, where I safely arrived with the protection of God. I inform you of my arrival, since the Lordship Count Viceroy recommended me to do so, to enable you to come to meet me immediately in the interest of His Highness. May God protect you. Frigate, the 27th of March, 1684. Endorsed by me, Francisco Fragozo, Secretary of the Embassy. (signed) Pero Vaz de Siqueira

122Letter to the Prakalang. His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India ordered me to come as Ambassador in the name of My Lord the Prince Governor and Ruler of the Kingdoms and Conquests of the Kingdom of Portugal, to the very powerful King of this Kingdom, whom the Prince my Lord considers to be his brothers in arms. Through God’s will I arrived safely and it is my duty to Your Lordship to notify you of my arrival until the time as I am granted the occasion to personally carry out that which the Count Viceroy has ordered me to do, in the name of My Lord the Prince. May God keep Your Lordship. 27th March 1684. Endorsed by me Francisco Fragozo, Secretary of the Embassy. (signed) Pero Vaz de Siqueira Letter to Constantino Falcão, the close protégé of the King of Siam.

123[Fl. 259] It was God’s Will that brought me to this port and to the Kingdom of Siam, where I come as Ambassador, sent by his Lordship Count Viceroy of India in the name of the Prince My Lord Governor and ruler of the Kingdoms and Dominions of Portugal, to the very powerful King of this Kingdom. Since you are one of the principal people to serve that great Lord and are such a good friend of the Portuguese, according to public opinion regarding the great benefits and favors received by all those who come to this Kingdom, it is my duty to inform you of my arrival. The rest will be dealt with when we meet in person. May God Protect you. Frigate, the 27th of March, 1684. Endorsed by me, Francisco Fragozo, Secretary of the Embassy. (signed) Pero Vaz de Siqueira When the Ambassador left the city of Macao, based on information given by those who usually travel to the Kingdom of Siam, he was sure that the aforementioned Constantino Falcão was an intimate of the King of Siam. In order to deal with the matters of the Embassy, first it was necessary for him to gain the favor of the aforementioned King’s Ministers, with whom he would have to negotiate. Since the Count Viceroy had also warned the Ambassador of this matter, he did not wish to delay in writing to this individual. He would have done so with more formality had he known that Constantino Falcão was the most favored of all of the King’s protégés, which led the Ambassador to think that currently he is the one who governs the entire Kingdom of Siam, both politically as well as in war and in the administration of the treasury. The King of Siam had little consideration for the new Prakalang, who had recently replaced the former after his death, since he thought him to be of little use, and had handed everything to the aforesaid Constantino Falcão. In

124order to be better acquainted with this man, one should know that he is Greek by nationality and as a child was brought up in England, having worked for several English merchants. In the company of one such merchant, he disembarked in the Kingdom of Siam, having done all types of duties, high and low. He was so talented that within three years after having been dismissed by the aforementioned Englishman, he learned the Siamese language with the natives themselves. He managed to become so close to the King that many from other nations who were in the King’s company were left out and only he had power. It has been stated that all the foreigners, as well as the natives, are outraged at the mentioned Greek, with the exception of the French with whom he has invested interests. He aims to do nothing more than increase the treasury of the King at the expense of many. He maintains his intimacy with the King by taking all possible steps to prevent any ill word about his doings from reaching the King, and thus everything contributes to the King’s excessive admiration for him. The entry through the port as far as the Customs Post, which acts as a juncture and control post of the mentioned port, was not easy. At this point there are officers of the King of Siam

125[Fl. 259v] of Siam who board all the vessels to inventory them according to their size as well as the number of men, artillery and other weapons and goods. They make a list of everything according to a very ancient custom of this Kingdom and then they immediately leave on their light vessels to deliver a detailed account. This procedure is carried out in the case of all nations who go to the mentioned Kingdom, both from this part of Asia as well as from Europe. Thus, these officials came on board the frigate of the Ambassador to carry out their aforesaid duties, having presented the orders and the laws of their King. The Ambassador sent word that such procedures could not be carried out on board his vessel because it was exempt and free from those inventories which were only meant for the merchants and the ships going to the Kingdom of Siam under contract. The aforesaid officials requested that the Ambassador inform them of the reason for his arrival, which they would communicate to their superior Ministers of the King, for their lives were at risk for not having fulfilled their duty. The Ambassador told them to go up river and to say that an Ambassador of the Prince Ruler of the Kingdoms and Dominions of Portugal sent to the King of Siam had arrived, and that he had not wanted to submit himself to the law which was intended only for trading vessels. At this the aforesaid officials left satisfied and took the Master of Ceremonies in their light vessel with the abovementioned letters. The Ambassador arrived at the fortress of Bangkok, the main fortress of the Kingdom of Siam which is governed by a Turk. When he found out that the frigate carried the Ambassador of the Prince of Portugal, he did not want to oblige the Ambassador to appear, as is the custom, until the King had sent order to go up river. The Turk believed that one could not apply to these people the laws which were meant for the majority of men (…) to the Ambassador , excusing himself for not coming personally on account of being ill, but the Chief Commander of the fortress, a Portuguese by the name of António de Freitas, did come on board the frigate. On visiting the Ambassador, he brought the news that the Ambassador was awaited in Siam with great enthusiasm, for they had already received news via Malacca and, thus, the King had ordered that houses be prepared for them with great care.

126While the Ambassador was sailing upriver, the Capitão mor of the Bandel, Francisco Barretto de Pinna, came on board the frigate. He brought a letter from Constantino Falcão, the main protégé of the King of Siam, as has been mentioned previously, in reply to the one carried by Master of Ceremonies of the Embassy, which read as follows. Letter from Constantino Falcão Your Excellency the Ambassador, I hereby wish to congratulate you on your arrival and since it is not clear to me whether you have come directly on behalf of His Highness the Regent Prince of Portugal, or by

127[Fl. 260] by order of the Viceroy, I have instructed Paina Ratiná Belão to obtain that information from you, so that we may maintain the customs of this Empire and not disrespect the honor owed to such a great King as is the King of Portugal. The rest I shall report when I meet you. I assure you favor and assistance in whatever may be required for the successful execution of the matters you wish to settle, if that be what you sincerely wish. Siam, the 29th of March, 1684. True Friend of your good self (signed) Constantino Falcão This letter gave much concern to the Ambassador, for it states that if he were an Ambassador sent by the Viceroy of India he would be welcomed in one way and in a different manner if he were sent from Portugal by His Highness. In Macao there had been some residents who had mentioned this issue, because some Portuguese have the habit of finding fault in the honors of others. This led the Ambassador to suspect that among the many letters the aforesaid Greek received from residents of Macao, there would have been one that had informed him about these divisions and differences in the welcome given to the Embassy. Following the request that Falcão stated in his letter, the Ambassador immediately handed the letter from His Lordship the Count Viceroy to the Capitão mor, Francisco Barretto de Pinna. Upon reading it, the latter felt very happy, because he had gone on board feeling somewhat suspicious due to the rumors that had spread throughout Siam according to which, His Lordship the Count Viceroy had ordered that he be ousted from his post. From the contact that the Ambassador had with this individual he gathered that he was not an appropriate guide

128for the matters of his Embassy. However, so as to obey His Lordship, the Count Viceroy’s orders to get advice from that man, he discussed with him the manner in which he should disembark. The Ambassador ordered him to go upriver and tell Constantino Falcão that he, the Ambassador, should be given the same honors as those that would be granted to Ambassadors sent from Portugal, for he was being sent by His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India who represented His Lord, the Prince. The Ambassador progressed upriver at a very slow pace, because the frigate constantly drifted on to sandbanks. On the following day, the 31st of March, a note written by Francisco da Cunha Barretto, son of the Capitão mor who was an interpreter for the Kingdom, came down from the Bandel. It mentioned that all of the King’s Ministers were very surprised that the Ambassador had not allowed the frigate to be inventoried, as is the custom of the Kingdom, and that they were all quite offended by such an attitude. He had written the note to the Captain, requesting him to ask the Ambassador to allow him {the Captain} to hand over the inventory to the King’s Ministers. The Captain informed the Ambassador

129[FL 260v] Ambassador of the aforesaid note. In his reply to Francisco da Cunha Barretto, the Captain reminded him that he should respect the Prince of Portugal, for the sake of whose honor and duty he should be prepared to give his life. But, as he had been brought up in the Kingdom of Siam he had probably forgotten the privileges and liberties to which the Ambassadors of His Highness were entitled to all over the world. He told him to inform the Ministers of the King of Siam that the Ambassador would, by no means, comply with the traditions and customs that trading vessels that frequented the Kingdom were obliged to follow. At that very moment a baloon arrived from upriver carrying an abundant variety of fresh supplies that Constantino Falcão had sent to the Ambassador. The latter sent a very courteous expression of gratitude, and directed that the porters be paid well to make them happy. On the first of April, Holy Saturday, to everyone’s joy, the Embassy’s Principal Chaplain celebrated on board the frigate the ceremony which on that day the church usually performs. The frigate was covered in banners and shields and gave multiple gun salutes. In the afternoon the Ambassador reached the Customs Post, which is like a residence, one league before reaching the Portuguese Bandel. At that point, three baloons came up alongside the frigate, bearing the leading Portuguese who live in Siam, to welcome us and give their Easter greetings. Among them was Fernão Nabo Paçanha, son-in-law of Amador Coelho, who prides himself in being an advisor of the King of Siam. Through his speech, it became clear that he had maliciously been sent by the Greek. None the less, in the presence of the Ambassador, he declared himself to be a loyal subject of Our Lord the Prince and a faithful custodian of his state policies and, as such, counseled that the Embassy would not lose any credibility by handing over an inventory of the ship, as had been requested, and added that if it were otherwise, he would vigorously defend this matter for all that it was worth. Since the Ambassador felt that this was all merely a farce, making use of the same bluff, he accepted him as a loyal vassal of His Highness, in order to find out more clearly the reason for such persistence on his behalf to get the Ambassador to give an inventory of the ship, its men, arms and goods. The Ambassador acted in such a way towards

130the aforesaid Fernão Nabo Paçanha, that he managed to find out that Constantino Falcão considered Fernão Nabo Paçanha to be shrewd and thus sent him to oblige the Ambassador to comply with the mentioned law. Constantino Falcão did not want the Ambassador to the Prince of Portugal to have different privileges in the Kingdom of Siam from those held by Ambassadors of other nations. However, he did not openly state this intention. Lastly, the Ambassador told Fernão Nabo Paçanha that he had not come to the Kingdom of Siam to diminish the honor and status of the Portuguese, but rather to enhance it as much as he could, to bring more prestige to His Highness’ Coat of Arms. No doubt

131[Fl. 261] the Ambassador could well have maintained a neutral stance and allowed the Captain to hand over the inventory of the ship, so as not to start off with a huge dispute over such a petty matter. But since this beginning would serve the purpose of providing means and ends for the more important matters that he was in charge of, he did not wish to give in, so as not to turn this into a precedent for the disputes which will be mentioned further on. On the following day, which was Easter, Father João Baptista Maldonado, of the Society of Jesus, and António Rodriguez da Guerra, an elderly and powerful resident in the Siamese Bandel, came on board the Ambassador’s frigate to welcome him. With considerable effort the attempted to persuade the Ambassador to allow the inventory of the frigate to be carried out by the King’s Ministers, as was the tradition and custom of the Kingdom. Both suggested that should the Ambassador not allow this, certain problems would ensue. The Ambassador was not very surprised that these two men had shown themselves to be so fearful, because both of them had good excuses for being so: one being decrepit and already lacking courage, and the other, being a foreigner, was not aware of the prestige of the Portuguese. While debating on this matter, the Priest mentioned many reasons to try to win the argument which was becoming increasingly difficult for him. In the end he desisted of his intentions, in the face of the Ambassador’s arguments. The Ambassador immediately wrote a letter to Father Manoel Soares, the Superior of the Society {of Jesus}, at the Church of Sao Paulo in the Bandel of Siam, requesting that he come and see him so that he {(the Ambassador)} could get to know his opinion on the current matter, and hand him the letter addressed to him from His Lordship the Count Viceroy. Upon receiving notice of the meeting, the aforesaid Priest immediately came to see the Ambassador, on his frigate. After the Ambassador had handed him His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s letter, he presented him with a written proposition containing the following three points.

132 According to orders given to me, the points which should be enquired about regarding this Embassy’s mission are the following. 1.° It should be inquired whether this frigate should also follow this Kingdom’s traditions and customs as applied to the Chatins in what concerns having to provide a complete and detailed account of its measurements, men and goods and artillery, and whether it is appropriate or not to comply with those traditions. 2.° Whether I myself should carry the letter that I have for the King of Siam until I go before the mentioned King, or whether it should be delivered, according to the local practices and customs, to his advisors, so that they may deposit it in the place reserved for that purpose. 3.° Whether I should comply with the local customs and practices on my visit to the King, thus entering the Palace without a sword, barefoot and prostrated on the ground. I request that these issues be resolved, so that I may thereby conduct myself

133[Fl. 261v] Conduct myself on the aforementioned Embassy. Answer given by Father Manoel Soares to the three previous points. 1.° With reference to the above points that Your Excellency proposes, as for the first, and according to the orders you received from the Viceroy, it seems there should be some sort of differentiation between the trading boats and this frigate, since this is the frigate of an Embassy, or of an Ambassador, which are exempted from the practices and customs of Kingdoms everywhere. Should the King of Siam wish not to enforce those practices and customs, then I think that Your Excellency should follow the King’s wish, so as to carry out the Embassy. And I believe this to be what the Count Viceroy wishes. 2.° As for the second point, I believe that, according to the custom of this Kingdom, it will not be at all possible for Your Excellency, to hand over the letter that you have for the King of Siam, directly to the King, but only to the royal advisors assigned for that purpose. As is usual, Your Excellency will have to immediately assist those who translate it into the language of Siam, and who are then responsible for handing it personally to the King. When the letter is translated it necessary for Your Excellency, to have a loyal person in whom you can trust who will translate that letter verbo ad verbum, without any changes at all. 3. As for the third point, I think that, as far as possible, you, Ambassador, should not subject yourself to the local customs and practices, but rather that you enter with footwear, bearing a sword and performing the usual reverential greetings that are normally conveyed by an Ambassador to his own Princes and Kings. You should try to go in wearing sandals or slippers, for that is not taken as an offense, as others have already entered the Palace in this way. This

134is my view, for lack of a better one, for as a loyal vassal of His Highness and His Lordship the Count Viceroy and your humble servant, Ambassador, I wish this Embassy the utmost success. Siam, the 3rd of April, 1684. (signed) Father Manoel Soares, Superior of the Mission and Residence in Siam The Ambassador also sent these same three questions on paper to the Capitão mor, Francisco Barretto de Pinna, for him to reply on the same paper, as had been done with Father Manoel Soares. His Lordship the Count Viceroy had ordered the Ambassador to obtain the opinions of these two men and to consult them on matters regarding the Embassy, as they had considerable experience in the Kingdom of Siam. So the Ambassador followed those orders, as he has always followed that which seemed most appropriate and would give the most prestige to the service of His Highness and would most satisfy His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s orders, as will be mentioned later on

135[Fl. 262] later on. The answer given by the mentioned Capitão mor was the following. The answer that the Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna gave in writing concerning the three questions stated above. In response to the three points which Your Excellency suggests, and as for the first, I declare that having already served for 34 years as {Capitão mor} in this Kingdom, I know it to be and order of the King that every vessel, be it large or small, that enters this harbor to proceed upriver has to report immediately at the Customs houses. There, officers come on board and inventory the length and width of the vessel, the artillery it carries, the number of people and where they come from, as well as what cargo it carries. Then, they report immediately to the King, who is twenty odd leagues away. Without this procedure, no vessel is allowed upriver. But I have no knowledge, nor have I ever heard that this order is also applicable to the ships of European Ambassadors and to Kings or Princes, because no such vessel has till this day arrived here through this port. In the year 1647, Francisco Coutinho de Magalhães came to this Kingdom as Ambassador, during the office of the Viceroy Dom Fillippe Mascarenhas, with a letter from His Majesty the King, Our Lord Dom João, who rests with God. He brought the portraits of Their Majesties, and presents, directly from Goa to the port of Tenasserim. I know that they were not able to enter it without an explicit permission from this King, once he had received news from that port, as is customary for the Siamese to do. But on the current occasion, I am of the opinion that the King should be informed so that he may decide what is to be done, and in the meantime you, Ambassador, should not allow any inventory to be handed over, since the ship is already up here, and beyond the Customs houses and the Residences.

136 As for the second point I wish to say that the Embassies and letters that have come here from Kings and Princes of this region, as well as those that have come from Portugal and the State of India, are not delivered directly to the King. Not even those from the King of France and His Holiness brought on two occasions by the Missionary Bishops. It is the practice and the custom of the Kingdom to receive the letters and whoever brings them, with ceremony and with a retinue. Some are received closer to the Court, others further away, depending on the Princes and Kings that they were sent by. The letters are taken to certain assigned places with much ceremony and with a retinue of this King’s Ministers, to be translated before the person bearing the letter. From there, together with the gift, they are taken to the King by his Ministers. On other occasions they are kept in assigned places with guards and circumstance until the King orders them to be translated, which is always done in the presence of those who have brought them. On the day that the King concedes an audience to the Ambassador, the letter is ceremoniously presented

137[Fl. 262v.] the letter is ceremoniously presented to the King, (…) in the presence of the Ambassador. It is impossible to avoid this custom, and I am of the opinion that you, Ambassador, should not fight against it if there is no order to do so. As for the third point, I wish to state that it is customary not to go before this King wearing shoes, nor to stand upright. This is the manner followed by the Ambassadors of the Princes and Kings of these southern lands, as well as by the uncles, cousins and relatives of Kings who have come here. You should not follow suit, but rather enter with your sword in its scabbard, wearing footwear and bearing yourself upright. And once before the King, he should be saluted according to the local custom. If there should be any opposition to your entering wearing shoes, you may have some made from velvet, for this minor matter should not prevent Your Excellency from achieving your objectives. Unless you enter according to the manner that I have mentioned, Ambassador, I am of the opinion that you should not enter nor see the King at all. (signed) Francisco Barretto de Pinna Between six and seven o’clock in the evening, a baloon came alongside the frigate in a great display of ostentation. Constantino Falcão, the closest protégé of the King of Siam was on board. He was so proud of this intimacy, that {by coming at this hour} he meant to show it would not have been appropriate for him to visit the Ambassador during the day. He was accompanied by his good friend Fernão Nabo Paçanha and by Father Baptista Maldonado, his confessor. The Ambassador was well informed of how this man was the one who practically governed the whole of the Kingdom of Siam, and that all of the Embassy’s matters would

138have to be dealt with through him, and they would not be successful if he was not always on our side. Therefore, the Ambassador saw to it that he was welcomed with the favors and courtesies owed to a very important person. He disguised the fact that he already knew how favorable this man was to other nations, especially towards France, and not at all towards Portugal. All the soldiers took up their weapons and all of the Ambassador’s men came on board to courteously welcome the aforesaid Constantino Falcão. The Ambassador received him at the door of the veranda and the aforesaid Greek welcomed him very courteously. He showed himself to be very pleased that the Embassy of Our Lord the Prince had come to the Kingdom of Siam at a time when he was able to display the great affection that he held for the Portuguese nation, and he showed a sincere will to extol the prestige of His Highness. The Ambassador responded courteously to these greetings and added that all the matters that were to be discussed would be handed to him directly, for he took his words to be sincere. After several toasts to the Kings, the Greek asked the Ambassador if they could be left together alone, and this request was granted. They spoke for many hours into the night, and the essence of the conversation was that the Greek did not want the Ambassador to be exempted from the practices and customs of the Kingdom of Siam. He wanted the Ambassador to allow an inventory to be made of his frigate, by the King’s Ministers assigned to this task. He also tried to see if he could be a party to all the matters that were the objective of the Embassy

139[Fl. 263] the Embassy, for there were rumors in the Kingdom of Siam regarding this issue. As for the inventory, the Ambassador said that there was nothing to discuss, for he was exempted and free from such laws, given the post that he held. He went on to say that he was Ambassador to a very warlike Prince who was respected all over the world. Furthermore, he had told and assured him that, where the matters of the Embassy were concerned, he would be in charge of everything, and that the post they were involved in, was not capable of anything more than courtesies. At which Constantino Falcão asked the Ambassador whether the letter he had brought was from the Governing Prince of the Kingdoms of Portugal and had been written by him, or whether it was from His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. The reception given to one would not be the same as that given to the other, due to the vast difference there is between a Prince and a vassal. The Ambassador replied that the letter he had brought and the matters pertaining to the Embassy should be treated as if they had come from Portugal, because Their Lordships the Viceroys of India represented {in those territories} Our Lord the Prince. And although in the Kingdom of Siam there existed the difference mentioned by Constantino Falcão, regarding this issue the Ambassador would act according to the orders given to him. Constantino Falcão then took his leave from the Ambassador who accompanied him to the frigate’s gangplank, letting Constantino Falcão know how he valued his status as an intimate of the King, and that in the character of the Ambassador there was no place for arrogance, but rather a firm loyalty to matters related to the prestige of Our Lord the Prince. Since Constantino Falcão had been raised in England, and was well versed in foreign military courtesies, he {the Ambassador} bid him farewell in that manner and ordered that he be given a Royal artillery salute even though it was midnight. On the following day several people came on board the frigate: the Dominican Vicar of the Bandel of Siam and two priests (one of whom was replacing the post of Vicar Apostolic, Joseph Cardozo, and a few other people to welcome the Ambassador and, especially, to warn him of the

140agitation on land due to his refusal to allow an inventory of his frigate to be carried out. These people appeared to be somewhat inhibited, because since the Greek was the interested party and protégé, all the outcasts pay him bribes. They wanted to prove to the Ambassador that it would not dishonor the Embassy to obey the law. The greatest misery of the Portuguese who live in Siam is to have somewhat forgotten Portuguese pride and prestige, for they only care about staying on in that Kingdom, and truly I do not know for what, since they all live miserably. But, with regard to the matter they came to discuss, they should be forgiven, for they had not understood the reason for the exemption whereby the Ambassador wished to enter the Kingdom of Siam immediately. What worried the Ambassador most was their coming to tell him that throughout the Kingdom of Siam there were rumors that this Embassy had been sent by His Lordship the Count Viceroy at the request of the Priests of the Society of Jesus in the mentioned Kingdom, with the aim of harming the French. Others said that the Ambassador was merely an envoy and yet others said that he was nothing more than the bearer of a letter. The cause of these various

141[Fl. 263v.] The cause of these various rumors I find hard to place: whether it is the several foreign nations deal with the Kingdom of Siam, and, in principle, are all against our nation, or whether it is our very own Portuguese. For the Ambassador took great care in keeping the orders of His Lordship the Count Viceroy to himself. Even after having nominated me as Secretary of the Embassy (from whom nothing could be withheld), and having chosen to take along Master Friar Pero da Trindade (not only as Chaplain but for his judgment in the controversies regarding the negotiation of the more important matters), in Macao, the Ambassador did not want to tell nor reveal to us anything about what His Lordship the Count Viceroy had ordered him to do. He only did so half way through the voyage to Siam, making us swear to keep it a secret. In order to maintain the integrity of the Embassy and to deny the several rumors, it was a good thing that the Ambassador took along so many respectful and noteworthy people and his own expensive ornaments, thus having put his own expenses to good use. For this reason the Ambassador sent the Embassy’s Master of Ceremonies ashore with the furnishings of his dressing room and sitting room. They consisted of chests lined in green velvet with golden pleats, chairs in the same velvet with pleats and fringes in gold and silk, a very elegant silverware160 and a setting of furniture of honor which he ordered to be set up in the sitting room of the houses that were being prepared for him. This setting of honor comprised rich pieces of furniture in crimson gold from China, with a crimson velvet chairs with gold pleats, and cushions in the same crimson velvet laced in gold of fine craftsmanship, with covering cloths in fine gold from China, which were also crimson. It was Constantino Falcão himself who was overseeing the furnishing and the setting up of the houses that the King had ordered to be prepared for the Ambassador to rest in. When he saw the Master of Ceremonies enter with all the aforementioned grand apparel, he said: 160 Translation of the Portuguese word copa. The latter word has two distinct meanings: chalice and tableware. Throughout the entire document, copa seems to have the second meaning.

142 “Well, he is for sure an Ambassador of the Governing Prince of Portugal, and he should be greatly honored, and all that has been said to the contrary, is trickery and malice”. So as not to diverge from the orders of His Lordship the Count Viceroy, which directed him to ask the advice of Father Manoel Soares and of Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna, he had them both called to his frigate. In the cabin, alone with them, he ordered me, the Secretary, under the utmost secrecy, to reveal to these two men His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s orders in relation to conforming to the practices and customs of the Kingdom of Siam. I, the Secretary, read out to Father Manoel Soares and to the mentioned Capitão mor the orders of His Lordship the Count Viceroy regarding this matter. The two men, upon listening {to the orders}, shrugged and said that the Ambassador had acted discreetly in maintaining his refusal to subject himself to the practices and customs of the Kingdom. For, according to what had just been read to them, they felt that the Ambassador would have greater difficulties to overcome than the current one which had almost been resolved. They were of the opinion that Constantino Falcão and the remaining Ministers were already convinced that they should desist of the inventory requirement. But they doubted that the King of Siam would yield with respect to the more formal practices and customs.

143[Fl. 264] the more formal practices and customs mentioned by His Lordship the Count Viceroy, because the King was very proud and arrogant in relation to these matters. The Ambassador replied that if the King did not consent to the {Portuguese} practices, then he would leave without seeing the King; and that they would have to explain why the Ministers of the King of Siam had gone to so much trouble to come and receive him on board his frigate to disembark him. The Capitão mor replied that Constantino Falcão, who decided everything and who was in charge, wished to convey to the Ambassador that he should be patient, for houses were being prepared with the splendor and prestige appropriate to his stature, and that it was unavoidable that there be a certain delay in the preparations by the higher Ministers and important people of the Kingdom, whom the King had ordered to go and receive the Ambassador’s frigate and bring him ashore. He also said that the King held this Embassy in the highest regard, and had given orders that the common expenses of the Ambassador and all of his retinue during their stay in his Kingdom be paid by his Royal Treasury. Constantino Falcão said that he would show the Ambassador his personal esteem for this Embassy, for he would put all his care and goodwill into helping out in every way that he could. While the preparations for the Ambassador to disembark were being carried out, many different rumors were circulating. Had the Ambassador not been a prudent and wise man, he would have been quite disturbed, because among all these rumors he was informed that the Capitão mor, Francisco Barretto de Pinna, was more inclined to satisfy the wishes of the Greek than to protect the interests of His Highness. The Greek had told {the Capitão mor} that the reason why he wished to order the Ambassador to inventory his frigate was to keep Ambassadors from other nations to the Kingdom, from wanting to have the same privilege. {(Apparently)} the mentioned Capitão mor had replied that His Lordship should do as he pleased, for he was responsible for governing the Kingdom of Siam. I do not doubt that this individual would have given such a reply, because he is by nature a very dishonest man, and in a short space of time he can change his opinion many times on matters of great importance. In fact he showed the letter that His Lordship the

144Viceroy wrote to him to everyone in the Bandel of Siam, as if it were a letter of monition about which everyone has to be informed. He did this to make everyone fearful of him, because no one ever respected him. Many said he had boasted that he had been put in charge of this Embassy in order to achieve the best results. The rumor that a man who was little respected in the Kingdom of Siam had been put in charge of such an important undertaking greatly dishonored the Embassy. For this harmful arrogance, this man deserved a hefty punishment. As we shall see further on, he did partly receive that punishment by a third party, since the greatest problems and displeasures that the Ambassador experienced in the Kingdom of Siam

145[Fl. 264v.] of Siam were (…) caused by this man’s blunders and wickedness. On the sixth of April, very early in the morning, the aforesaid Capitão mor came to tell the Ambassador that in the afternoon the King’s Ministers would come with great pomp to fetch His Excellency, and that the houses that have been prepared for him were in the Portuguese Trading post in the Bandel of Siam, on the river bank near the Church of São Paulo. These houses had already been very well decorated, provided with all the necessary supplies at the expense of the King’s treasury, according to his orders. Falcão had witnessed and directed everything with much dedication. The Capitão mor left, after having delivered this notice, and then three of the Kingdom’s main advisors came aboard the frigate with a translator, Augustino Rosado. The Ambassador asked the translator whether these men should be paid courtesies, because he did not want to fail to do so to those who deserved them, nor to pay them to people of lower ranks, even if they were serving the King. The translator said they were the three most important people sent by the Prakalang Governor of the Kingdom and Constantino Falcão, who held the highest rank. Having been assured of this, the Ambassador bade them to enter, showing them to their seats with great courtesy, to which they responded accordingly. They said that they were sent by the two aforementioned governors to come and visit the Ambassador to welcome him. Such were the orders of His Imperial Majesty the King their Lord, who was very pleased that the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms of Portugal had sent such a distinguished Ambassador to his Kingdom, thus confirming the long friendship between them. The aforesaid advisors also said that the two governors, on the advice of the officers at the Customs post, and in view of His Excellency’s letters, and also the stateliness with which His Excellency had arrived, as well as his important retinue and the appearance of the vessel, had concluded that His Excellency was a true Ambassador of the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms of Portugal. Once they had been sure of this, they sent a notice to His Majesty their King, who immediately ordered all the best men in his Kingdom to come to His Excellency’s ship and

146take him ashore to the houses which had been renovated for his accommodation, so that His Excellency could rest a few days from the toils at sea. He would then order that {the Ambassador} be taken upriver to where he was, in the city of Luvo, for he very much wished to see him. According to the orders they had been given, the two advisors informed the Ambassador that he should be ready in the afternoon, for he would be taken on shore in a manner befitting his status, and according to their King’s orders. The Ambassador deeply thanked them for having come, and told them to thank the two governors, on his behalf, for the considerable care that they demonstrated with respect to the orders

147[Fl. 265] orders they had from their King regarding the reception given to the Embassy of the Prince his Lord. Then the aforesaid advisors left immediately and the Ambassador began to prepare the same display of pomp with which he had embarked, as mentioned in the beginning of this report. He had some of the better looking seamen chosen to increase the number of musketeers, for he had a good provision of muskets, and other appropriate equipment. Around three o’ clock in the afternoon two advisors came to notify the Ambassador that all the highest ranking officials currently present in the administration of the downriver city, would come to fetch him. If the Ambassador should find this not to be sufficient accompaniment and pomp, given his status, he should understand that this was not the reception given to him as the Ambassador about to deliver his Embassy, but that they were {merely} fetching him from his frigate to rest for a few days on land. The Royal pageant would occur when he was to journey to the city of Luvo, on the King’s summons, to present his Embassy. After this greeting, a state baloon arrived. It had 34 oars, a scarlet canopy with silk valances and red satin curtains, was carpeted, and had a cushion laced in gold thread. At the entrance of the canopy there were two parasols, belonging to the King, with silver lined handles. The Ambassador was to board this baloon, and he did together with me, the Secretary, the Reverend Principal Chaplain and the Captain of the banner, who carried the banner with both hands, high at the entrance of the canopy of the baloon. When the Ambassador left the frigate he was given a loud Royal gun salute. Two of the King’s noblemen, to the equivalent of our dukes, immediately drew up, each on his own baloon of over forty oars, seated on their golden litters. They seated the Ambassador in the middle. In front, acting as guides, were two counts, each in his own baloon. These were also very well equipped, with their golden litters. Following behind the Ambassador, in very well equipped baloons, were officials and noblemen of the King of Siam and Justice Officials. As the river was very wide, on this occasion it was almost entirely filled with vessels, because this multitude was also joined by

148the baloons of the more important Portuguese and other Christians who live in the Kingdom of Siam. The Dominican Vicar, Friar Domingos de Santa Anna, was also present, and he was especially pleased to accompany this Embassy, together with the Priest’s of the Society {of Jesus} who had gone on ahead to their church, to be prepared to receive the Ambassador who had told them that he wished to pray. As the Ambassador sailed past a large ship belonging to the King of Siam, it began to fire all its artillery, by order, and so did another of the King’s boats that had arrived together with us from Macao. When the Ambassador arrived in front of the entrance to the Church of São Paulo, he stated that he wanted to disembark, for the priests were waiting for him, with a Cross held up high and with all the pomp permitted by the riches that the (…) [Fl. 265v.]

149 priests have in the Kingdom of Siam. All the dignitaries and the advisors who were accompanying the Ambassador implored him not to cause them to have their heads chopped off, because their King had very clearly ordered that they should not take the Ambassador anywhere else except to the houses that had been prepared for his lodging. They asked this of the Ambassador with such persistence, that the Ambassador agreed and sent word to the Priests of the Society {of Jesus} that he would receive the honors they wished to present to him, on another occasion. The Priests withdrew without offence, for their experience enabled them to know how strict the King of Siam was towards his ministers. The Ambassador arrived at a wooden bridge which had been built on the beach adjacent to the houses for him to disembark. He did so, and the whole entourage was already on land and took him to the houses which had been prepared for him with considerable cleanliness, with rich carpets and their ceilings draped in cloths of various colors. When the Ambassador entered the sitting room, he stood below the seat of honor, and ordered all the important people to sit down. He sat down with great majesty and aroused much respect among all those people, who, amidst many courtesies and reverential greetings according to their customs, took leave of the Ambassador. He thanked them for having accompanied him and ordered that a sum of silver be given to all the sailors of the baloon on which he had come. He did not forget the Siamese who bore the King’s parasols. From that moment onwards, the baloon on which the Ambassador had come remained anchored near the bridge, still bearing the decorations that have been mentioned. The King had ordered that while the Ambassador was in his Kingdom, the baloon was to be entirely at the Ambassador’s disposal. The Ambassador tried very hard not to accept that his own and his people’s expenses be covered by the treasury of the King of Siam. However, he was assured that one of the most serious offenses that the Ambassador could cause to the King of Siam was not to want to accept that which had been granted in such good will. The King was already informed that the Ambassador had a

150large sum of money to pay for the expenses in his Kingdom, but he considered it a great honor to pay the expenses of the Embassy of the Prince of Portugal, his brother in arms whom he greatly esteemed, from his treasury. For these reasons the Ambassador declared that he accepted the King’s grace. The King ordered Constantino Falcão to search for one of the most important and intelligent men among the Portuguese residents in his Kingdom, to be the administrator of the expenses. For if this task were to be carried out by one of the King’s Ministers, who were not familiar with Portuguese ways, the Ambassador might be very poorly served, and his people might lack many necessary items. Constantino Falcão promptly chose Joseph Cardozo, whom he thought to be the best man for this

151[Fl. 266] this task. He provided him a sum of silver for him to pay for the expenses, and informed the King about whom he had chosen. The King immediately sent a Japanese cane with gold inlays and a velvet pouch as an emblem of the mentioned administrator, who was accepted as one of the important men at the Royal House of the King of Siam. On account of this undertaking by the King, all the foreign representatives and the local Siamese predicted the great honors and esteem that the King would bestow on this Embassy. Joseph Cardozo, feeling greatly honored at being put in charge of a matter pertaining to Our Lord the Prince, and being highly honored by the King of Siam on this account, performed his duties with great care and diligence. On the second day after disembarking, the Ambassador sent me, the Secretary, and the Principal Chaplain, to pay a visit on his behalf to Constantino Falcão, given his position as an important privy to the King; {we were to} thank him for the excellent cleanliness and conditions of the accommodations, as well as for the supplies that the Ambassador’s people had found there. {We were also to convey} that {the Ambassador} did not esteem those things for their value as such, but rather because he had heard that His Lordship had personally overseen the renovation of the mentioned house. The protégé was very grateful to know that the Ambassador was so quick to show him such courtesies, and once again, most amiably, offered to provide anything that the Ambassador might wish for. On that same day, Augustinho Rosado, who works as a translator, came to inform the Ambassador that an important royal advisor was at the jetty near the houses, requesting permission to come before the Ambassador with a message and a gift from the two Governors of the Kingdom. The Ambassador directed him to come in, and {the advisor} said that he had come on behalf of the two Governors of the Kingdom, to visit His Lordship. Both {Governors} jointly sent a gift to the Ambassador comprising items from Persia, Japan, England and Spain. They inquired whether His Excellency was satisfied with the accommodation, for they did not wish, nor would the King allow it, that

152{the Ambassador} should feel the slightest discomfort, nor that his people should lack any necessary items. They also informed that whenever the Ambassador should have any matter to discuss with one of the Governors, His Excellency should do so through the Secretary of the Embassy. The Ambassador conveyed his thanks and bid farewell to the advisor with many courtesies. He ordered that all those who carried the gifts be paid in silver, and they left very happily for they are very mercenary people. On the same day the Father Superior of the Society {of Jesus} came to invite the Ambassador to go to his Church on the following Sunday to attend a Solemn Mass, and a sermon as a thanksgiving for his safe arrival. The aforesaid Father Manoel Soares, besides being a cleric of the Society {of Jesus}, who serves His Highness with the utmost perfection, is also Portuguese and

153[Fl. 266v.] and of (…) in the matters pertaining to his Prince. The Ambassador thanked him sincerely for such holy dedication, but requested that the Reverend Father postpone the event, and that it (…) be celebrated after the Embassy’s transactions had been concluded. Thus, it would be more appropriate to show devotion at the moment Our Lordship the Serene Prince and His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s wished were accomplished. Should the opposite occur, the Ambassador did not want it said that his entry had been more applauded than his exit. Apart from this, it was not appropriate for him to leave the house where they had accommodated him, until he had gone to present his Embassy and visit his King. Because to judge from the politeness of the latter, he would feel offended and would not grant {the Ambassador} much consideration. Father Manoel Soares agreed that the Ambassador’s reasons were very wise. On the same day the Ambassador was visited by two Italian Capuchin priests, on behalf of the Bishop who was also Italian and of the same Order, and who was currently in the Kingdom of Siam, having come from Batavia on his way to the Empire of China. That afternoon, the aforesaid Bishop came to visit the Ambassador, who received him below his seat of honor, and seated him on the (…) same place to his right because he was a person of such high dignity. All of the officials of the Embassy were present in the room, dressed in gala, as well as all the remaining people {accompanying the Embassy}. The visit lasted for most of the afternoon, dealing with political issues and state affairs. As soon as the Ambassador had disembarked, he ordered his officers to immediately set about repairing the frigate, without any delay. Work began straight away and they found that the water leaking in through the bottom was coming in at some joints where the calking was rotten. It was a miracle of God that the Ambassador was having his frigate repaired not only because it needed to be done, but also because he was determined to present his Embassy to the King of Siam who was at the Court of Luvo, seven leagues upriver. It was better to do so after he had solved the terribly difficult disputes regarding his

154entrance into the Palace in the manner that His Lordship the Count Viceroy specified in his orders. Thus he sought an appropriate occasion to mention his intention to the protégé, Constantino Falcão, who was about to leave for the Court, so that {Falcão} might convince the King of what was previously mentioned, before the Ambassador went to the Court. He also wanted the King to take a greater interest in the Embassy, and if the King absolutely insisted that the Ambassador comply with all the practices and customs, the Ambassador wanted his frigate fit and ready for him to embark whenever necessary. The Ambassador, who had his mind set on this goal, was given an opportunity to achieve it when Fernão Nabo Paçanha, a close acquaintance of Constantino Falcão, came to visit the Ambassador. He came to inform him how Constantino Falcão [Fl. 267]

155Falcão was about to depart for the Court to take care of the requirements for the reception of the Embassy. He wished to know whether the Ambassador wanted to recommend anything. The Ambassador said he was very grateful for the offer being made to him, and since the messenger was such a well-spoken man, he wished to take the opportunity to request that Fernão Nabo Paçanha inform Constantino Falcão to remind His Majesty how grateful the Ambassador was for the honors and graces that he was being given so generously. Furthermore, the messenger should convey that the Ambassador would soon go to the Court to present the Embassy to him, as sent by His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India on behalf of His Lordship the Prince. But he wished to inform His Majesty that when the time came for the Ambassador to enter the Palace and go before His Royal Person, he would do so in the same way that he did before his own Prince and Lord, namely: wearing shoes, bearing a sword and a dagger at the waist, and standing upright, and not crawling on the floor. Furthermore, he would present the letter and the Embassy directly to the King, and not to his Governors, and the reply should be received in the same manner, for such were the explicit orders that he had been given. Since His Majesty had trusted the governing of his Kingdom to Constantino Falcão, and since he would be the main person involved in the discussion of this matter, the Ambassador requested that {Constantino Falcão} convince His Majesty to allow him to enter the Palace in the manner that he had suggested. The Ambassador knew the extent to which Constantino Falcão wanted the European nations in Siam to maintain their policies {with that Kingdom}, and since the Portuguese nation was very strict in this respect, and the aforesaid Constantino Falcão had said that this was the nation that he most esteemed, the Ambassador was sure that he would be most favored by {Constantino Falcão}. The aforesaid Fernão Nabo told the Ambassador that he would inform Constantino Falcão (who was able to deal with all matters with the King of Siam) of all that he had mentioned. He also replied that, as a loyal vassal of Our Lord the Prince, he would do all that he could to protect the prestige of the Prince. Although the Ambassador had sensed that {Fernão Nabo Paçanha} was not being true to words, he thanked him warmly for his offer.

156 There is a Dominican priest by the name of Friar Pedro Martyr, from Macau, who has worked in the Kingdom of Siam for some years. Although he is a learned man in Humanities, he has made little of this and has forgotten his duties as a Friar, having become disobedient to his Superiors. Since he has lived as an honest man in the Kingdom of Siam, he asked for Constantino Falcão’s protection and agreed to be his scribe, following him and causing such disgrace to the religion that he professes, that all the foreigners who live in the Kingdom of Siam find the behavior of this priest reprehensible. Constantino Falcão ordered him to come to meet the Ambassador and tell him that, regarding his entrance to the Palace, it would be very difficult for him to do so whilst wearing shoes, and that he remaining items that the Ambassador had mentioned were not [267v.]

157were not problematic but, as for the shoes, he would put all his (…) so as to please His Excellency. He said that he was departing for the Court where the King would ask him for a detailed account of His Excellency’s arrival. He requested that he be informed whether the gift that {the Ambassador} had brought was from His Highness himself, sent from Portugal, or whether it had been sent by His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. He also asked whether the same applied to the gift that {the Ambassador} had brought for the Prakalang, the Governor of the Kingdom of Siam. The reason why Constantino Falcão instructed that this question be asked of the Ambassador was that the King of Siam and the other Kings of these southern regions consider the Viceroys of India to be the same as the Governors of their Kingdoms, and are therefore their secondary representatives. They consider them to be vassals, and as such, they do not wish to grant them the same honors they would grant Princes. Since the Ambassador knew the reason behind Constantino Falcão’s question, he gave the same reply that he had given on previous occasions when this matter had been discussed. He asked Friar Pedro Martyr to tell Constantino Falcão that he was very grateful for his various offers {of assistance}, and that he could be assured that he would be rewarded by His Lordship the Count Viceroy for everything that he did in favor of the prestige of the this Embassy. {The Viceroy} would also inform Our Lordship the Prince that the principal protégé of the Kingdom of Siam, although not a Portuguese, was truly Portuguese at heart in his endeavors to enhance the prestige of this nation. As for the questions regarding the gifts, he informed him that the ones that he had brought for the King and the Prakalang had been sent by His Lordship the Count Viceroy, on behalf of His Highness. {He pointed out that} everything that {the Viceroy} carried out was as if it had been done by Our Lordship the Serene Prince himself. Hence, all matters that the Ambassador agreed upon with His Majesty the King, would be approved of by Our Lordship the Prince due to the powers and instructions that {the Prince} had given His Lordship the Count Viceroy in relation to these transactions when he directed that he take charge of the Government of India.

158 When Constantino Falcão left for the Court of Lovo, Friar Pedro Martyr came to tell the Ambassador that Constantino Falcão had promised to work confidentially for the benefit of this Embassy, in whatever way that he could; and that His Lordship could be assured that he would see to it that His Excellency would be welcomed most prestigiously. He also asked His Excellency to forgive him for not having spent much time with him, because he was surrounded by many enemies and he did not want them to accuse him of any faults. But once His Excellency had delivered the Embassy, there would be time for them to communicate frequently. So as to clarify what Constantino Falcão meant by enemies, it should be mentioned that he was more French than Portuguese. It is clear that the French currently occupy the prime position in the Kingdom of Siam due to the immense effort that the King has put into the negotiations with them, as well as in the Embassy that he sent to France [Fl. 268]

159France, as with the majority (…) which also (…) for his Palace, and (…) rarities and other things that they (…) the desire with many presents and promises of important matters. The French Bishop is readily allowed into the Palace, and can speak the local language as fluently as a native, much to the liking of the King, for he can talk to him without an interpreter. When the Bishop attends the Court where the King is, he is served delicacies at his table daily, sent with great care by the King himself. As for Constantino Falcão, if he were not such an enthusiastic and a close friend of the French because of his personal interests, he would only have to observe how much the King esteems this nation, and he would be ready to help out in any way. And these were the enemies whom he discreetly sent word of to the Ambassador, and whom he feared could accuse him of crimes. On account of the rumor that had circulated in Siam, that this Embassy had gone to this Kingdom merely to harm French {interests}, {the French} worked with the Greek in trying to find out from the Ambassador whether that was true, so as to have time to prepare for their defense. Since Constantino Falcão did everything to please them (for the reasons already mentioned), he went to considerable lengths trying to find out from the Ambassador all the purposes of his Embassy, by claiming that in the Kingdom of Siam there was no other Minister who dealt with such matters more than himself. He said that sooner or later the purpose of the Embassy would be revealed to him. If he wished to have prior knowledge of such matters, this was in order to have time to overcome the difficulties that could hinder the success that it was hoped that this Embassy would have. He too wanted it to yield many good results. In a further effort to keep the Ambassador from thinking that he was lying, on one occasion he told the Ambassador that the French Bishop, who was very ill, was nevertheless trying his best to be at the Court on the day that the Ambassador was to go there. But {Falcão} would tell His Majesty not to allow it, for the Ambassador of the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms of Portugal might have business to discuss with His Majesty, and would not appreciate the presence of the French Bishop. No doubt, all these tricks and cunningness could have caused considerable harm, if the Ambassador had not dealt with them discreetly, and given discreet answers to Constantino Falcão. The

160latter was not satisfied by those answers, for he could not achieve his aim. In the Ambassador’s absence he complained immensely about him, saying that the Ambassador told him one thing with his words but, at heart, held a different belief. At times he had been overheard saying that all matters should be handled by him. Yet {the Ambassador} did not convey any important information to him. The Ambassador, however, did all he could to pretend that he was not aware of this protégé’s mischief. He also took convenient precautions, for he knew that by necessity all the matters

161[Fl. 268v.] matters would have to pass through the Minister’s hands, because the Prakalang and all those of the (…) under him, and did not have more say than he did, for the King had a deranged affection for him and listens only to him and governs according to what he dictates. So that this Embassy could entered with honor and leave in the same manner, three factors were absolutely necessary: the King’s high esteem for the matters of Our Lord the Prince, his great consideration for the Portuguese nation, and because the fact that he was well informed of the considerable prestige and ceremony with which the Ambassador entered his Kingdom. The Bishop of the French sent two of his priests to visit the Ambassador, excusing himself for not going personally on account of his illness (which did not stop him from being present in the Court, before the Ambassador reached there). But the Ambassador also knew how to conduct himself, for he never mentioned that this Bishop ministered in the Kingdom of Siam. The Captain and the Factor of the Dutch trading post came to visit the Ambassador and made generous offers on behalf of the Company. So did the English who were currently in the Kingdom of Siam. The King sent an advisor from his Court down to the house of Jozeph Cardozo (the administrator of the expenses mentioned previously). He was to inquire of Cardoso whether he was providing in great abundance all that the Ambassador’s people needed, and he was to find out what things the Ambassador most liked. Jozeph Cardozo should then provide him with those items, because that was the King’s wish. The King said that he would be very upset if Jozeph Cardozo was not diligently fulfilling the Ambassador’s wishes. Two of the King of Siam´s main Ministers came to visit the Ambassador. One of them is equivalent to our General Magistrate for the whole Kingdom, and the other, also a Magistrate, for the foreigners. Having paid their visit with considerable courtesy, immediately after they had left, they sent a

162large gift containing several items from Japan. The Ambassador paid the porters generously almost with the same amount as the value of the presents, (…). Most probably sent by those two Ministers, the son of a former Governor of the Kingdom appeared, and said that his father was not able to come personally for he was blind and physically handicapped. He too brought his gift of items from Japan, because in the Kingdom of Siam it is customary to pay visits and always bring gifts, which are of great significance to the receiver because, through the gift, they judge the purpose and the quality of the person to whom they pay courtesy. At this same moment Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna came to inform the Ambassador that the King had summoned him in all haste. He said that he hoped that the Ambassador would see it fit to respond to the convocation, and he informed the Ambassador that he was slightly fearful of returning. In fact, {Barretto de Pinna} was already predicting what eventually happened to him, as we shall soon see. The King had ordered grand preparations to be made at his Court in order to receive the Ambassador. Since he did not currently have any appropriate accommodation for the Ambassador at the Court, he ordered that some be built from scratch. They were very grand and only a rich King with the power and generosity of the King of Siam could have finished this task in so few days. As the Portuguese Bandel, where the Ambassador was lodged, was twenty seven leagues away from

163[Fl. 269] from the Court, which is upriver, the King ordered that, should the Ambassador not wish to travel by boat (…) not by land, then the route should be cleared so that he could proceed along it freely. More than one thousand five hundred men began to work on this immediately. The King ordered that three resting places be built on the river banks along the way at even distances along the twenty seven leagues, for the Ambassador to rest and have his meals. Since the water of the river was muddy, he ordered that the three resting places should have many jars of clear, clean water for all of the Ambassador’s people. He ordered the Administrator, Jozeph Cardozo, to provide cooks and food at the three resting places to feed everyone, for the King did not wish the Ambassador and his people to lack anything, since he had ordered that a large amount of his treasury be spent for this purpose. At this point in time the Ambassador was informed of the arrival of the ship that had sailed from Siam at the King’s command to Manila. Its captain was Master Friar Estevão de Souza, an Augustinian. It should be mentioned that this priest had been at the Convent in Macao, and from there he had been sent to the Kingdom of Siam by his Superior, and from there on to Manila. At these two places he was supposed to try to obtain funds for the repair of the aforesaid Convent which is in very bad condition. When the aforesaid Friar Estêvão de Souza arrived in Siam, he immediately contacted with Constantino Falcão and through him acquired a large amount of funds from the King’s treasury. Since he got these funds just before the ship was about to leave for Manila, Friar Estevão de Souza agreed to go as captain and to act as the administrator of the King’s treasury, with such ease as if he were a lay merchant. Upon arriving in Manila he behaved in such a way with regard to the matters he was in charge of, that the Augustinian priests in the Philippines were profoundly shocked to see a priest of their order and creed going about oblivious of his obligations and religious modesty and so involved in mercantile trade, and acting as a public agent for the treasury and the purchase orders of a pagan King. They

164wanted to arrest him to avoid this and subsequent scandals, because this priest, in spite of being a very learned man, is very irresponsible. However, the aforesaid priests from Manila merely wrote and reported to their Superiors concerning Friar Estêvão de Souza. The latter, as has been mentioned, looked for Constantino Falcão as soon as he arrived in Siam, and reported to him what he had done in the service of the King of Siam, and made himself available once again for whatever the King might require. Even though it was not easy for him, he sought out the Ambassador and teamed up with Friar Pedro Martyr, whom we have mentioned previously. Together they assisted Constantino Falcão as best they could; one as scribe and the other as public notary. They were so subservient to Constantino Falcão that throughout the Kingdom of Siam, both the locals as well as the foreigners did not like these two priests, for everyone knows of the obligations that they owe to their professed religion. Even though they are very much aware that they are not seen in a good light, they do not wish to give up their intentions, and they seek merely to gain the favors of Constantino Falcão by pandering to him

165 [Fl. 269v.] (...) so as to make him agree to allow them to stay freely in the Kingdom of Siam, with their current status. But it is known that the mentioned priests have a great wish to (…) and hood, contrary to what has been declared, only recently have they been so well off. It is quite useful for Constantino Falcão to have these priests at beckon and call, for not only do they serve him as lobbyists before the King, but he can also have someone to write all his intentions in Portuguese, and to help him keep his documents in order. These two individuals caused much distress to the Ambassador, for as they seem to have forgotten that which is fundamental to their conscience, it is not surprising they would also have forgotten their obligations as Portuguese vassals of Our Lord the Prince. There was news from the Court that Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna had been imprisonment with little justification. The Ambassador deeply regretted that this had been carried out without anyone having consulted him, since he was in the Kingdom of Siam as the Ambassador of Our Lord the Prince, of whom the mentioned Capitão mor was a vassal and in whose service he held the current post. The Ambassador sought to find out in detail the cause for such an imprisonment, and he was sure that the aggressor had been Constantino Falcão, who had informed the King of the past and present conduct of the mentioned Capitão mor, with the aim of inciting the King against the latter so that he would withdraw the privileges that he held in the Royal House of Siam. In this way charges could be pressed against him so that he could no longer hold the post of Capitão mor, and so that he would be prevented from assisting the Ambassador. What is worst of all is that the aforesaid Francisco Barretto de Pinna’s own behavior led to these accusations. None of the information against him that Constantino Falcão gave to the King, could be denied, because throughout the 30 years during which that man had held the post of Capitão mor, he had committed faults in the administration of Justice which deserve rigorous punishment. But (…) the acts close to his imprisonment. It came to the notice of Constantino

166Falcão that Francisco Barretto de Pinna had boasted that in the letter that he had received as a gift from His Lordship the Count Viceroy, he had been informed of the business of the Embassy, and of the main reason it had been sent to the Kingdom of Siam. Therefore, by means of the aforesaid Capitão mor, Constantino Falcão tried to see whether he could find out the full intentions of the Embassy, as that was his main intent, for the reasons that were mentioned previously. As the Capitão mor not only did not fulfill this wish but also, on this occasion, seemed be about to become an important man in the Kingdom of Siam, who would likely take revenge for the offences of his enemies, Constantino Falcão attempted to put an end to his pride. Constantino Falcão does not want anyone else in the entire Kingdom of Siam to have a greater influence than him, nor the power to do anything. Of course Constantino Falcão was well aware of the little importance that the Capitão mor had always had in Siam, both due to the manner in which he carried out his duties, as well as because he was an unstable person and insecure in his actions. But since, on this occasion, the Capitão mor was at the Ambassador’s side, he could work intrigue that could harm Constantino Falcão

167[Fl. 270] Falcão, and thus, Constantino Falcão jealously sought to stop him. True (…) Capitão mor brought all this on, but even though he was (…) severely by his nonsense to the Ambassador, who in addition to these matters was constantly burdened by complaints from the Christians in the Bandel that (…) they had received from the mentioned minister, the Ambassador promptly reacted to the imprisonment which had been carried out without his knowledge. He immediately ordered that his frigate be prepared, the yard be hoisted, fresh water be taken on, and supplies be taken on board along with some cargo that he had taken to cover the expenses of the Embassy. All this was to give the impression that he did not wish to complete the Embassy because of the mentioned offense. When the King of Siam saw all these preparations, he became confused. Furthermore, news of this activity reached the Court. Not only had the Ambassador felt offended, but Father Manoel Soares too showed himself to be quite distressed by this affair. The priest tried to persuade the Ambassador not to carry on with the Embassy until such a time as the Capitão mor, guilty or not, were handed over to him, because {the Ambassador} was the only one who should be informed of the crimes committed by Our Lord the Prince’s vassals, and the credit of the mentioned Prince should be a priority in relation to personal concerns. After these events, Constantino Falcão came down from the Court of Luvo, stating that he had come to prepare the Ambassador’s voyage to the Court, since the King had sent for him. He went about saying that the Ambassador owed the King of Siam and himself many favors on account of the imprisonment of the Capitão mor, because it had been carried out merely to safeguard the prestige of His Lordship the Prince of Portugal. {He said} this would soon be proven by the case that would be presented regarding the crimes of the Capitão mor. He immediately sent Father João Baptista Maldonado to tell the Ambassador that the King had ordered the Capitão mor be imprisoned because he valued his great friendship with the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms of Portugal, whom the mentioned prisoner, his vassal, had served very badly. When the Ambassador

168heard this, he replied to Father Maldonado that this was all intrigue on the part of Constantino Falcão, and that it was impossible for the King of Siam to have carried out this imprisonment without first having informed the Ambassador, for he was the only one who should take note of the crimes committed by the Capitão mor. If those crimes were against the King of Siam, he was certain that Our lord the Prince would not let them pass without a serious punishment, due to the old friendship which had always existed between both of them. To this Father Maldonado replied that the friendship between the King of Siam and Our Lord the Prince was so strong that {the King} publicly showed himself to be enthusiastic with the current Embassy, and that he considered it to be so important that the preparations that he had ordered in his Court and along the roads were far grander than those that any King of Siam had ever undertaken for any Ambassadors who had come to his Kingdom. All the foreigners currently living there complained and openly showed themselves to be envious, because the King of Siam gave greater importance

169[Fl. 270v.] (…) the Portuguese and their Prince, had undertaken the entire voyage of the (…) to which the Ambassador replied that (…) he stated that which Reverend Father showed by not (…) having given him prior knowledge of the imprisonment of the Capitão mor. The very next day two officials {of the Court} came to notify the Ambassador that he should be prepared to leave for the Court, because they had received an order from the King to take the Ambassador with the appropriate ceremony owed to him. But, at that time I, the Secretary, was bedridden and very ill and the Ambassador had not yet fully loaded his frigate with the necessary provisions to leave the Kingdom of Siam, should he not be given an honorable explanation for the imprisonment of the Capitão mor. Therefore, he used my illness as an excuse to reply to the royal advisors that he could not go to the Court in such haste since his Secretary was ill, and he could not present his Embassy without him. He made it clear to the advisors that he was upset about the imprisonment of the aforesaid Capitão mor, and told them that, the King of Siam and his Ministers could consider him, in the position that he currently held, as representing his Prince and Lord, in this Kingdom. So if Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna had committed serious crimes, {the Ambassador} should be informed, so that he might arrest him and send him to His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, who would punish him accordingly. {The Ambassador also said that,} should the aforementioned Capitão mor owe any large debts to the King of Siam’s treasury, the Ambassador had enough funds to pay them off. The aforesaid advisors said that they were the bearers of the message that they had delivered, and that they were not able to inform His Excellency of any further matter. After they had left, Augustinho Rosado Fromdos211, one of the Royal interpreters, arrived together with an advisor, to inform the Ambassador that he should send his wardrobe and remaining belongings to the Court, so that the houses which were once again being prepared for His Excellency could be decorated in 211 This word is not clear in the original document.

170advance. The Ambassador replied that he had already mentioned that his Secretary was ill and that when {the latter} was well again, if he was able to travel too, {the Ambassador} would go. On the following day three of the King’s best physicians came. The minister who brought them said that Constantino Falcão had sent those three masters on behalf of the King of Siam, who had so ordered, so that they could cure the Embassy’s Secretary with diligence and care. Should they fail to achieve this, the lightest punishment they would receive would be to have their heads cut off. It would not be for lack of medicine that they would fail this task, since the King had ordered that all the medicines that they requested should be given to them from his own dispensaries (which in his Palace were very well supplied for all sorts of maladies), so as to cure the Secretary, because he was eager to see the Ambassador at his Court. Meanwhile, Constantino Falcão did not fail to make sure that several of his followers told the Ambassador that {he} had convinced the King to imprison the Capitão mor, not so much for the crimes that he had committed, but rather because he knew that man had the capacity to spoil the His Prince’s Embassy. And he, Constantino Falcão, personally desired that the current Embassy should {only} depart from the Kingdom of Siam having been fully successful, and with even greater prestige. The aforesaid Constantino Falcão intended by means of these faults

171[Fl. 271] faults of others (…) qualify (…) with which the Ambassador (…) thought of the mentioned imprisonment, and to dissuade him, to not (…) clear offense. The Ambassador knew all the tricks of this evil minded protégé, but he did not want to answer him accordingly, for in the Kingdom of Siam there was no other minister through whom one could present complaints and deal with matters with the King. For this reason, {the Ambassador} maintained a prudent approach, thanking, on the one hand, the mentioned Minister for his feigned diligence, and on the other hand watching out for his traps, while always making sure not to discredit the Embassy, nor to cease trying to achieve its aims, and to depart from the Kingdom of Siam with dignity in the eyes of the many foreigners who live there. While I was bedridden, as has been mentioned, and the Reverend Father, Friar Pedro da Trindade, the Principal Chaplain of the Embassy, was assisting in the same house, we were informed that the Master Friar Estêvão de Souza was looking for us both because he had some matters to discuss. We directed him to enter, and the mentioned Friar Estêvão de Souza stated that he was dealing with the Embassy’s matters on behalf of Constantino Falcão. He had been told by the latter that he deeply regretted the imprisonment of the Capitão mor, since the Ambassador appeared to be so querulous. When the imprisonment was carried out, {Constantino Falcão} was well aware of the respect that he owed to His Lordship, but he had not informed {the Ambassador} about {the matter}, because the Capitão mor was being imprisoned on account of crimes committed against the service of Our Lord the Prince. Furthermore, Friar Estêvão said that, in his opinion, everything should be explained to the Ambassador, when he so requested. I and the Principal Chaplain answered him that, in our view, unless the Capitão mor was handed over to the Ambassador along with {a statement of} the charges against him so that {the Ambassador} might familiarize himself with them and decide whether to send him to His Lordship the Count Viceroy, the Ambassador would not accept any other explanation, no matter how good. {We said that} we would, nevertheless, inform {the Ambassador}, so that he might

172judge what could best be done regarding this matter. When the Ambassador got to know about this (after we informed him), he ordered the Principal Chaplain to look for the two priests, Friar Estêvão de Souza and Friar Pedro Martyr, to try to find out whether they knew if Constantino Falcão intended asking the King to allow the Capitão mor to be freely handed over to the Ambassador, for the latter to deal with him according to his own free will. The Principal Chaplain made such an effort to carry out this task with the two other Priests, that all three went before Constantino Falcão; the two Priests in their usual role as his assistants, and the Principal Chaplain, in the guise of a personal visit. During the discussion, many arguments were put forward regarding the imprisonment in question, and our Principal Chaplain justified the reasons for the offense committed towards the Ambassador. Finally, Constantino Falcão said that soon, at the Court, he would look into the issue of Francisco Barretto de Pinna’s imprisonment, and that he would be handed over together with the charges against him to the Ambassador, for him to do as he saw fit. He, Constantino Falcão {said that} what he most desired was to fulfill all of the Ambassador’s intentions

173[Fl. 271v.] Ambassador’s intentions, and to fulfill his wishes. The Principal Chaplain told {Constantino Falcão} that he should do as he had said, and that he should inform the Ambassador through someone else (…) because it was not convenient for {the Principal Chaplain} to tell the Ambassador of what had just been negotiated. For in this way {the Ambassador} would not suspect that he had taken part in this matter, since he had gone there merely on a visit to His Excellency, in the company of the Priests, as they themselves were witnesses. And on the very next day, in accordance to what the Principal Chaplain told the Ambassador, {the latter} called one of the Kingdom’s interpreters, and ordered him, together with the Master of Ceremonies of his Embassy, to go before Constantino Falcão, in the hall where he usually gives audience with the rest of the Kingdom’s Ministers. Above all, he should explain to Constantino Falcão, in Siamese, the message that he sent through his Master of Ceremonies which was as follows: The Ambassador was about to leave for the Court of Lovo to deliver his Embassy to His Serene Highness the King of Siam, since the Secretary of the Embassy was now feeling better. However, he felt uneasy about making such a trip, because Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna was imprisoned at the Court, without {anyone} having informed him of this, neither before nor after the imprisonment had been carried out, nor of the reasons for this imprisonment. All these explanations were owed to him, since, in the Kingdom of Siam, he represented His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, with the powers of His Lord the Prince, and it was his task to take note of the crimes of all of His Lord the Prince’s vassals who presently were in Siam, so that they could be punished, depending on the seriousness of their crimes, according to the laws of the mentioned Prince. It was the Prince’s wish that his vassals be punished equally for crimes committed while in his service, as well as in the service of His Majesty the King of Siam. To this, Constantino Falcão replied that he would meet with all his

174advisors, and that he would send an answer to the Ambassador soon. That afternoon, as Governor of the Kingdom, Constantino Falcão sent two advisors with one of the interpreters to tell the Ambassador that during the meeting that he had held with the Ministers of the Kingdom regarding what the Ambassador had said in the message, they acknowledged that in the Kingdom of Siam the Ambassador represented His Lord the Prince of Portugal, and that the Ambassador was right about what he said regarding the imprisonment of the Capitão mor. They would thus immediately send a notification to the Court, for the Prakalang to inform His Majesty about the Ambassador’s allegations. They were well aware, that the Ambassador had gone to the Kingdom of Siam to confirm the old friendship that the Kings of Siam had always had with the Monarchs of Portugal. And due to this, they were sure that when the aforesaid Capitão mor were handed over to His Excellency, {the latter} would be able to take account of the crimes committed by the Capitão mor, and if they deserved punishment, he would carry it out according to the their seriousness. To this the Ambassador replied that he was sure that the King of Siam and his Ministers would honor him for his firm desire to preserve the strong friendship with Our Lord the Prince. While these events were taking place, as has been described, the Reverend Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Manuel Soares and João Baptista Maldonado, went on their own to ask Constantino Falcão to free the Capitão mor, because they felt sorry for his wife, who {had} shed many tears on account of her husband’s imprisonment. The Ambassador was deeply offended by such

175[Fl. 272] such a petition (…) the mentioned Priests to Constantino Falcão. The Ambassador (…) did not feel that Father João Baptista Maldonado should have committed such an absurdity, for as has been mentioned previously, since he is a foreigner, he was under no obligations to Portuguese protocol. However Reverend Father Manoel Soares was Portuguese. His Lordship the Count Viceroy had asked to give his best advice, for the sake of the prestige of the Prince and the aims of the Embassy. He was the one who insisted the most that the Ambassador should desist from presenting the Embassy, if they did not hand over the Capitão mor. Yet, as it was, this Priest went with his companion, as if asking for mercy, to request the liberty of Francisco Barretto de Pinna. But amidst all the anger that the Ambassador felt towards Reverend Father Manoel Soares for having taken such an action, he forgave him because he was an elderly man, and had a religious spirit more compassionate towards a woman’s tears. The reprimand that the Ambassador should have given to Father Manoel Soares and his companion for this gross mistake was no longer necessary. Constantino Falcão gave it to them himself, by asking them how the Fathers could want him to do for them something that he did could do for someone with a higher authority, such as the Ambassador of the Prince of Portugal. {Furthermore, he stated that} when he dealt with this matter, he would first inform the Ambassador, since he had complained about the mentioned imprisonment, and he would complain even further should {Constantino Falcão} deal with this matter via the Good Fathers. He said that they should avoid talking about this issue, for it was more complex than the Good Fathers thought it to be. Constantino Falcão sent word to the Ambassador that he should send him a list of his men and their ranks, so that he could prepare in advance the necessary number of vessels adequate for the trip to the Court, for he took much care in preparing everything abundantly for all of His Excellency’s needs. The Ambassador wished to fulfill this request and thus sent the mentioned list, which

176included officers, soldiers, pages and other staff, numbering almost ninety people. At this point in time, the {Ambassador} heard that Constantino Falcão was ill, and so as to obtain a better deal, he sent someone to visit him to {tell him} that, as his personal friend, he was willing to serve him in all that he may need. At sunset, Constantino Falcão sent Father Friar Pedro Martyr with the request that the Ambassador allow him to visit him personally, and that he should not be surprised that he pay him the visit at night, for the King did not allow someone who held such a position in his Kingdom to pay personal visits. Besides this, he had many enemies who were looking for {occasions}214 to incriminate him, as he already had told His Excellency. The Ambassador sent the reply that what he most wished for at present was to meet with him in person so as to better clarify the matters which were to be discussed. Between seven and eight o’clock in the evening, the protégé, Constantino Falcão, visited the Ambassadors house, having ordered that all the vessels’ lights that were already 214 In the original document, this word has been crossed out, and is not entirely clear.

177[Fl. 272v.] already lit, be put out, because he did not want his visit to be known to others in (…) and tricks (…) openly grand in the Kingdom of Siam. He brought along with him Friar Pedro Martyr, witness to all his actions. When he entered the Ambassador’s house, the latter received him with much courtesy in his chamber, and remained alone with him and myself, his Secretary, and the Principal Chaplain of the Embassy. Constantino Falcão said that his great desire to see His Excellency, and to personally explain about the offending incident, had made him seek him out in private, and offer himself to do everything possible to achieve the objective of the mission that had brought His Excellency to the Kingdom of Siam. The compliments followed one after the other, to such an extent that it would be tiresome to repeat them all. I shall merely recount the more significant ones. The Ambassador saw that this was an appropriate occasion to discuss the more important matters regarding the reception of his Embassy, which were all under the jurisdiction of this protégé. Thus, he very openly proposed to him that upon his entry into the Palace he would carry his sword and dagger at his waist, wear shoes, and he would not crawl on all fours. {In this way he would make his entry} in the manner that the vassals of the Lord Our Prince usually enter his Palace {to go} before him. {Furthermore, he said} that he would deliver the letter and the gift that he had brought, directly to the King, from hand to hand, and that upon entering the Palace of the King of Siam he would not conform to {the protocol} that all the other Ambassadors of several nations who usually came to the mentioned Kingdom did. { The Ambassador went on to say that} the Portuguese nation was very warlike, and if any aspect of their honor should be tarnished, there would be serious consequences, as Constantino Falcão well knew, for he had been born and bred in Europe and had considerable experience in all the politics of all its nations. {Hence} he knew that if he {,the Ambassador,} gave ground on any of these points, he would most certainly lose his credibility in the eyes of his Prince and Lord (…), for he had received sealed direct orders without

178any interpretation thereof whatsoever on the part of His Lordship the Count Viceroy who represented the Prince Our Lord. When the aforesaid protégé heard this, he revealed himself to be greatly distressed, and said that this Embassy, under such conditions, did not seem to ratify the very old friendship that the Kings and Princes of Portugal have always had with the Kings of Siam. Rather, it imposed new protocols and policies in the {very jurisdiction of the King of Siam}, exempt from any submissiveness, and that it was not reasonable to want to enter someone else’s home and pervert and derogate the practices and customs by which it has always governed itself since its beginning, with respect to all those who wanted to come in respect and friendship. {He also said} there was no King in the entire world who did not think that the laws of his kingdom were not just, and who, whenever his friends intended to break them, no longer considered them friends, but disruptors of peace. The Prince of Portugal, or His Lordship the Count Viceroy on his behalf, should be pleased to {go before} the King of Siam in {the traditional} manner, because he could not expect to obtain for himself something that has never been granted to anyone else. Furthermore, it would be taken as an example {by others}, so that the King of Siam would be obliged to grant

179[Fl. 273] the same to all the Ambassadors who came from other Kingdoms to {Siam}. If he failed to grant them {the same rights} they would all become his enemies, and thus his friendship with Our Lord the Prince of Portugal would come at a very high price, because in order to keep it, he would make more powerful enemies. To this, the Ambassador replied that it did not befit him to question the appropriateness of the order which had been given to him regarding these matters. What he (…) was to carry out what he had been ordered to, and should His Majesty the King of Siam find it difficult to grant him what he had proposed, he was free to do so since he was in his own Kingdom. He {(the Ambassador) would not insist obstinately or impolitely, but merely turn back to where he had come from, as a final resolution. However, he knew very well that His Majesty the King of Siam valued Constantino Falcão’s decisions and principles so highly, that he had placed all of his Kingdom’s affairs in his hands so that they could be taken care of in the best possible manner. Thus, by keeping to the decision that His Lordship {Constantino Falcão} had announced, the King of Siam certainly thought the whole matter to be an easy one. Furthermore, His Lordship had said that what he was prepared to do for the Portuguese nation, he would not do for any other. {He also mentioned} that it was his wish that this Embassy be exalted throughout the Kingdom of Siam with greater honors than have ever been granted to Embassies from other nations. {The Ambassador said that therefore} His Lordship was obliged to overcome the difficulties which might prevent his wish from being fulfilled. Furthermore, His Lordship knew that when one did someone else a service without much effort or trouble, he would deserve a mere token of gratitude. However, if considerable difficulties had to be overcome for a perfect task to be accomplished, then the one who benefited from the work would be for ever obliged to the other. There ensued a lengthy discussion regarding this matter, both on the part of Constantino Falcão and on that of the Ambassador. The protégé tried to create obstacles and the Ambassador persisted, leading him to believe that he, the aforesaid Constantino Falcão, would achieve considerable

180recognition from His Lord the Prince of Portugal, if he were to work on his behalf as he had said he would. The altercations and courtesies went on until midnight. Finally the protégé said that His Excellency should get ready to go to Court, and that along the way grand preparations had been made, as had never before been made for any Ambassador who in the past, or in recent times had entered the Kingdom of Siam. The King had ordered an investigation be carried out in the old and modern records to establish what honors had been given in his Kingdom to visiting Ambassadors, because he wanted to grant higher honors to the Ambassador of the Prince of Portugal. He further said that he, the protégé, would accompany His Excellency {the Ambassador} to the Court, and that he would deliver a reverential greeting to the King so as to make it easier for the Ambassador to enter in the manner that he wished, and {said} that he would take care

181[Fl. 273v.] care of this matter with the same commitment that he would show for his own nation. {He would} accuse any brother of his who (...) {?}161 God that all would turn out according to the manner His Excellency wished, if his misfortune did kept him from achieving this good deed. The Ambassador thanked him, and told him that {he believed that} from that hour onwards it was guaranteed that his business would be accomplished. But it should be mentioned that the protégé was neglectful of this guarantee, not for the amount of work that he put into its resolution, but because of considerable alarm on the part of the King, with regard to the arrival of this Embassy in his Kingdom. So, the protégé asked the Ambassador to show him, in private, the gift that he had brought for his King. The Ambassador replied that he considered it a crime to show the gift first to the vassal than to the Master for whom it was destined. However, since he, Constantino Falcão, had shown him such friendship, and greatly contributed to the success of the Embassy, {the Ambassador} wanted to begin to show him his gratitude by satisfying his present wish, even though he might have to assume responsibility for such and act. Thus {the Ambassador} showed him the gift {intended} for the King and for the Prakalang. When he saw it, Constantino Falcão was very pleased, and said that it was a very worthy gift to present to his King, who would value it greatly. Soon after, Constantino Falcão took his leave from the Ambassador, who told him that he was about to depart for the Court, but only after the matter of the imprisonment of the Capitão mor had been resolved for {the Ambassador}, which could only be fully accomplished if he was handed over to him personally. The protégé led {the Ambassador} to believe that this would be possible. Reverend Father Manoel Soares came to tell the Ambassador that he had received a note from Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna, from the prison where he was, telling him to warn His Excellency that when he was to go before 161 The two words “gerado em”, which appear at this point in the Portuguese document, immediately following the brackets (…), have not been translated, as their meaning is unclear from the context.

182the King to deliver his Embassy, he should ask to be given a Minister other than Constantino Falcão to deal with the matters of the mentioned Embassy, since he was suspicious of his involvement {in these matters}. Upon hearing this, the Ambassador told Reverend Father Manoel Soares that the Captain’s advice was influenced by his personal feelings, and not based on the knowledge that he had of the difficulties involved, and that he therefore had no right to make such a petition. Moreover, the protégé did not show himself to be against the Embassy, because he carried out his personal maneuvers with considerable discretion and caution. Furthermore, one could not {merely} ask the King to withdraw someone from a certain post, since he would surely want to know the reason for such a suspension and if insufficient proof was presented, the Ambassador would loose the credibility that he needed for the more important matters. Supposing there were many proven accusations against Constantino Falcão to present to the King, whose interpreter would faithfully translate before the King, {the accusations} against a protégé who has access to everything in the Palace, and sits opposite the King at the table, and to whom his Prince personally hands the delicacies on his table? As for the Prakalang, who is Governor of the Kingdom, and through whom such a matter could be achieved, he would have no say before the King, and, in any case, was dependent on Constantino Falcão’s good will in order to keep his post. Furthermore, the Ambassador told the Reverend Father that

183[Fl. 274] that if the Capitão mor thought that his imprisonment by Constantino Falcão was a crime, he was quite mistaken and had little knowledge of the events that (…) for such an imprisonment to have been carried out, it was based on proven offenses. However, the protégé was driven by unclear motives. When Father Manoel Soares heard these arguments by the Ambassador, he told him that he would comply with them all, since they were presented with such wisdom, and certainly the Capitão mor had spoken according to his fiery spirit. The King’s Governors, from the city downriver, sent three advisors to notify the Ambassador that {he} should be ready to embark and to travel to the Court at Lovo, on Tuesday the 11th day of the waning crescent, on the 9th of May, between 10 and 11 o’ clock. He said that all the Government’s officials and high ranking people from the city downriver were ready to accompany him, and that they would send 30 baloons, 15 of which would be able to take his belongings, and the other 15 to take the officers and soldiers and remaining people of the Embassy. The Ambassador sent word that he would be ready to do as instructed. On this same day, the Ambassador was told that it was certain that through Constantino Falcão’s efforts, the King would send a very large nau that he had built in his port, laden with goods to the City of Macao. Since the people of the mentioned city would suffer great losses from the voyage of that nau, the Ambassador tried to find out the reasons behind this intention. As I, the Secretary, was ill, the Ambassador sent the Principal Chaplain, Friar Pedro da Trindade, to personally tell Constantino Falcão of the great losses and damage that would ensue in Macao after the voyage of that nau. After much discussion between the Principal Chaplain and the protégé, in the presence of Friar Estêvão de Souza and Father Friar Pedro Martyr, who also took part, Constantino Falcão decided that the Ambassador should inform him, in writing, of all the reasons that he had against the voyage of that nau. Since the {Ambassador} had been previously informed of the aforesaid message, he sent it without delay by the aforesaid Principal Chaplain. It stated the following:

184 Message sent by the Ambassador to Constantino Falcão to prevent the nau from sailing. For its safeguard, Macao has no interest whatsoever in further contracts and trading other than that which its ships usually conduct with all the ports in the South. If boats come from those ports to China bringing their medicinal products, the city will surely suffer losses, for such trade will take away this city’s source of income. In accordance to this, the city has several instructions from Their Lordships the Viceroys of India, with heavy penalties, for its inhabitants not to allow ships to stop off

185[Fl. 274v.] at this port, from other nations, with the exception of European nations with whom the Kings of Portugal have a personal friendship and kinship. Besides this, trade is strictly forbidden by the city’s regulations. Only the city’s inhabitants are allowed to share some of the trade, because, according to detailed information, it is known that this city’s inhabitants have no other source of income. It has not been easy to achieve this situation (…) and currently an effort is always made to try to maintain it. Therefore, if the inhabitants of the City of Macao allow shipping from other nations into its port, not only will they destroy their own means of subsistence, but they will thereby rebel against the orders and decisions of their Prince, as well as seriously offend the Emperor of China, to whom it is convenient for the city to pay careful attention. The reason why the inhabitants of Macao last year allowed the entry of the ship on which Fernão Nabo Paçanha went to serve His Majesty the King of Siam, was that {this city} feels very grateful for the favors that His Majesty the King of Siam has granted it, as well as for those that it expects to receive in the future, and because it was a small boat which could never cause much harm to the local common trading. Even so, {the crew} were obliged to give simple explanations to the questions asked by the mandarins of the Emperor of China, regarding the voyage. As His Majesty the King of Siam has, in compassion, aided the City of Macao with his treasury, to save it from bankruptcy and retain its statute, on account of the strong friendship that he has always had with the Prince of Portugal my Lord, he will {certainly} not wish that his treasury cause the total ruin of that city. I have news that one of His Majesty’s big naus is being prepared to be sent, laden with goods, to the port of Macao. If this is occurs, it will not only cause a great loss to the people {of Macao}, but quite clearly the residents {of the port of Siam, traders,} will lose this port of Siam, where they receive some refuge. For if such a big vessel is sent, it is not possible for the latter residents to bring back or to take anything from which they might gain profit. They will, on the contrary, only suffer losses.

186Furthermore, my Lord the Prince has sent me with this Embassy to the Most Serene and Powerful King of this Realm in order to ratify their old friendship and to express gratitude for the many favors his vassals at the City of Macao have received from the powerful King of this Kingdom, as well as to ask him never to raise his Royal hand and to continue his assistance to that city. If the contrary were done, it would seem I as if it were I who failed to explain clearly the losses that will follow the voyage of the mentioned nau, for never shall His Majesty the King of Siam be blamed for his benevolent and royal attitude towards the Portuguese. Having considered these very befitting reasons, I present them to his Lordship Constantino Falcão, the main Minister to His Majesty the King of Siam, in whose hands he has placed the administration of his entire Kingdom. {I do so} in order for him to inform {the King} of the causes of the great loss that the inhabitants of that city will face should such a large nau enter its port. I am certain that, considering his great kindness, he will not

187[Fl. 275] will not want to allow his treasury to cause the destruction of a territory that he has always supported and promoted for the benefit of its preservation. To prevent His Majesty from thinking that the Portuguese do not want, in any way, to show him their gratitude for so many benefits that they have received, His Majesty may (should he need some things from China for his Royal Service), send a small boat with his administrators, directed to that city’s ministers for better service. They will be efficient agents and solicitors on behalf of His Majesty, with no other interest in the matter than pleasing His Majesty. Should the boat be too small to transport everything that is necessary for the provisions of His Majesty’s Royal Service, the goods can be divided among the boats that will come from that city to this Kingdom. In this way, every year, it will always be possible for His Majesty the King of Siam to have one of his boats bring all that he needs from China; and the inhabitants of that city will be obligated not to fail in the fulfillment of what I have stated. Trading post, 8th of May, 1684. a) Pero Vaz de Siqueira After Constantino Falcão had received and read the note that he had asked for, he was somewhat bitter, for he was determined that the nau set sail. I believe that he was encouraged by some friends that he has in Macao, because there are a few local residents (, traders,) who, for their own interest recklessly rush into acting as solicitors for matters which bring great losses to the entire community. This attitude exemplified by the case of Joseph Vieira da Silva: As current Procurator of the city of Macao, he took his goods to the Kingdom of Siam, and also as Procurator went to inquire of the King of Siam about these people’s matters. Without heeding either his obligation or his duties as a citizen, but only concerned with his own interests, he joined up with Constantino Falcão and encouraged him to buy great quantities of the goods of the ships from Macao, so that the King of

188Siam could receive a large profit. And he further told Constantino Falcão that the King would have even greater profits if he were to set up a customs posts in his Kingdom. This cajolery caused considerable harm to the merchants of Macao, and only brought advantages to his (,Joseph Vieira da Silva’s,) personal business with the protégé, unconcerned for the losses of so many others. In view of this incident, which was widely known, it might not be absurd to think that Joseph Vieira da Silva could have sent Constantino Falcão a notice to send the mentioned nau to the City of Macao, where he is currently its Procurator. With the post that he currently holds, he could promise considerable success and assistance to Constantino Falcão, who is evidently a close friend of his. The Ambassador’s intention of preventing the voyage of the aforesaid nau, caused much friction between the Procurator and the Ambassador, as it did also between the former and other private parties from the city

189[Fl. 275v.] of the City of Macao, despite the officers and leaders of its people having turned against the Ambassador upon his departure, as has been mentioned. The Governors of the King of Siam sent an advisor with a message for the Ambassador, saying that His Excellency was requested to send the Secretary of the Embassy together with a Captain to the King of Siam’s Dispatch and Tribunal Hall, because there they would have to discuss a matter which could only be revealed to the Secretary. The Ambassador said that the Secretary was still very ill, and that their Lordships the Governors could send whichever Ministers they saw fit to discuss the aforementioned matter they. Only in this way, would it be possible for the Secretary to be present. The Governors replied that (since the Secretary could not go), His Excellency should send two of his Embassy’s most trustworthy Captains, for the matter would be discussed with them. The Ambassador immediately sent the Captain of the Royal Banner and the Captain of the Infantry. When they arrived at the Dispatch Hall, Francisco Barretto de Pinna was handed over to them, together with a receipt mentioning the responsibility of the two Captains for him, and their obligation to hand him to the Ambassador, so that he may look into the written accusations against this Capitão mor, which they would presently send him. His Excellency should deliver justice according to the significance of the accusations. These Ministers of the King of Siam also handed over a Negro from that Kingdom. He was a Christian who, five years earlier, had committed a horrendous crime: he had opened the tabernacle of the Church of São Paulo and taken the ampulla of the holy wafers, and scattered them all about. At the time, the Capitão mor was the Minister of the Portuguese and other Christians of the Bandel, and informed of this crime, he sentenced that the delinquent should have the tips of his toes cut off, without any further punishment. The aforesaid Ministers were handing the delinquent over to the Ambassador so that he could punish him according to the Catholic laws, and also punish the Capitão mor who had so scandalously given such a light punishment for this crime, that even the

190heathens were surprised. {The Ministers of the King} hoped that {the Ambassador} would not fail to deliver a heavy punishment to a Minister who so carelessly kept his King’s laws. The truth of the matter, as they had already proven, and which they presented in an official document of their Court, was that the Capitão mor, undermined by personal interests, failed to carry out his duties. Therefore, {they said}, he not only proved to a bad minister, but also a bad Christian. The Captains, to whom the Capitão mor and the delinquent Negro were being delivered, asked the Ministers, on behalf of the Ambassador, that their Lordships have him put in one of the King of Siam’s stocks until the Ambassador returned from the Court, for where he was about to depart, since there were no stocks or appropriate place in the Bandel to keep the sacrilegious Negro. Upon hearing this, the ministers accepted the request and had the delinquent Negro sent to the King’s stocks, and handed the Capitão mor over to the Captains together with the document containing his crimes, already certified and proven in their Court. They said that they hoped that the Ambassador would show the King of Siam and his entire Kingdom how the Portuguese punished bad

191[Fl. 276] bad ministers, because throughout the Kingdom of Siam everyone had been extremely surprised by the punishment that Francisco Barretto de Pinna had given for such a horrendous and sacrilegious crime. For the Siamese had a law by which all those who stole from its Temples, should die a natural death up to the fourth generation and have all their wealth confiscated. The aforesaid Captains took the Capitão mor {into their custody} and wrote the note of receipt that had been requested of them. They also took possession of the document containing his crimes, which read as follows: Transcription of the document that the Ministers of the King of Siam presented to the Ambassador, regarding the crimes of the Capitão mor, Francisco Barretto de Pinna. In view of the fact that the Ambassador of His Highness the Regent Prince of Portugal through the most Reverend Master, Friar Pedro da Trindade, a Dominican priest, informed us of his wish to detain and to interrogate Francisco Barretto de Pinna because of high treason against the interest that the Portuguese Crown had in keeping the noble city of Macao. This can be seen in evidence which will be presented later on. Apart from this incident, many more were committed which outraged the great God who governs Heaven and Earth, due to the sacrilege committed in His Holy Church, as well as the disorderly behavior of Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna, both as an individual and in the post that he held in the Kingdom. In this vast Kingdom, such crimes do not go unnoticed. They are dealt with by means of strict temporal and physical punishments, extending to the fourth generation. Those who have the faintest knowledge of such insolence and keep quiet about it are also subjected to such punishment. Thus, it is up to the Ambassador to examine and address the secular side {of this issue}, so as to carry out justice and

192simultaneously give the persecuted parties an explanation regarding the complaint that they each have presented. Nothing less can be expected from the person whom the Ambassador represents. Thus, we will hereby report on the incident regarding the church. In the year of 1041 on the fifth moon at midnight, Burot, a baptized Siamese Christian, entered the Church of São Paulo. Having broken one of the window bars and climbed to the main altar without any fear nor respect whatsoever, he climbed up the sacrarium through the inside, and took the ampulla that contained the Churches’ holy items, whose significance is well known and understood among the Christians, and he scattered them over the altar, having let a few fall down the steps. He left by the same way by which he had entered, and on the following day he handed the mentioned ampulla to Maicò, a woman from Pegu, to take it and sell it in the city to whoever might want to buy it. Maicò took the ampulla to the houses of Domingos Lopez da Cunha, where an Englishman resided

193[Fl. 276v.] Englishman, named Francisco Bor(…)im lived. {She} intended to sell it to his maid. That maid had another Christian maid from Cochin China, called Messia, who reported the incident to Domingos Lopez da Cunha. Without delay, he denounced this to Francisco Barretto de Pinna, in view of his {official} post, and {they} managed to find the sacrilegious delinquent, who confessed his crime. At once, all the Priests together with Francisco Barretto de Pinna went before His Excellency the Prakalang, with the broken ampulla that Thomé Gomez (the father of the delinquent) had handed to the priests. After the entire incident had been reported to His Excellency, he {turned to} Francisco Barretto de Pinna and said: “The offence was committed against God and your Religion, and for such crimes I know that no pardon is allowed. So what do you wish be done to this culprit?” Francisco Barretto de Pinna replied that his laws did also not allow for any pardon. On the contrary, as soon as the crime is known, {the culprit} is killed. Then His Excellency asked the Reverend Priests who were present the same question that he had asked Francisco Barretto de Pinna. The Reverend Priests answered, as they were obliged to do, that they did not have the competence, neither did their status allow them to interfere in criminal cases, nor to ask for revenge. His Excellency {the Prakalang} then ordered that Captain Barretto, as the person responsible for justice among his own people, should take the delinquent to the Bandel, and publicly cut off his right hand. And as this crime called for a death sentence, he should also be whipped by the entire the Bandel until the lashes take his life. His Excellency’s sentence was explained by Kun Rasaesamut. This is what happened, and in spite of the strict and just sentence by His Excellency the Prakalang, the sacrilegious delinquent is still alive, and so many years after such an outrageous sacrilege, has only had the tips of two of his

194fingers cut off. The perpetrator of this scandal and the reasons behind it (…) to the Ambassador, so that this very important matter may be examined at his righteous Court of Justice, and the just punishment for such crimes be given. This is why the examination of Francisco Barretto de Pinna’s crimes and all the others that can be thereby inferred, has been delayed until now. By proceeding in this manner, the world is able to witness the honesty of the justice and the care taken to preserve that old friendship held by this vast Empire. Furthermore we hope that the Ambassador to His Highness the Regent Prince of Portugal, may deal with this matter at his Court of Justice in such a way, that this vast Empire may feel satisfied with {the handling of} such bad examples, with respect to the Judge as well the culprit. On the 10th day of the waning crescent of the first moon of the year 1046. Written by the Secretary for the Rights of Justice of the Foreigners. The Secretary of the Embassy or any other person in charge should write out a note of receipt stating that the two culprits have been handed over. The beginning of the note concerning the crimes, presented by the Ministers of the King

195[Fl. 277] of the King of Siam, mentions the intentions behind the aid that the King of Siam sent to the City of Macao. The explanation is that fifteen or sixteen years ago the city of Macao received a large loan for its needs from the treasury of the King of Siam. The aforesaid city sent two of its principal citizens to ask the King for that loan. The loan was granted in the form of several goods which included a large amount of betel nut, which the two Captains were not able to load entirely onto the ship on which they had come, for it was too small. Therefore, they left some in the hands of some of our people who lived in the Kingdom of Siam, so that, during the following monsoon, the city of Macao could send for it, in order to pay for its necessities. One of the people who were entrusted with the aforementioned betel nut was Francisco Barretto de Pinna, who was given 50 picos to hold in his safe keeping, which he used, and the city of Macao was never able to retrieve it. Thus, on this occasion, the King of Siam was informed of this theft of betel nut, and the King considered it to be a clear case of treason. He said that even though the Capitão mor was a Portuguese, a vassal of the Prince of Portugal, he had had the audacity to squander and to destroy the medicine which he, the aforesaid King, had given to help the Capitão mor’s city. This crime, together with what has been stated regarding the sacrilegious theft and many other incidents of which the King was informed were sufficient for him to consent to the imprisonment of the Capitão mor. He ordered that the silver boceta that he had given him with the emblem of the title that he bore at the Royal Palace, be taken away, and he did not want Francisco Barretto de Pinna to further administer justice in his Kingdom to the Portuguese living there. We do not know what further punishments {the King} ordered be given to him, because the Ambassador, as has been mentioned, managed to have {the Capitão mor} handed over to him, because of the prestige of the service of His Highness, and out of respect for the post with which he {the Ambassador} had journeyed to the Kingdom of Siam. Before I proceed any further with this report, it is appropriate that {I} make a statement concerning what will follow. It so happens that after the

196Ambassador arrived in the Kingdom of Siam, a few well known rumors circulated {with respect to} the King of Siam, spread by his protégé Constantino Falcão. The King was given the title of Emperor and his Prakalang, Governor of the Kingdom, was to be addressed as Excellency, and Constantino Falcão as His Lordship Constantino Falcão made a great effort to ensure that the Ambassador used these new titles during the discussions and in the written documents, {but} he was quite disappointed for he noticed that the Ambassador, very shrewdly, neither denied these titles nor used them, always keeping a neutral stance. Even so, the entire Kingdom and all the foreign nationals working there fulfilled the wish of the King and his protégé. Yet, may God forgive the two priests, Friar Estêvão de Souza and Friar Pedro Martyr, who, forgetting that they were Portuguese and priests, encouraged this vanity by fulfilling Constantino Falcão’s wish, so that his personal interests were always taken care of. Since they were known in the Kingdom of Siam as {Portuguese and priests}, they would have done better to have given continuous assistance to the Ambassador, which they instead gave to Constantino Falcão. Had they done so, they would not have failed in their duty to their devotion and to their country, and they would have received the gratitude of the Prince [Fl. 277v.] the Prince Our Lord. {However,} they caused the Ambassador many troubles.

197 As soon as the Capitão mor was handed over, the Ambassador had him sent in chains to his frigate, not only because of the crimes that the Ministers of the King proved against him, but also due to the many complaints that all the Portuguese and the other Christians constantly made against him, regarding the injustices he committed. In all the years that he had held his post, they had never had anyone to complain to, and as the Ambassador was about to leave for the Court, everyone was satisfied with the fact that the Capitão mor would be held prisoner until {the Ambassador} returned to then deal with all this tumult. One does not hear much about this man’s case, because from the moment the Ambassador arrived in the Kingdom of Siam until {the moment that} he left, he handled the Capitão mor’s case with great expertise. On the 9th of May, a Tuesday, at nine o’clock in the morning, the state baloon arrived with the principal dignitaries of the Kingdom, to receive the Ambassador and take him to the Court. They brought a large golden baloon in the shape of a serpent. This baloon is only used for royalty, and the gift that His Lordship the Count Viceroy had sent to the King of Siam was placed in it. {The gift} for the Prakalang, together with many festive items, was placed next to this. This baloon went ahead of the Ambassador‘s {baloon}, flanked by four beautiful baloons with golden biers which bore four of the Kingdom’s most important nobles. The Ambassador traveled in the state baloon, with which he had disembarked, {and} which was already reserved for his continuous use. At the entrance of the canopy {of this baloon}, stood Manoel Rodriguez Fryre, the Captain of the Royal Arms’ Banner, which he carried fully unfolded. At the prow of this baloon, was a Negro continuously blowing a silver trumpet. As if to guard the Ambassador, at the flanks of the Ambassador’s baloon, there were four very richly decorated baloons with golden biers, carrying four dignitaries of the Kingdom, who bore titles equivalent to our Duke and Marquis. At the entrance to the Ambassador’s canopy there were also two yellow parasols with silver lined handles which belonged to the King. Astern from this baloon followed two other magnificent baloons which carried two important Ministers of the Kingdom, followed by numerous baloons carrying many advisors. These baloons did not

198have canopies, out of respect for the Ambassador. All of the baloons rowed with such synchronization and rhythm that none overtook the others, thus respecting the positions that they had been assigned according to the titles {of their passengers}. Behind all this magnificence of Ministers and nobility, followed the baloons which carried the officers, soldiers and the Ambassador’s belongings. Since on this occasion, the entire company was so large, both due to the number of vessels, as well as to the many participants and military instruments, the River of Siam resembled a powerful armada. The baloons carrying the principal members of the Bandel came and joined up with the other vessels, accompanying the Ambassador to the Court. The Reverend Vicar of the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário, Friar Domingos de Santa Anna, also came along. {This} priest [Fl. 278]

199This priest gave such assistance to the Ambassador at Court and was so keen that the Embassy be successful, that the Ambassador considered him to be one of the most dedicated vassals that His Highness presently has in the Kingdom of Siam. Accompanying this priest were the Reverend Fathers Manoel Soares, the Superior of the Church of São Paulo, and his companion, João Baptista Maldonado. But they only accompanied {the cortège} as far as the downriver city, and then returned to their church. The Ambassador’s frigate, heavily decorated and adorned, gave three salutes, and one of the vessels belonging to the King of Siam did the same, as did another owned by a Portuguese by the name of Domingos Lopes da Cunha. When the Ambassador left the Bandel, its bells tolled solemnly. There were so many local people on the river banks looking on at the magnificent parade, that it was almost difficult to count them. A festively decorated frigate belonging to the King, positioned in the middle of the river, gave its salutes in a very orderly manner. {We} sailed close to the walls of the downriver city, in between the armadas of galleys belonging to the King of Siam, which were heavily decorated and with many people on board. They gave their salutes in such an orderly and synchronized manner, that they truly had no need of instruction of the European practices in this matter. To make sure that all went well, the protégé {of the King}, Constantino Falcão, sailed ahead in a light baloon, giving orders as to what should be done, according to the King’s wishes. The two wings formed by the galleys, measured almost three quarters of a league, and the noise made by their drums, shawms and trumpets was so loud that one could hardly hear the voices of those aboard. The Ambassador sailed upriver with the entire above mentioned accompaniment, for 8 leagues, until he reached a place called Panganázapó 162 , at which point the entire squadron of baloons belonging to the advisors gathered to one side of the river. They paid many courtesies to the Ambassador, and returned to the downriver city from where they had departed, for they had not been allowed to go any further. Only four baloons with four of the Kingdom’s dignitaries remained, and accompanied the 162 Panganázapó, since the identity of this toponym is not clear, we have transcribed it according to the orthography used in the original text.

200Ambassador right up to the Court. The remainder of the entourage kept the same order {of positions} and followed the Ambassador’s baloon. Between eight and nine o’clock in the evening, the Ambassador reached a place on the river bank where, by order of the King, a very sumptuous resting place had been prepared. At the time of arrival, the place was filled with lights borne by elephants and horses, and also with many carriages. This multitude of animals had been prepared to take the Ambassador by land, and carry all that he might need, should he tire of traveling by river. Reaching the shore, the Ambassador disembarked into a beautiful hall fully carpeted and adorned with very elegant cloths. Along this hall there were also well equipped tents for everyone and there was yet another private hall for the dignitaries of the Kingdom, who were accompanying the Ambassador. This was because the King did not want them to take the liberty of lodging in the hall that was only meant for the Ambassador rest in. A rich supper was already set, because word had been sent in advance to Jozeph Cardoso, the administrator

201[Fl. 278v.] administrator of this Royal expense, as was previously mentioned. The Ambassador took a rest until the morning at this location, and decided to continue his journey from there by the same river, because it was more comfortable for him. At dawn one was able to see more clearly the array of elephants and horses which together numbered 83. Among them was a state elephant with a beautiful golden bier for the Ambassador. Should he not wish to go on the elephant, a beautiful white horse had been prepared with a rich silver saddle, fully harnessed in the same material. There were twelve wagons to take the belongings. Since the Ambassador decided to go up the river, that huge squadron continued, all the same, by land. Between 10 and 11 in the morning, the Ambassador arrived at a shady spot where the second resting place was, where the day’s meal could be taken. This resting place had been set up and was managed by a brother of the Prakalang Governor of the Kingdom, together with Constantino Falcão, with many of the King’s servants. This resting place consisted of two very richly carpeted halls. One of them was of a superior nature, and meant for the Ambassador, the other for the officers and important people of the Embassy. There was still a third hall, more basic, for the infantry. Lunch was already splendidly served, because Jozeph Cardozo took much care to have everything at its best. But this was not difficult, for he had the powers granted to him by the King, to see to it that the Ambassador should not lack any comfort. When the Ambassador disembarked at this point, the bearers of the parasols did not protect him properly from the sun. As soon as the Ambassador took shelter, Constantino Falcão had the two Siamese severely whipped, and the Prakalang’s brother was almost severely punished for not having prevented the careless conduct. At these resting places, there were some of the King’s personal servants with their notebooks, noting down the mistakes, the treatment and the courtesies paid to the Ambassador, because {the King}wanted him to be treated like Royalty. After the aforesaid punishment had been carried out, the Ambassador was asked whether he

202thought it was a sufficiently satisfactory punishment for the great carelessness with which the two Siamese had handled the parasol. The Ambassador sent word that there was no need for such a punishment, as he had been the one to have walked too hastily, and thanked them for the care they had taken in serving him. After lunch, the Ambassador embarked and continued his voyage upriver. At this point the waters were shallow. Therefore a countless Siamese were in the river, placing buoys to mark the deeper places, for it would be very offensive if they were to let the Ambassador’s baloon, or any other of his company, hit a sandbank. At around four o’clock in the afternoon, the Ambassador arrived at a place which is one league away form the Court, where the third resting place had been grandiosely set up. When the Ambassador disembarked, the brother of the Prakalang gave him his hand and took him to a beautiful hall, carpeted with rich rugs from Persia, hung and draped with cloths

203[Fl. 279] cloths of any varieties of colors. Opposite this hall was another, a little lower, but equally neat and tidy, for the officers and noblemen of the Embassy. There were another two very fine houses, one where the advisors to the King reposed and the other for the Infantry of the Embassy. {They} had even newly built a third one for the pages and servants of the Ambassador, where Jozeph Cardozo also saw to it that an abundant dinner was served for all. At this place, it was also ordered that all of the belongings be unloaded, because from here the Ambassador was to proceed by land to the Court. The gift for the King was unloaded on a bier carried by some twenty Siamese, accompanied by the advisors and the Embassy’s musketeers, who kept guard over it all through the night together with the advisors and many lanterns until dawn. The next day was the 11th of May, Ascension Thursday, and therefore two holy masses where held here for the success of the Embassy. 80 elephants and 34 horses and many carriages had already been prepared. Following the instructions by the King’s ministers, all those who were accompanying the Ambassador, began to mount the horses and to climb onto the elephants. The belongings were put onto elephants and carriages. A bier with the trunk containing the gift for the King, decorated with apparel in the Siamese style, was carried on the shoulders by 20 Siamese. The aforesaid trunk was covered with a silk quilt. Immediately behind this, followed 4 Siamese bearing a litter carrying the gift for the Prakalang. It should be noted that the King of Siam highly regards the gifts that the Princes send to his Prakalang Governor of the Kingdom. The latter shows them to him, and {thus the King} gets to see every one of them. When all was in order, the Captain of the Banner departed on an elephant with the banner fully hoisted. In front of him was the trumpeter on horseback and immediately behind was the Ambassador on a state elephant belonging to the King. He sat on a bier which also belonged to that King. It had four columns and was richly gold-plated. On each side, the King’s yellow parasol carriers followed on foot. On his right were two horses with silver saddles and harnesses. One of the horses was

204completely white and the other was chestnut with a gilded saddle and harness. Immediately behind the Ambassador, followed his stately palanquin, with closed parasols, since on such an occasion only those belonging to the King could be used. The Embassy’s principal Chaplain and the Dominican friar, as well as Constantino Falcão’s two assistants and I, the Secretary, followed close behind, some on elephants and others on horseback. So did the Embassy’s soldiers, who numbered 26 musketeers, all on their horses. All of the Embassy’s officers and noblemen followed in the same manner, very orderly and wearing very smart garments, since the Ambassador had spent a large amount on his own behalf for this purpose. At the very end of this entire majestic entourage, followed the carriage with the belongings of everyone in the Embassy, as well as of all those from the Bandel who, together with the Ambassador, also went along to assist at the Court. After having only marched for a short part of the way, the King’s entire State appeared, both the Infantry

205[Fl. 279v.] the Infantry, as well as the officers of war and royal elephants. They met up (?) with the vanguard of the Ambassador’s retinue in the following manner. There were around two thousand armed men, all wearing red dress-coats and golden hats like morions and they came in two rows, two by two, {with} military flags and their captains and higher officers. In the middle of this infantry, were eight elephants, four of which had their tusks decorated with thick gold rings, with the rest of their harness also in gold. Each of the elephants had two magnificent ceremonial caparisons. The other elephants, which teamed up with those four, also bore gold harnesses. In the midst of everybody, in great haste, along came four parasols in crimson Melleque with silver handles. They were accompanied by many military instruments, drums, shawms and trumpets. They approached with great humility and shaded the Ambassador, for they are the very same parasols which the King uses to take his walks in his Court. They asked that the Ambassador order his instruments to stop playing, so that there would not be a dissonance of sounds. Therefore, to show how much the Royal instruments pleased him, the Ambassador ordered his men to stop playing. Then, twenty six officials lined up neatly before the Ambassador on their richly harnessed horses. Ahead of them was a company of horses belonging to Muslims, who numbered around fifty, armed with bows and arrows. They are the King’s most esteemed guard. The Infantry followed on the flanks of this entire entourage. Some carried short lances and circular shields, other bows and arrows, and the rest had guns. And thus, with considerable order and ostentation, they slowly took the ambassador to the Court. Scattered throughout the fields, the number of people who had come to watch this Royal display was so great, that it was impossible to count them. They were told that when they saw the Ambassador, they should behave properly and remain silent, in the same manner that they usually do when His Highness passes by any place, for it is their custom to be seated with their heads bowed forward almost touching the ground. If they were to disobey, they would be severely punished by the King.

206For the sake of the clarity and exactness of this report, it must be born in mind that the Ambassador, following instructions that His Lordship the Count Viceroy had given him before his departure to Siam, had tried very hard to have someone translate the letter that His Lordship the Count Viceroy sent to the King of Siam, into the Siamese language. It was not possible to find anyone in Macao who knew the Siamese Language, neither spoken nor written. Upon arriving in the Kingdom of Siam, he sought to solve this matter, without making it publicly known. However he was told that no one would be daring enough to perform such a task, because they knew that they could have their heads cut off. Therefore, it was necessary to depend on the translation method that is usually practiced in the Kingdom, as the Father Superior of The Church of São Paulo, Manoel Soares and the Capitão mor, Francisco Barretto de Pinna, advised the Ambassador to do, since it was a very honorable custom for {the conveying of} His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s letter. After the Ambassador entered the city in the manner which has been described, he came to a hall that the King had ordered to be newly built with all the magnificence required for a Majestic Prince. It was fully carpeted and draped with very fine cloths, and along the edges, on the floor [FL. 280]

207on the floor, many officials and Court noblemen, Arabs, Persians, Chinese and Siamese were seated. For the King avails himself of {people of} all nations. The Prakalang was presiding at a tribune, seated on the floor. Behind him were the padded benches and remaining items of his state, used for occasions of greater submission, because, on this occasion, it was not convenient for him to preside as Governor of the Kingdom, in the manner that he usually does when his holds an audience. On this occasion, {his} place was merely to translate His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s letter and to arrange the gift in an appropriate style, so as the Ambassador would have everything ready when he was to go before the King to deliver his Embassy; thus avoiding any embarrassment or inappropriateness. When the Ambassador entered, an embroidered quilt was laid down before him, in the most honorable position of all, in front of the Prakalang, so that he could be seated. Between the Prakalang and the Ambassador, again a carpet was laid down on top of the others, and a bofeta placed on it. A golden vase was placed on top of this, where His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s letter, which I, the Secretary, had so solemnly taken, was kept. The letter to the Prakalang was placed close to the aforesaid golden vase, on the outside. Constantino Falcão was seated on the floor, outside of the Prakalang’s tribune, even though he is the true Prakalang. When the Ambassador made his entrance, everyone stood up with much courtesy, until the Ambassador sat down at the place reserved for him. Further down, in two rows among all the advisors, was where I, the Secretary, sat together with the Reverend Priests and officers of the Embassy. The noblemen and the Infantry remained outside, guarding the Royal Banner, since the hall was too low for it to be hoisted within. When everyone was silent, the Prakalang Governor of the Kingdom welcomed the Ambassador on behalf of his King. He inquired as to his good health and the success of his voyage, with the help of Constantino Falcão as the interpreter. Since {the latter} is a principal protégé of the King, all the foreigners present were surprised that on this occasion he should have taken on a task so inferior to his position. They were also surprised at the honors that they witnessed at that moment, for they had never seen similar honors being granted to any of the Ambassadors who until that day had entered the Kingdom of Siam. The

208Ambassador replied to the Prakalang’s greetings with very courteous words, and said that when the Prakalang first paid his visit to the Ambassador, he had done so on behalf of Our Lord the Prince and His Lordship the Count Viceroy. Finally, Constantino Falcão stood up from where he was seated and very courteously took His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s letter out of the golden vase and placed it in the hands of the Prakalang, who, upon receiving it, held it up and acknowledged the seal of the Royal Arms. He then handed it to Constantino Falcão, and asked him to read it in the Siamese language, and thus the Secretary of the Prakalang began to translate it. The same was done with the letter which was also addressed to the Prakalang. After this had been concluded, {they} brought in the chest bearing the gift that His Lordship the Count Viceroy had sent on behalf of His Highness, to the King. The Ambassador had commissioned the making of this chest in Macao. It had two locks in gilded copper and had been carefully painted and gilded over with the Royal Arms on the lid, thus having a very majestic appearance to it. I, the Secretary, opened it and stated all that it contained {and in turn} the ministers [Fl. 280v.] the ministers of the King laid out the items according to their importance, so that everything would be in order for the day on which the Ambassador was to deliver the Embassy to the King, together with the letter; thus avoiding any

209embarrassment before His Royal person. {This King} is served with greater care and reverence by these pagans, than, in a sense, we Christians serve God. So much so that the ministers washed their hands in perfumed water from a large crystal bottle before handling the items of the gift in order to arrange them. They did this kneeling on the ground. When they had finished, the Ambassador handed the gift sent by His Lordship the Count Viceroy to the Prakalang, and presented him with another from himself, comprised of twenty Chinese pieces in gold and silver, some damask cloths and a gold filigree chain. In Siamese terms, the whole present weighed 14 cattes in silver, which is equivalent to seven hundred patacas in our currency. There were two reasons why the Ambassador gave this present to the Prakalang at his own expense, albeit knowing that he was an ineffectual minister: firstly because he knew that the King would be informed about this gift, because, as has been mentioned, {the King} greatly values the gifts to his Prakalang; and secondly because the Ambassador wished to show that if, on the one hand the King of Siam paid for {the Ambassador’s} common expenses from his treasury, {the Ambassador} on the other hand, spent double that amount on the gifts and other items that he gave to the King’s ministers and vassals. Never could it be said that the Ambassador had gone to the Kingdom of Siam for his own benefit. After all these ceremonies had ended, the Ambassador stood up and bid farewell to the Prakalang and remaining ministers, and retired to the dwellings nearby that had been prepared for him. Since they were close, he went on foot, accompanied by all the advisors and dignitaries who were present. All of the Royal Infantry was lined up in two rows so that the Ambassador could walk down the middle. {They stood} with such order and ceremony, that this could not have been performed with greater perfection in Europe, nor would a great Prince have been received with more ceremony. When the Ambassador entered the dwellings that had been prepared for him, he sat down on his state chair, beneath the seat of honor. All the advisors and dignitaries who accompanied him, gradually sat down around the hall according to etiquette. Then they all stood up and bid the Ambassador a ceremonious farewell with many salaams and courtesies. The

210aforesaid hall of these houses was square and very large, with three very beautiful doors and was entirely draped in very clean cloths, very neatly placed. But, even more perfect, in the upper part of these dwellings was a fully carpeted chamber for the Ambassador. There was a corridor with chairs and a sufficient number of sideboards that served as tables for the people of the Embassy to eat at. Surrounding the houses, there were many well decorated tents to shelter those who could not fit in the houses. There was a kitchen with a pantry which contained an abundance of the necessary provisions, and five cooks with many Siamese to assist them. Jozeph Cardozo {was also present, for it was he} who administered and provided for everything from the King’s treasury, just as he had been ordered to do. Since the workload was immense, he was provided with an assistant [Fl. 281] assistant, a Portuguese resident in the Kingdom of Siam, by the name of António Lobato, who in Macao, had been a Captain. After a few hours Constantino Falcão sent two advisors on behalf of the King, to ask the Ambassador whether he was comfortable in his lodgings, or whether anything was lacking in the service provided for him or for his men. His Majesty was very concerned about this matter. The Ambassador sent the reply that there was more than enough of

211everything and that nothing could be lacking where His Majesty the King of Siam had shown such Royal magnanimity. Early that afternoon, Constantino Falcão came to visit the Ambassador, on behalf of his King. During their various conversations, the Ambassador asked that His Lordship tell him whether he had already managed to negotiate with His Highness’ {the protocol of the Ambassador’s} entrance into the Palace, according to the conditions that {the Ambassador} had mentioned to him in the Bandel. The protégé replied that it was very bold of the Ambassador to consider that his closeness {to the Prince of Portugal} gave him the power to make the King {of Siam} repeal the laws of his Kingdom established since the times of his ancestors. He gave so many reasons for the immense difficulties in this matter that, no doubt, they were all very well founded. But as the protégé had offered his services to perform great deeds for the Ambassador, the aforesaid reasons revealed that he was not sincere with regard to the matters of this Embassy, and the Ambassador thus confirmed the suspicions that he already had about him. The reason why Constantino Falcão had made the same matters seem easy {when they had talked}, in the Bandel, and now presented them as being so difficult, was because he wanted the Ambassador to gradually succumb to the many favors granted by the King, and therefore not have any doubts about his entering the Court. For being so heavily obligated, he would eventually desist regarding the manner in which he wished to make his entry to the Palace, since the Ambassador {now} did not seem as determined as he had been in respecting the orders of His Lordship the Count Viceroy. Comprehending all these matters regarding the Embassy, the Ambassador disguised his feelings, because it was not appropriate for him to show that he was offended, since by necessity all the matters would have to be dealt with through {the protégé}. Therefore he proceeded to discuss this matter very cautiously to see whether he would be able to be allowed to enter the Palace in the manner that His Lordship the Count Viceroy wished; or whether he would have to turn back without having delivered the Embassy. For the meantime, nothing was settled. On the following day Constantino Falcão came to speak to the Ambassador, and told him that, at night, during the audience that the King usually

212gives at that time, he had spoken privately to him regarding the Ambassador’s entrance into the Palace. He had explained everything that {the Ambassador} had said regarding the entrance, and that His Majesty had thought them to be very onerous matters. The King had asked him, Constantino Falcão, what he thought of those matters, to which he had replied that his experience permitted him to talk about issues related to trade, but as for matters of state, he left them entirely to His Majesty’s judgment. At that instant, {the King} began to consider the manner whereby the Ambassador could enter his Palace, in his presence, while breaking his laws and customs. The alternatives discussed all avoided receiving the Ambassador in the Royal Hall, because he suggested several {other} places. Constantino Falcão had told His Majesty that wherever he received this Embassy, if it were not in the usual place [Fl. 281v.] usual place, the Prince of Portugal would feel offended. {He had also said} that if Their Majesties saw that (…) he broke their laws, practices and customs with the present Ambassador, then the door would be open for the Ambassadors of other nations to request the same liberty, and if this was not granted their Princes and Kings would become his enemies. At the same time, it would also cause his noblemen of the Kingdom to have the right not to respect the protocol of

213submissiveness with which they usually went before him. Since this was a very important matter, he had ordered the Prakalang to send his ministers to the Ambassador in order to inform him of His Kingdom’s practices and customs regarding such audiences so that His Excellency could answer what he thought best. Then they should return to him with the Ambassador’s written answer. Constantino Falcão bid farewell to the Ambassador, for he was able to obtain no more than his firm assurance to keep to the orders which he had been given. It was I, the Secretary, who accompanied {Constantino Falcão} together with all the people of the Embassy, as appropriate courtesy was always paid with regard to the post he held. On the way, he took me aside and in a low voice told me that since I and the Reverend Chaplain were two people who advised the Ambassador, he asked us to convince him to desist from obstinacy in adhering to His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s orders. For, {the Viceroy} had issued those orders {while} wrongly informed about the practices and policies of the Kingdom of Siam. He further said that he would be very sorry that the aforesaid obstinacy in this matter could eventually cause a rupture which he would regret, since he so wished the Embassy to be successful. To this I, the Secretary, replied to him that the Ambassador did not need the opinions of others in order to know how to adhere to the orders that he had been given, nor to {know how to} deal with the matters regarding the service of Our Lord the Prince, with considerable honor. I also said that should there be any rupture caused because of the Ambassador’s competence in carrying out His duty, the Portuguese had a very warlike Viceroy in India and a very powerful Prince in Portugal. To this, Constantino Falcão answered that his words did not mean what I, the Secretary, had understood, but rather that the very old friendship between the two monarchs would be suspended. After Constantino Falcão had bid farewell I informed the Ambassador of the conversation that he had with me. He was not afraid of the Minister’s defiance, but regretted that in the Kingdom of Siam he had no one that he could trust to petition the King and try by another means to facilitate his entrance into the palace. It was clear that the King regarded this Embassy as one of the most important matters and one of the most important honors that he had received after ascending to the throne of Siam.

214However, as he had a blind admiration for his protégé, no one dared to speak to the King. Even the Queen and the Princess obeyed the aforesaid protégé. Therefore, the Ambassador resolved to turn things to his advantage in order to be able to leave the Kingdom of Siam with dignity. On the 15th of May, the interpreter Agostinho Rosado came to ask the Ambassador’s permission to allow three advisors {to the Court} to enter and discuss matters on behalf of the Prakalang Governor of the Kingdom. When they finally entered, upon greeting the Ambassador they mentioned that the Prakalang had sent

215[Fl. 282] had sent them to inform him that in the letter that the Viceroy of India had sent him, he had asked him to favor and support the matters of the Embassy, which he was ready to do. {It also instructed} that the Ambassador should handle all the matters with him, for he was the Minister responsible for such things, and he was very eager to do everything according to His Lordship the Viceroy of India’s desire. {He further said that} regarding his Excellency’s entrance into the Palace, he should first be informed of the ancient practices and customs of the Kingdom of Siam. The Ambassador replied that he was currently waiting for his Majesty the King of Siam to grant him an audience to receive the Embassy that His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India had sent in the name of Our Lord the Prince. {He added} that later there would be time to deal with the remaining private business that he had brought along. He also said that in order to ensure a successful handling of such matters, he hoped that the Prakalang would act with the determination that he displayed, and that His Lordship the Viceroy of India would certainly reward him. However, before talking to His Majesty, he had no other matter to deal with. He went on to say that “in regard to the warning concerning the practices and customs, I am informed that everyone, no matter how important, who comes to this Kingdom and enters the Palace before His Majesty, has to go barefoot and without a sword, and has to crawl. By no means can I subject myself to these practices. If His Majesty wishes to receive my Embassy, I shall go before His Royal Person in the same way and with the same posture with which I usually walk at every port; i.e. with footwear, a sword and walking upright. Given the longstanding friendship that His Majesty has always had with My Lord the Prince, and the honors that he has always granted Him, I hope that it will not be difficult for him to grant me this honor. I believe that Your Lordship the Prakalang will discuss this matter with His Majesty, so that I may succeed”. After the advisors had recorded the answer that the Ambassador gave them in the books that they had brought, they presented numerous arguments to

216dissuade him from his intentions; but they were not able to gain anything further than what had been said to them. Less than two hours after they had left, they were back with a new message from the Prakalang, saying that the Ambassador represented the Regent Prince of Portugal, in the Kingdom of Siam, and that he, the Prakalang, represented his King, and that His Excellency had come to reaffirm the longstanding friendship that his King had always had with His Highness. But as His Excellency did not want to subject himself to the customs of the Kingdom, he was doing the opposite. His Excellency, together with him, the Prakalang, should find the best way not to break off with such an ancient friendship, and after having found a better solution for this matter, he would present it more enthusiastically to His Majesty. He warned His Excellency that he had brought strict orders not to give in regarding the manner of his entrance, because he, the Prakalang, was also not allowed to break the Kingdom’s laws established so many centuries ago. He said that His Excellency should tell him whether he had decided to leave without delivering the Embassy, in case he was not allowed to enter the Palace in the manner that he had mentioned. The Ambassador replied that such a longstanding friendship could not be broken between the two crowns simply because the King of Siam did not wish to break

217[Fl. 282v.] break the laws and policies of His Kingdom. The Prakalang said that just as the Ambassador could not fail to obey any of the orders that he had been given, he too could not do anything to break the laws of the Kingdom. To this the Ambassador replied that he was too far away to negotiate with His Lordship, the Count Viceroy, who represented Our Lord the Prince and have him disregard the strict orders that he had been given, while the Prakalang was nearby his King and could present to Him the issues which arose from these matters. He added that if His Majesty the King of Siam did not wish to grant what had been requested, His Lordship the Count Viceroy would not consent the Ambassador to disobey these matters. {The Ambassador said:} “If His Majesty refuses to grant me entrance into his Palace in the manner I have mentioned, he shall certainly grant me permission to turn back, for although I still have personal matters to deal with His Majesty, I will abandon them all if I am not granted that which I have asked for.” The advisors tried hard to get the Ambassador to send a different answer to the Prakalang because they felt that the one that he had given to be rather onerous in view of his determination. The Ambassador said they should not tire themselves, because what he had told them was what he would always tell them whenever they tried to dissuade him from his intentions. No doubt the Prakalang and his Ministers reported the Ambassador’s resolution to the King. The King said that the Ambassador was undoubtedly a very arrogant man, for in spite of the considerable friendliness and kindness with which he had been treated in His Kingdom, he did not abandon his views; neither entirely, nor partially. He said that if the orders that the Ambassador had brought with him were the cause of his disrespect, then they were surely very strict. Thus, (…) believing the aforesaid laws to have been issued in such a manner that they would seem to lead to a split rather than to reaffirm friendship, and realizing that the Ambassador was determined to turn back without delivering the Embassy, should he not be allowed to enter the Palace in the manner that he had proposed,

218the King summoned his State Council. The Council met three times in order to discuss this matter, and there were many debates and disputes among the important men of the Kingdom. They considered it to be no small matter to break the ancient laws of a Kingdom that had always lived freely and exempt from domination by other Kingdoms. However, since the King had a great desire to receive the present Embassy, because it was already in His Court, and since he had shown himself to be overjoyed that this Embassy had come to him, he began to take sides with the Ambassador in order to satisfy his wish, contrary to the opinions of His entire State Council. These matters were very dear to Constantino Falcão, because as has been clearly stated, he was the true Prakalang and the one who most argued and urged that the laws of the Kingdom should not be broken, whether because of his opposition to the present Embassy for the reasons previously

219[Fl. 283] previously mentioned, or because he was very dedicated. As he perceived above all that the King was very much inclined to want to receive the Embassy regardless of having to break his laws, Constantino Falcão immediately sought to ingratiate himself with the Ambassador by showing him that he was very pleased, because he had already almost overcome many difficulties in favor of the Embassy. He told the Ambassador that the Prakalang’s advisors would soon come before His Excellency with new objections and requests in order that His Excellency would change his mind and would not always give the same reply. Constantino Falcão also presented other objections and requests to the Ambassador who was well aware that this protégé was quite insincere. But {Constantino Falcão} so involved himself in these matters, that the Ambassador was obliged to show that he was grateful to him. Many openly asserted that the aforesaid protégé fought fiercely on behalf of the affairs of the Embassy, for they were unaware of the details of these discussions, and thus their opinions were uninformed. Three advisors came. One of them was the Prakalang’s Secretary, the other his Lieutenant. On behalf of the Prakalang, they told the Ambassador that the Courts of Portugal and of Siam had always had a deep friendship. In view of this, he, the Prakalang, wished to waive certain of the Kingdom’s customs, such as that regarding His Excellency bearing his sword at the waist upon entering to talk to His Majesty. But {the Ambassador} would have to go barefoot, and take a deep bow. {He went on to say that} the Kingdom’s customs could not be trespassed, and thus, since the Ambassador was receiving favors which could not be granted to him {under normal circumstances}, he should acknowledge this by not wanting to abide so strictly by the orders that he bore. In this way, both sides would show that the present Embassy had truly come to reaffirm the friendship {between the two Kingdoms}. The Ambassador replied that he had already told him firmly all that he could to tell him in this respect, for the orders that he had did not allow him to behave in the manner that the Prakalang stated. The

220Ambassador presented them with many other justifications, most appropriate to his intentions, but the advisors were not satisfied, and left discontentedly. Nevertheless, it was not long before they were back with new requests. They said that the Prakalang had ordered them to tell His Excellency that he had informed him about all of the Kingdom’s customs regarding the entrance procedure to talk to the King, in order to prevent what had happened seventy years earlier to a Franciscan priest. {This priest} had come to the Kingdom of Siam as Ambassador to Portugal, and had entered the Palace walking upright and wearing footwear in the presence of the King, either through the carelessness or the ignorance of the Prakalang who governed the Kingdom at that time. When the Masters of Ceremonies realized the manner in which that priest had entered and gone before their King, they urged him to prostrate himself on the ground, as was the custom in the Kingdom. The aforesaid priest resisted and refused to do so. When the King, who governed at the time, saw this, he drew the curtain of his Tribune and withdrew. Following this there were many troubles and even deaths of the very

221[Fl. 283v.] King’s Ministers. For the Prakalang to avoid suffering a similar dishonor, he was carrying out his duty in advance, informing his Excellency about the practices and customs of the Kingdom. The Ambassador told him that the priest referred to by the Prakalang as Ambassador, was in fact not an Ambassador, but merely an envoy or a messenger. Even so, the priest in question disapproved of having to crawl, something considered repulsive to a Portuguese. The Ambassador, however, represented our Lord the Prince in the Kingdom of Siam as he had already mentioned several times, as the Prakalang and the other Ministers of the King of Siam had recognized as such. {The Ambassador went on to say} that with respect to the undertakings by the Prakalang, the Ambassador was under no obligations, and that {the Prakalang} should kindly inform his Majesty that Our Lord the Prince was very powerful and dependent on no one. He considered himself one of the greatest monarchs of the world because in all its four corners – Europe, America, Asia and Africa – he was lord over many lands. He had not sent this Embassy to His Majesty out of any interest other than the esteem that he held for the longstanding friendship which had always existed between the two crowns, as well as for the favors that His Majesty granted the Portuguese in his Kingdom, and further still, for his personal indebtedness to the residents of the City of Macao. The advisors insistently requested for the Ambassador to appease the Prakalang in some way, having mentioned that some Princes and other kin of Kings had come to the Kingdom of Siam, and when going before the King had done so subjecting themselves to the Laws of the Kingdom. The Ambassador told them that those royal people mentioned by the Prakalang were people who paid vassalage and were subjected to other Kings, and that Our Lord the Prince, who was free and exempt from vassalage (…) had, on the contrary, subdued and conquered many peoples by force. And the Ambassador, as his representative, should be party to the candor and special rights owed to {the King}. Furthermore, if Our Lord the Prince were to be subject to the same obligations that were required of other Princes, he had a right to precedence on account of the ancient

222friendship which had been maintained between the two crowns, and on account of the courtesy and trust that his vassals had always shown towards the Kings of Siam. Certainly His Majesty {the current King of Siam} was the one to have experienced this the most. Hearing this, the advisors asked the Ambassador to direct one of his officers to describe the protocol whereby he intended to go before their King. Since the Ambassador was now almost certain that he would overcome the difficulties regarding his entrance, he was adamant to satisfy their request, and therefore directed the Captain to explain to the advisors the courtesies which would be granted to the Our Lord the Prince, with the exception of kneeling down. The advisors appeared satisfied. It is

223[Fl 284] It is customary for the King of Siam not to permit anyone from any nation whatsoever to circumvent his Palace, because, naturally, all pagan Kings are very cautious. When he leaves {his Palace}, his ministers take care to warn everyone not to cross the path that the King will take. In accordance with this custom, Constantino Falcão sent a notice to the officers of the Embassy for them to warn all their people of these practices and customs. When the Ambassador was notified of this, he ordered that the instructions should be obeyed rigorously. However, it was impossible to avoid a disturbance that occurred on a day when the King had ventured out and the Second Lieutenant {of the Embassy} happened to pass by unexpectedly. The timing was such that for him to withdraw himself, he would have had to run away rather inelegantly. Finding himself in such a situation, he kept on walking, not showing any intention of withdrawing. When the advisors saw that, they signaled to the Second Lieutenant to withdraw. Once they saw that he did not obey, and for fear of losing their heads, they decided to remove the Second Lieutenant from the road, so that he would not be seen by the King. They were not able to do this discretely and, thus, the King came to know about it, and as soon as he went back into the Palace, he ordered the interpreter working for the Portuguese to be imprisoned. At the same time he ordered that Constantino Falcão should be imprisoned at the Palace and be exposed to the sun. He blamed the translator for not having warned the Portuguese that the King was going out, and he blamed Constantino Falcão, who was in charge of everything, for not having issued the warning. If both had fulfilled their obligations, the Portuguese would not have failed in any way, since he knew them to be very diplomatic people and obedient to the orders and instructions of Princes. Since the Portuguese had not failed at all with regard to this matter, they defended themselves with the truth. When Constantino Falcão found himself under such pressure and the King to be so inclined towards the Portuguese, he feared that the Ambassador would take revenge on him on this occasion and deny that his officers had received the orders, as well as the warning that had been issued that

224the King was about to go out. With this thought in mind he sent the two priests who were his assistants to come and talk to the Ambassador and tell His Excellency to kindly instruct his officers to tell the truth when the advisors to the King came to question them. The two priests arrived with this message, which they could hardly utter, as they felt very uneasy given the fact that the guarantor of their hopes was somewhat threatened. It would truly have been for the better if this feeling had been caused by their repentance for having lived under the protection of such a mentor. The Ambassador told the priests that he was very sorry that Constantino Falcão was experiencing troubles owing to the carelessness of {the Ambassador’s men, and that the Second Lieutenant was in prison. He said that when this matter were looked into

225[Fl. 284v.] were looked into, he would not fail in his obligations. After the mentioned priests had left, one of the King’s officials came to ask the Ambassador whether the translator and Constantino Falcão had delivered the warnings mentioned previously. The Ambassador said that both of them had fulfilled their obligations, and that the Second Lieutenant of his Embassy had unexpectedly walked past the place in question at that hour. He said that {the Second Lieutenant} had not withdrawn immediately from the path because to do so, he would have had to run in a very inelegant manner, for the Portuguese avoid running even when they are compelled to. However, he, the official, should inform His Majesty that the Lieutenant was imprisoned and would be given a further punishment, since this incident had caused His Majesty much anger. Should His Majesty not be satisfied, he would do whatever {His Majesty} wished, because it was the Ambassador’s desire to please Him in every way. This complement was sufficient for the King to immediately have the translator and Constantino Falcão set free, and the latter retaining the same status of protégé. One should not be surprised that such a close protégé should have been imprisoned for such a petty issue, because just as the King of Siam is immensely generous in his affection for someone, he can also easily lose it over very slight matters. For this reason, there were some people who thought that the Ambassador {thus} had the opportunity to take revenge for the troubles that this protégé caused him. However, men judge the issues of others differently from the way they judge their own, and it is very different to see a weight being carried on someone else’s back, than on one’s own. They were not conscious that if the Ambassador were to deny the truth in order to oppress the protégé, certainly the truth would be known one day, and the Ambassador’s honor in the eyes of the King, with regard to important matters, would be shattered. The aforesaid protégé did not fail to show his gratitude for the Ambassador’s kindness. On this occasion, Constantino Falcão could have put himself entirely at the Ambassador’s disposal, but since his status as a protégé was based on such

226evil values, he could never effect of his own accord good deeds, or actions matching {those of the Ambassador}. The Ambassador became very worried, because he realized that his entrance to the Palace was being delayed, even though he was already sure that the King wanted to receive his Embassy, allowing him to enter his Palace in the manner that he had proposed. Nevertheless, since things are never stable and certain in these Kingdoms, it was reasonable that the Ambassador should be suspicious. He tried to find out, through others, the reasons for the delaying

227[Fl. 285] the delaying of his entrance. He thought that because there had been so many complaints regarding the {fact that the King had yielding with respect to his practices and customs, that the ministers of the Palace might not have finalized the preparations to receive the Embassy, in view of the doubt as to whether the Ambassador was to enter or not. Since the King wished the entrance to be carried out with great pomp and circumstance, the present delay was due to the extensive preparations for the Ambassador’s entrance once all the difficulties had been overcome. On the 24th of May, a Wednesday, at nine o’clock in the morning, four advisors from the Palace, dressed in gala, came in search of the Ambassador, to tell His Excellency that it was time for him to go to the Palace, as the King was expecting him. He immediately set off with all his state entourage and the other people of the Bandel who had accompanied him and who would assist him at the Court. Friar Domingos de Santa Anna, the priest of {the Church of} Nossa Senhora do Rosário, and Friar Pedro Martyr, Friar Estevão, Friar Pedro da Trindade (the Principal Chaplain of the Embassy) also followed. Only I, the Secretary, was not able to fulfill my duty, since I was bedridden and ill. When the Ambassador reached the first gate of the Palace, with much pomp, it was shut and so the four advisors who were accompanying him ordered it to be ceremoniously opened. The Ambassador entered and his infantry remained outside. He only took his officers and the most noteworthy people with him. Beyond this gate there was a beautiful terrace with a herd of forty eight elephants, lined up in an orderly manner, and harnessed in fine wrought gold of an immense wealth. As they were royal elephants their keepers were royal officials, who were all dressed in state, in scarlet dress-coats. On the opposite side of the aforesaid terrace, were more than five hundred fit men. Some were armed with small circular shields and spears, others with small circular shields and short broad-swords. All wore red dress-coats and gilded helmets, which gave the effect of a very stately squadron. Two of this Guard’s Captains were mounted on their beautiful and well harnessed horses.

228The Ambassador advanced through the midst of all this, until he reached another gate which was also closed and was then opened according to the same ceremonial procedure, which the four royal officials usually performed. All our people from the Bandel were ordered to remain there, and the Ambassador entered with his officers and noblemen and the aforesaid priests. The gatemen were two important royal officials who attended to this duty on foot. Beyond this gate the Ambassador found himself in a huge courtyard. On each side stood more than six thousand well groomed armed men, bearing oval leather shields and wearing gilded helmets. They stood in their battalions with different

229[Fl. 285v.] with different weapons: some were archers, others musketeers and others Indian throwing spears. At the front of all these men, was a magnificent group carrying Japanese lances. As the Ambassador passed by, all these men knelt down. What were most amazing were the silence and the posture they all kept, as if they were not human. The four royal officials ushered the Ambassador through this spectacle until they reached another gate, which was also closed and which was then opened with the usual ceremonies. When the Ambassador entered, he found himself in a very spacious courtyard, which had two battalions on each side. The men were armed and dressed in state, wearing red dress-coats and gilded helmets of fine workmanship. Before both battalions stood magnificent groups bearing Japanese lances, while the remaining men only bore short broad-swards. All these people, who were many, stood in alleys of golden railings which separated them from each other, thus, creating a very stately effect. On one side of this courtyard, stood more than two hundred men with several instruments that they played rhythmically and harmoniously. This courtyard also had two beautiful halls, opposite each other. The one on the right was very well carpeted and draped with rich cloths. All the royal officials, the nation’s important people and Muslims who serve the King were seated in this hall according to their ranks. They were all very richly dressed in their traditional garments. In the hall on the left, which was also carpeted and draped in the same fashion as the other one, were six high ranking royal officials and one Oya, a noble title corresponding to our title of Duke. These gentlemen received the Ambassador together with the people that he had taken with him, and they directed him to be seated in a more honorable place than theirs, on an embroidered quilt. Everyone remained silent. At the front ends of these halls were two doors which led to the King’s garden. Each had an elephant standing guard under the golden canopies. These elephants were tied with ropes shrouded in scarlet and harnessed in very fine wrought gold and inlaid with so many precious stones that it would be difficult to estimate the value. Since these elephants belonged to the King, their keepers were very high ranking officials of

230the Court. After the Ambassador had been seated for a short while, a soft fanfare of instruments was heard, at which the all officials and military men prostrated themselves until their faces touched the ground. This was the sign that the King had already seated on his throne and was waiting for the Ambassador. Soon after, a court official came in through one of the aforementioned doors and everyone bowed to him. This official indicated that it was time for the Ambassador to enter. One of the Ambassador’s pages courteously carried a new pair of shoes for the Ambassador to change for the ones

231[Fl. 286] he was wearing which were covered in dust. When the aforesaid Oya saw this, he stretched out for the shoes and approached the Ambassador to help him put them on (…) which caused much surprise among that crowd because they were witnessing such an important man serving the Ambassador in such a low task. Following this, the official who had come from inside and the other four who always accompanied the Ambassador showed him through the aforementioned gate. Only the four priests followed the Ambassador, and they were told to sit in the place reserved for the Secretary of the Embassy. All the officers remained in the aforesaid hall together with the royal officials who were in attendance there. The entire multitude of people in arms in the courtyard, who were more than ten thousand men, remained in absolute silence. The courtyard was big enough for this number of people to stand at ease and in an orderly fashion. Such was the display of ceremony and honor that the King showed towards the Ambassador, that some royal officials shed tears of joy, especially upon seeing that the King did not want to show himself as being more powerful, so that he could receive the Ambassador to Our Lord the Prince with greater pomp. The Ambassador went on through the previously mentioned gate of the garden. There within were close to three hundred men, all noblemen and titleholders. They all stood in an orderly manner, carrying silver plated catans and wearing white tunics of very fine cloth. The Ambassador walked by these people towards a gate where a bull elephant and a cow elephant stood, bearing solid gold harnesses enameled with many precious stones, surely a very expensive treasure. Their keepers were four of the most important Lords of the Kingdom. The Ambassador walked up a few steps to the door of the Royal Hall, where the King sat in his Throne. The Ambassador walked in and the four priests remained close to the steps, seated on a carpet. In the same manner and with the same pomp with which the Ambassador had left his house, he entered the Royal Hall, with his ordinary shoes on, his sword and dagger at his waist, and walking upright. Constantino Falcão, fully prostrated on the ground, slowly led the Ambassador

232before the King’s Royal Throne, urging the Ambassador to incline his body forward as he walked. {But} the Ambassador refused to do so, and walked very upright. He made his first bow upon entering the Hall, and half way through he bowed a second time. At that stage one of the Oyas touched the scabbard of his sword, indicating that he should bend forward and not walk so upright. The Ambassador paid no heed to this remark, and instead showed the Oya that he felt offended by his audacity. Coming near to the King he made his third bow, already at the place that had been reserved for him to sit. It was a richly embroidered carpet, quite different form all the others that decorated the entire Hall. Among the Siamese, this is the place of supreme honor immediately below the King. The latter was seated on a rich golden throne, standing four palms off the ground. Everyone in his Court was surprised at this, because this King always [Fl. 286v.]

233usually has his throne placed very high whenever he receives an embassy. On no other occasion had he wished to be so low, because he wanted to grant this great honor to his brother the Prince of Portugal. That is what he told those who commented on this excess. The Ambassador was seated no more than ten or twelve palms away from {the King}, which {was something} also granted exceptionally to him. The King was seated inside the golden throne on a chair {also of gold}, so abundantly covered with precious stones that it blinded anyone who wished to notice its grandeur. The King was very richly dressed, festooned with precious stones, enough to make up a sizeable treasure. On his head, {he wore} a magnificent imperial crown. By this one could judge that in this place where the King showed himself with such riches and pomp, the highest people of his Kingdom were surely present. On one side of the Hall were the Prakalang, the Governor of the Kingdom, and the Prince of Cambodia. Below them, on both sides of the Hall, were twenty four Oyas, which is the title of Duke, and on the other side sat minor dignitaries who are the equivalents of Marquises. All were bearing their insignias, which were large golden boxes that they place in front of themselves, containing their betel nut – a supreme honor that the King grants them. According to the craftsmanship of these boxes it is possible to ascertain the rank that each person holds before the King. Everyone was dressed according to their customs and their nationalities, with much gala and gracefulness. The Ambassador was seated on a higher level than all of these gentlemen. When {everyone} was silent, the Ambassador presented his visit and his Embassy in the following manner: “My Lord the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms and Territories of Portugal, brother in arms to your Royal Majesty has sent me as his Ambassador to visit Your Royal Majesty and reaffirm the true friendship that the Most Serene and Powerful Kings of Portugal have always had with the Most High and Powerful Kings of Siam. He sincerely hopes that Your Royal Majesty is in perfect health and has been able to achieve all the success that Your Royal Majesty wishes for, so that the old and true friendship that has always existed between

234these two Monarchies may continue to prosper and endure between him and Your Royal Majesty. My Prince and Lord sincerely thanks Your Royal Majesty for all the grace and favors that you have granted, and continue to grant, to the Portuguese who live in this Kingdom, {as well as} to those who come here with their trade, and particularly for the immense aid that Your Royal Majesty has given to the city and the residents of Macao, which he is well aware of. As a token of gratitude for such a true friendship, he has ordered His Lordship the Count Vice Roy of India to treat all of Your Royal Majesty’s vassals who visit his lands with the utmost courtesy, and to grant them favors. I have, on behalf of My Lord the Prince, very personal [Fl. 287]

235personal matters to deal with Your Royal Majesty. Since it is not the custom of the Kingdom to be able to deal directly with Your Royal Majesty, may Your Royal Majesty order one of your most trustworthy and discreet Ministers to discuss these matter with me, so as to ensure that this Minister will report these matters only to you, since they are matters from My Lord the Prince to Your Majesty.” After the Ambassador had ended this speech, he presented {the King} the letter, together with the gift which had been orderly placed on a large silver tray of rich craftsmanship. The King showed himself to be most pleased and cheerful with all this, {almost} as if he were receiving the Crown of his Kingdom on that day. After this, the King sent a rich Melleque dress-coat in gold with filigree buttons of the same metal, placed on a golden tray, for the Ambassador to put on in his presence. At that same moment, royal officials set out carrying silver trays to present magnificent dress-coats to the Officers of the Embassy who were outside the aforementioned hall. Simultaneously, habits that had been made for the aforesaid priests were also given. After ending this giving of dress-coats, (which is one of the greatest treats that the King usually grants whoever comes before him), and after the King had inquired about the health of Our Lord the Prince and that of the other members of the Royal family, and about all the important people of the Kingdom, as well as His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, he addressed several other questions to the Ambassador, regarding the success of the voyage to his Kingdom. {He did this} with such affability that all those present were amazed, for the Kings of Siam never ask more than three questions when they receive an Embassy. On this occasion more questions were asked, owing to the pleasure {that the King experienced} in receiving this Embassy. When he had finished asking questions, {the King} named the Prakalang Governor of the Kingdom as the minister in charge of the matters that the Ambassador had to discuss. He said that, as the Supreme Governor of his Kingdom {and} the key to his secrets, only he could be the Minister for such matters. The Ambassador did not approve at all of the nomination of the mentioned Minister, for due to his inefficiency the King had designated

236Constantino Falcão as his squire and {thus} the mentioned Prakalang was not able to carry out his duties without {Constantino Falcão}. However the Ambassador could not answer, because the interpreter was the very same Constantino Falcão. It is customary for the King of Siam, when talking to Ambassadors and other important people, to speak his mind to the Prakalang who then conveys the message to the interpreter, who then explains it to whom is being spoken to. In accordance with this custom, the King told the Ambassador that should he notice that {the King} was not addressing himself to the Prakalang first, as was his custom. The Ambassador should understand that he was being granted that supreme honor because he was Ambassador to the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms [Fl. 287v.]

237 of the Kingdoms of Portugal, his Brother, who had sent {the Ambassador} to reaffirm the ties of friendship, and that he was receiving this Embassy to his Kingdom as a very important one. All the prominent people present, who came from several nations, did not like what they heard. The King then stood up, bid farewell to the Ambassador, drew the curtain of his tribune and withdrew. The Ambassador walked out through the Palace, accompanied by many prominent people amidst all the royal pomp which was described earlier. He was accompanied to his house by the four royal officials who had guided him from there to the Palace. After he had already retired, two royal officials came bearing a silver tray with a beautiful silver melleque dress-coat. They asked the Ambassador to allow them to give this dress-coat to the Embassy’s Secretary, as it was His Majesty who sent it to him, since he had not been able to go to his Palace on account of his illness. After the Ambassador had delivered his Embassy, the French Bishop went to the Palace, for its doors are always open to him. Upon visiting the King, with great irony he congratulated him on the Embassy of the Prince of Portugal. In view of the fact that he is the closest protégé and given the familiarity that he enjoys with the King, he expressed his surprise at the excessive amount of honors that had been granted to the Ambassador, and said that such honors should not be granted to an envoy of the Viceroy of India. When the King heard this, he answered (rather angrily) that it was an Embassy of the Regent Prince of Portugal, his Brother. If it weren’t so, {the Embassy} would not have dared to enter his Kingdom with the arms of their Prince {fully} hoisted. {Nor} would {the Ambassador} portray himself as the substitute of the Prince of Portugal, to whom he should grant many honors on account of the ancient friendship which has always been preserved between the two Crowns of Siam and Portugal. {He went on to say that} even if the Ambassador had not been worthy of those honors, he {the King} was in no way belittled by granting them, out of his majesty and

238greatness, for it was natural for high ranking people to elevate the lower ones. If he, the mentioned Bishop remarked that the Prince of Portugal had sent an Ambassador via his Viceroy of India, then that was a very ignorant remark, because it was not easy for an Ambassador to come from Portugal to the Kingdom of Siam. Having to cross so many seas, it was almost certain he would not have arrived at his Court. The aforesaid Bishop should understand that the letter and the gift as well as the pomp with which the Embassy had entered his Kingdom, and all else that had been said, made him {the King} believe {the Ambassador} to be the true Ambassador to the Prince of Portugal. After he had finished saying this, he drew the curtain, and went back inside, very angry. The French Bishop felt offended [Fl. 288]

239offended and immediately sought out Constantino Falcão in private, so that, through him, he could retract the statements made to the King. Constantino Falcão granted him this wish, and greatly cherished this opportunity to show the aforesaid Bishop how much he admired him and was willing to help him, God knows with what intention. It was not long before the King admitted the Bishop, in his grace, in view of the fact that he is very much engaged with this nation, and his protégé strives to keep him so committed. The Ambassador had already received word from the Prakalang Governor of the Kingdom that he should go to discuss with him the matters that he said he wished to convey to His Majesty. With regard to this particular issue, the Ambassador was very cautious, because he could see that it was impossible to discuss the main issue which had made his Lordship the Count Viceroy of India send the current Embassy, since there was no way to discuss it secretly with the King. Rather, {it could only be dealt with} through the Prakalang, who was merely a figurehead. In reality, it was Constantino Falcão who carried out the duties of that post. To discuss that particular issue with him meant achieving nothing other than causing considerable trouble and confusion, as had been proven through {recent} experience. Nevertheless the Ambassador did not wish to rely solely on his own judgment and on the knowledge that he had of the situation in the Kingdom of Siam; nor did he wish to fail to follow the orders of His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, who had instructed him to make use, whenever necessary, of the opinion of Reverend Father Manoel Soares, (the Superior of the Church of São Paulo in Siam), as well as that of Francisco Barretto de Pinna (Capitão mor of the Portuguese Bandel). Being experienced in the matters of Siam, they would be able to give good advice regarding whatever was permissible to discuss with the King of Siam in connection with the matters of the Embassy. In accordance with this, the Ambassador wrote a letter to the Bandel, which was sent to Father Manoel Soares, asking him to send his opinion together with that of Francisco Barretto de Pinna. In response to his letter, they should send their views {on how} he could free himself from the confusion that he was in. The contents of that letter and the answer were as follows:

240 I hereby wish to consult the Reverend Father with respect to the principal objective of this Embassy, so that I may proceed according to the Reverend Father’s opinion. His Lordship the Count Viceroy directs me to ask the King of Siam to banish the French Bishops and Missionaries for the reasons that His Lordship alleges. This is an order by His Lordship the Count Viceroy, who furthermore

241[Fl. 288v.] furthermore, he wishes that this matter be handled with the utmost secrecy and diligence. Firstly, it is not possible to maintain secrecy, for the King of Siam will nominate one of his ministers with whom the matters of the Embassy are to be discussed. Via this minister, the French will immediately come to know of the issue in question, as they are in close contact with the principal ministers of this Kingdom, because the aforesaid Bishops and Missionaries are regarded highly by the King. The second point, already implicit in the first, is that the King of this Kingdom is so close to these Bishops and Missionaries, that he summons them every day to talk with them, and he does not go anywhere without taking them along. While they are at this Court he sends them supper daily from the Palace, and grants them many favors on a daily basis, as everyone knows. The third point, which is the main one, concerns the fact that the King has sent one of his Ambassadors to France with considerable interest, and with substantial funds for the things that he has ordered from France. These are the matters that I am faced with which run contrary to what His Lordship the Count Viceroy has ordered me to do. I shall not mention the other matters regarding this issue, which are even more compelling, due to their potential consequences. However, may Reverend Father, together with Francisco Barretto de Pinna, Capitão mor carefully look into these issues, and send me both your opinions as soon as possible, for I shall act according to them. Lovo, the 18th of May, 1684. Endorsed by me, Francisco Fragozo, Secretary of the Embassy. (signed) Pero Vaz de Siqueira

242 In reply to Your Excellency’s three points above, we {wish to} say that it is by no means convenient for Your Excellency to mention the banishment of the French Bishops nor that of their Missionaries to the King, because he will not do it nor concede it, for the same reasons that Your Excellency has pointed out, and which are all very strong ones. What Your Excellency may do, if you should so wish, is to ask this King, His Majesty of Siam, to order that no other European nation interfere in any matter pertaining to the governing and way of life of the Portuguese in this Kingdom. However, they will be subject to the ancient customs and to whatever His Lordship the Count Viceroy and Primate Archbishop of India orders them to do. His Highness Our Lord the Prince and His Lordship the Viceroy of India are very much pleased that the Portuguese should live in Siam to serve this King as they always have, and continue to do so with the utmost loyalty. But they should by no means subject themselves to another nation but only to the King of Siam, for whatever purpose in his

243[Fl. 289] in his service. Therefore, this is what we both consider to be convenient and most wise, given the state of the matters pertaining to the French in Siam, which Your Excellency may observe, and which we know and experience. From the Portuguese Bandel, on the 19th of May, 1684. (signed) Father Manoel Soares, the Superior of this Residence in Siam Francisco Barretto de Pinna During the time between which this letter was sent and its reply received, the Ambassador saw to it that a grand gift was given to the King, containing many curiosities from China which they had brought along for this purpose. When Constantino Falcão got news of this, he came to see the Ambassador and told him that he had learned that His Excellency was preparing to send a gift to His Majesty, and that he had been told that it was a very valuable one. He had thus come to prevent {the Ambassador from sending it}, so that His Excellency would not commit an error regarding the gift he had brought from His Lordship the Count Viceroy, since the Ambassador’s gift should not be as valuable as the one sent by His Lordship the Count Viceroy on behalf or Our Lord the Prince. According to the King of Siam’s custom, he would take offense at this. When the Ambassador heard this, he showed the protégé everything that he was going to send to the King and told him to choose whatever he thought to be most interesting and pleasing for the King of Siam, and most appropriate for the Ambassador to avoid committing the mistake that he, Constantino Falcão, had warned him of. But the item chosen should also not be so diminutive that the Ambassador would be judged by the King’s ministers as being stingy. Constantino Falcão immediately proceeded to inspect everything that was presented to him. {There were} four very interesting artifacts from China, in the shape of two silver peacocks with pendular mechanisms. When these were wound

244up with a key, the peacocks would walk with big steps, standing up proudly. {There was also} a finely detailed figure of a women, also in silver, which also moved with the same type of mechanism, operated by another key {and}, a very beautifully crafted soma, also in silver with wide sails which, upon having its key wound, moved quickly as if driven by strong winds. Constantino Falcão said that these four curiosities alone were adequate for the Ambassador to send to the King. Truly, the protégé knew how to make a good choice, for even though they had not cost more than four hundred patacas, {these pieces} were of considerable value because of their perfection and ingeniousness. Therefore, the Ambassador sent this present to the King who greatly appreciated it, as he always does {appreciate} curiosities which are sent to him from various Kingdoms, even though they may not be of much value. When Father Manoel’s reply arrived from the Bandel, as has been said [Fl. 289v.]

245said, the Ambassador immediately set to notifying the Prakalang, indicating a date to be ready to receive his visit, and discuss important matters. Once the Prakalang had been notified, the Ambassador set off with all his state and entered the hall where the Prakalang was {seated}, also with great ostentation, both in terms of the decoration as well as the people present in the mentioned hall. A saddle cushion in silk had been placed very close to the Prakalang for the Ambassador to sit on, {in} a position considered highly distinguished in this nation. Constantino Falcão, who as has been mentioned was the true Prakalang, was also there. However, on this occasion it was evident that he would only act as interpreter. Once the usual greetings and questions on both sides had ended, the Ambassador said that he was going to discuss with the Prakalang the matters that should be presented to {His Majesty} as the Ambassador had already indicated to him. {He went on to explain} that if he were to present them orally, he would not be able to cover all the necessary details, and to avoid this error, he had written them in a document, which I the Secretary was carrying and at that moment handed over to the Ambassador. He immediately handed it over to the Prakalang who in turn handed it to Constantino Falcão, for him to explain. Which he did. After he had explained it in the Siamese language, in private to the Prakalang, Constantino Falcão (as if he were talking on behalf of the Prakalang), asked whether the Ambassador was empowered to confirm and certify all that would be agreed between the King of Siam and the Ambassador. The latter answered that if they were licit matters in consonance with the good friendship which has always existed between the King of Siam and His Highness {the Prince of Portugal}, then he was able to approve all {the matters}, and His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India to carry {them} out, as he had been ordered to do, since His Highness had directed His Lordship the Count Viceroy that it be done in this manner. Having heard this answer, Constantino Falcão said all that the Ambassador requested on that paper would be arranged and carried out especially in the interests of the Regent Prince of Portugal. {He continued by saying that} now it was necessary for the King of Siam to propose whatever was convenient for him, and depending on whether the Ambassador disagreed with the proposals,

246a counter-reply would be given to what the Ambassador proposed on behalf of His Highness. The Ambassador told him to begin presenting the proposals, which Constantino Falcão did. He began to present a very long list of proposals. Therefore, the Ambassador interrupted him and indicated that the Prakalang should give him in writing the long list that he presented on behalf of the King of Siam, because the matters discussed between one Crown and another were to be established through a set law in order to preserve the friendship. {He added that} a brief reply to long proposals regarding such matters, could be detrimental to one of the Crowns. The Prakalang and Constantino Falcão thought that this statement by the Ambassador was a sensible one. Constantino Falcão kept the document that the Ambassador had presented and it was agreed that the Prakalang would send [Fl. 290]

247 would send the matters relating to the King of Siam in writing, so that His Excellency could respond. The Ambassador understood clearly that Constantino Falcão was looking for new ways of making things difficult for the Embassy, as on past occasions he had not succeeded in doing so. But it was not the right moment for the Ambassador to explain all of his intentions, in order to avoid considerable trouble. He was certain that this protégé would never be able to harm him openly, because the King of Siam was taking great care in meeting the demands of this Embassy with all that he was able to provide. The greatest difficulty in this Kingdom of Siam is not being able to talk to the aforesaid King by any other means than through this protégé. The document that the Ambassador presented was the following: The matters proposed by the Ambassador regarding his official duties on behalf of Our Lord the Prince, which are to be presented to the King of Siam. 1. My Lord the Prince, who wishes to bring a renewed strength to the old friendship which has always existed between these two Crowns, greatly values the fact that that some of his vassals live in this Kingdom and serve His Majesty. However, it is important for His Majesty that those vassals, as far as all matters of governance, should not be subject to {the control of} any other nation. Rather, on a day to day level {they should} be governed by their pre-existing customs and by means of whatever Their Lordships the Viceroys of India order, and at a spiritual level by the orders of the Primate Archbishop of India who resides in Goa. The French Bishops and Missionaries should not dare to interfere with the governance of those vassals {of Portugal} who serve throughout this Kingdom of Siam. In this way it will be possible to avoid the mistakes and troubles which have already occurred, and which could still happen to the vassals of My Lord the Prince.

248The vassals of My Lord the Prince who reside in His Royal Majesty’s Kingdom, should acknowledge the acting Capitão mor as their superior and legitimate judge. The latter is able to punish them when found guilty, and to banish them to other lands belonging to My Lord the Prince, without any of His Royal Majesty’s ministers being able to interfere in his jurisdiction. Instead, they shall grant him all assistance and authorization, to enable the aforesaid Capitão mor to fulfill his duty, whenever {the accused} happens to offer resistance. In connection with the civil cases, the Capitão mor is able to deliver his sentences with {the assistance of} two other representatives whom I shall appoint. As for the criminal cases, if they involve crimes that deserve a more severe punishment, he will send them to Goa, for them to be punished there according to Justice. Whenever any of My Lord the Prince’s vassals in the service of His Royal Majesty commit a serious offense, they should be handed over to the Capitão mor, so that he may send them to Goa where they shall be appropriately punished according to the crime committed. In the same manner, none of the Portuguese who live in this Kingdom under

249[Fl. 290v.] Under the care and protection of His Royal Majesty may be handed over to any other nation, because of a debt – even if it is a genuine one. They will instead have to be handed over to the Capitão mor so that he may exercise justice. Furthermore, whenever His Lordship the Viceroy of India, who acts on behalf of My Lord the Prince, sends for any of the Portuguese who live in this Kingdom, that person shall be obliged to go immediately. Should he not wish to obey, His Royal Majesty, through your Ministers, shall order him to go at once and obey the summons from His Lordship the Viceroy, for His Royal Majesty, being such a great Monarch, wishes the obedience owed to the Kings by their vassals to be respected. 1. The Portuguese living in this Kingdom should be free to set sail in search of business, and should they wish to take their wives together with all their family members, they should be allowed to do so freely, without having to depend on any official permission. Also, the sons and daughters that those Portuguese might have born to women from Pegu and other locals, should be allowed to go with their fathers and relatives to another land, without any restrictions. 2. The Portuguese residing in this Kingdom shall not wage war against any of the Kings who are at peace with My Lord the Prince. But should the aforesaid Kings threaten His Royal Majesty’s title to the Kingdom of Siam, those Portuguese shall be obliged to defend His Majesty’s Kingdom with their lives, for fear of capital punishment, because they owe it to His Royal Majesty for all the favors granted to them. For the same reason, all shipping sent by His Majesty’s Ministers to areas navigated by armadas belonging to My Lord the Prince, shall not take on captains, nor officers, nor merchants from any nation that is at war with the Portuguese, so as to avoid all possible means of disturbance to the ancient friendship and brotherhood between these two powerful Crowns.

2503. So as to avoid fights and trouble, no other nationals should reside in the Bandel where the Portuguese live, and the Portuguese living in other areas outside the Bandel, shall be subject to the Capitão mor governing there under His Royal Majesty’s approval, so that they are not to be exempt from punishment whenever they may deserve it. 4. The Portuguese shipping coming to this Kingdom of Siam to trade shall be granted permission to sell their goods freely and to purchase local goods from the merchants of this Kingdom, without any restrictions, as has always been the custom. Whenever it is necessary for Your Royal Majesty’s administrators to take any type of goods from the mentioned boats for the Royal service to His Majesty, they shall do so at the same price paid by the remaining merchants, because, as it is, the service to His Majesty the King of Siam is what matters most. Answer given by the Prakalang, Governor of the Kingdom

251[Fl. 291] of the Kingdom of Siam to the abovementioned points proposed by the Ambassador at the service of Our Lord the Prince. 1. Regarding that which the Ambassador has presented on behalf of his Prince, in the first point of the proposals that he delivered on the 28th of May, 1684, it has been decided that this Crown recognizes His Highness the Regent Prince of Portugal’s friendship, plainly evident throughout the first to the seventh proposal. {We} found the request to keep His Highness’ vassals serving in this Kingdom free from obligations to any other nation in all matters of governance, to be rather odd, since His Highness’s vassals in this Kingdom have at no given time been subject to any foreign nation. Rather, {they} have always been governed according to the laws and pre-existing customs, and if ever local justice was applied to a particular case of His Highness’s vassals, it was due to a petition by those very same vassals, on account of unjustified injustice committed by His Highness’ Capitão mor. This Court will be greatly pleased if His Excellency the Viceroy could choose an honest person, appropriately accredited and experienced, to be the Capitão mor to govern and administer justice to his vassals who reside here; so that through the administration of justice {by this Capitão mor}, one may infer the honor and esteem of His Highness the Regent Prince of Portugal. This Court considered it to be a very serious matter that the Portuguese justice and customs have been administered by such a bad example for so many years. We were obliged to conceal and permit {certain offenses} in order to preserve the great esteem that we have always held for the ancient friendship between these two Crowns. We also greatly approve of what the Ambassador requests on behalf of the Regent Prince regarding the Ecclesiastical governance, for it is so fair, logical and in accord with ancient {traditions}, that it has to be respected. Thus, the answer to the first point has been given up to the 17th line. Regarding the remaining lines of this point, we need not differ since the matters dealt are so far

252out from the laws and customs of all powerful Kingdoms, that {such nation} would not wish, for political or state reasons, to have one nation governing another. As His Highness, the Regent Prince of Portugal very well knows, never has this Kingdom been subject to any other Crown, whereby to permit any another nation to govern the Portuguese nationals, or any others living in this Kingdom under its protection and patronage. 2. As for the second point, Your Excellency knows that up to now there are only two differences among the vassals of His Highness the Regent Prince in this Kingdom: some serve His Imperial Majesty, and the others are exiles from the lands belonging to the Crown of Portugal which have been conquered by the Dutch

253[Fl. 291v.] the Dutch. The latter {Portuguese} arrived here in such a destitute state that they had no other option or means of support but to live under the protection of this Kingdom. His Imperial Majesty’s compassion was such that he designated the Bandel for them to live in and seek their means of living, for it is known that they have no way to survive other than by means of the riches of this Kingdom. In view of the above, it has been deliberated that, should His Highness the Regent Prince direct any of his vassals to live in this Kingdom with sufficient means to maintain themselves without depending on {the Kingdom} in any way, then the said vassals shall live under the authority, justice and power of the Capitão mor. {This is} just as the Ambassador has proposed on behalf of His Highness the Regent Prince, up to the 12th line of the second point. As for the remaining issues contained in this point, we are not able to concede anything, since it is understood that the Capitão mor should have enough power to administer justice and to govern his people. Should any of those people openly and clearly reveal themselves to be perverse and rebel against the justice of the Capitão mor, and should the latter seek assistance from the appointed ministers for the affairs of his nation, this assistance shall be granted. We further declare that those Portuguese who are in the service of His Imperial Majesty, be accepted as his servants, which is an honor only granted to people of good conduct, and due to the ancient friendship between the two Crowns. His Imperial Majesty’s honor can not allow that those at his service be subject to someone else other than one of his ministers. For His Imperial Majesty’s is such that that never has any servant of his from any nation ever complained about it. On the contrary, as is clear in the letters which are held in this ministry, Their Excellencies the former Viceroys thanked this Court profusely for having wanted to receive vassals of His Highness the Regent Prince to add to the number of their servants. However, if these vassals should commit any crime against the Law and Religion that they profess, once the case has been proven by four Christian witnesses, the judge in charge shall then hear them and proceed according to what is fair, as an example to the others. For His

254Imperial Majesty wishes only to have servants who are strict followers of the religion that they profess. As for the second type of vassals of His Highness the Regent Prince (who occupy the lowest category here), they are those miserable people exiled from their own lands, which were conquered by the enemies of the Crown of Portugal. Tormented by their extreme misery and poverty they have come to seek the protection of His Imperial Majesty. To these {people}, His Imperial Majesty does not have the courage to deny justice whenever they may feel oppressed by the justice of the Capitão mor. Should they seek the aid of His Imperial Majesty’s ministers

255[Fl. 292] Majesty’s ministers for any particular case, thus we cannot ignore their case, for His Imperial Majesty cares for and esteems these people, as {if they were} his own, and even more, since he obliges all his vassals to serve him and pay taxes, but exempts those people of all {this}. The reason for all this is the great and ancient friendship between these two Crowns. We are certain that these vassals of His Highness the Regent Prince would not seek the help of the ministers of this Crown, if the Capitão mor’s justice were fully righteous. 3. The third point has been dealt with in the previous paragraph, and therefore nothing else remains to be contended, since it is entirely against any politics {as practiced in the rest of} the world. There is nothing that is more appreciated in this Court, than to see that those who live in this Kingdom have the will to seek their own livelihood. In fact, whenever anyone has wished to seek this objective, they have never been denied the necessary aid from the Royal treasury, as has been the case of many in this Bandel. This has been much to the loss of the Royal treasury, for many of them kept the loans without ever having given any justification. Given these obvious reasons, this Court was very surprised that the Ambassador, in the name of His Highness the Regent Prince, should have made this petition on behalf of those {Portuguese} who reside in this Kingdom, for at this moment no one other than Domingos Lopez Cunha possesses a ship at sea. The latter built a ship and has already made two voyages to Macao, without having paid any duties, or the measurement tax163. He merely requested, and was granted, permission. Your Excellency {the Ambassador} may respond to this resolution, by saying that what is referred to in your fourth point does not relate to past situations, but rather to 163 The Portuguese document uses the term “medições”. This term refers to a tax levied on merchant ships, which was calculated according to the measurements of the vessels.

256what could happen. However, given the benign generosity that this Court has always shown towards the Portuguese nation, as everyone knows, the Ambassador could not presume that from now onwards we would fail to continue to grant such favors. Therefore, we have resolved that the mentioned families who do not have other wealth, or alternate means of subsistence, may freely and without shame, seek whatever means of subsistence are more convenient for them. However, the sons and daughters of the Portuguese born to women from Pegu are not included in the above permission, and will instead always remain under their country’s law. 4. We highly esteem the great care that Your Excellency the Ambassador has {shown} with regard to preserving the ancient and Royal friendship between these two Crowns. However, we have decided that we cannot accept any of the issues referred to in this point, for the following reasons: It has never been heard of, in the entire world, that a group of people from a given nation residing in another Kingdom could, by their deeds, anger the allies of their {own} King, for those people are incorporated in that Kingdom, and are not included among the helpers of their King. The latter {situation} is what could cause anger among his allies. We find examples of this in all the Kingdoms throughout the world. When war is close by or still far off, even before this Court has decided anything, the Portuguese immediately seeking and requesting a chance to serve as soldiers

257[Fl. 292v.] soldiers and officers, given the great interest that they have in the quartees that they receive. This Crown deeply thanks His Highness the Regent Prince of Portugal for wishing to oblige his vassals living in this Kingdom to defend it, should His Imperial Majesty wish to make use of them. On such an occasion, His Imperial Majesty shall not fail to reward their services with prizes corresponding to their merits. We greatly disapprove of Your Excellency’s wish to restrict that which is absolutely fair, for anyone from any nation who is at the service of His Imperial Majesty, supposedly will consequently remain a friend of the Crown of Portugal. For as it will be thus {enshrined} in the rules and orders, the respect owed to the ancient friendship between this two Crowns will always be respected. All that refers to navigation and the encounters between ships at sea we have responded to Your Lordship, the Ambassador, in a document which was handed to you on the 29th of the current month. 5. As for the sixth point, it has been agreed that everything is very much in accordance with justice and reason, and thus it will be done as Your Excellency the Ambassador has proposed, in the name of His Highness the Regent Prince. We hereby notify Your Excellency that all which belongs to good governance and administration of justice depends entirely on the administrator. No matter how much care Your Excellency or this Court takes in putting these issues in order so that any future inconvenience may be avoided, we feel that this will be very difficult. For if the Capitão mor had character and talents that have been mentioned, he should govern according to the matters, the times and the circumstances, and certainly everything would work out according to the wishes of His Highness the Regent Prince. But we cannot promise this, given the nature of the matters that the Ambassador has requested of this Court. Perhaps we will expedite the

258matters of the Capitão mor, and they shall be better handled once the necessary measures are taken. Right now, neither Your Excellency nor this Court can resolve them. Finally we notify Your Excellency of our sincere wish that you may have completed all your business here {and are thus able to leave} by the beginning of the monsoon, so as to ensure that you arrive safe and free from all dangers. As you have asked for more time than the period of the monsoon allows, in order to discuss these matters, we leave it up to Your Excellency to consider this issue, for as far as we are concerned we are open to any sound resolution. Issued at the Court of Lovo, on the 3rd day of the waning crescent moon, on the second moon of the year 1046, which is the last day of May of 1684, etc. Friar Estêvão de Sousa, an Augustinian, Secretary of the Tribunal of his Excellency the Prakalang for the European nations, written and endorsed by me. From the conclusion of this document, we can clearly see the extent to which Friar Estêvão de Souza has forgotten his obligations and his modesty as a priest, as well as his duties as a Portuguese. Notwithstanding, [Fl. 293]

259notwithstanding, he and his companion, Friar Pedro Martyr, caused the Ambassador considerable worries, since they cooperated to such an extent with Constantino Falcão’s thoughts and intentions. Yet, the greatest anxiety that the Ambassador experienced, was to see this priest very willingly prostrated on the ground among the pagans at the Prakalang’s Tribunal, serving as scribe and not as secretary, as he claims, for in fact the Siamese only give this title to a local person. Thus, the priest’s very dear post turns out to be that of scribe to the Secretary of the Prakalang. Points of the petition that the Ministers of the King of Siam presented to the Ambassador on behalf of their King. 1. All vessels belonging to both Crowns shall have free entry and exit at all the ports where any of the two Crowns have authority or rights, both parties thus subjecting themselves to fully reporting everything that they are carrying, from goods, to artillery and people, etc. This should be carried out without any taxes, both upon entering as well as when leaving, nor any other customs which are usual at the ports where vessels come and go. For, aside from any other privileges conceded reciprocally to both parties, neither party will be allowed to break the lawful practice of the intelligence officers, which is to take note of all that enters and exits from the mentioned ports. If the officers of any of the vessels that enter and exit hide any of the goods they are carrying, then they shall lose all the privileges granted to that nation. 2. The vessels of both parties shall always be exempted from the duties of Customs controls, bangaçais, measurement taxes and other charges, both upon entering as well as upon departing. They shall be able to openly and freely buy and sell, without any restriction on the part of any minister or official whosoever. The Courts of Justice shall be prepared to hear, determine and execute resolutions regarding the complaints and petitions of the captains and officials of the

260aforementioned vessels, according to the law. This shall be done without delay so that those vessels do not lose their monsoon and their voyage. If the ministers of those Courts do the opposite, for any reason whatsoever, and the vessels loose their right or the voyage, then the ministers responsible for this shall have to fully cover any loss which may occur. 3. Should vessels from both Crowns meet up at sea, at any location, they shall be obliged to assist and rescue each other, according to whatever the one in need may request, without fail [Fl. 293v.]

261fail nor delay, and if they happen to meet up in the seas where any of these two Crowns has authority or rights, then the one which is in its authority, upon meeting up with the other, shall recognize it as a friend by the emblem on the flag. If the flag is not enough to convince the captains and the officers who are in their own district and dominion, then they shall give a warning signal that the aforementioned vessel should lower its anchor in order for them to carry out a closer check. When the baloon comes up close {to the vessel}, only two disarmed people shall go aboard, whilst the rest shall remain in the baloon. The captain will be obliged to immediately present the official permit which each of them shall have on their vessels, and which each will both have a copy. After the mentioned permit has been confirmed, which should take place within not more than an hour, the vessel shall be allowed to continue its voyage without any further delay. Should any vessel be forced to take longer than the mentioned time, and should {the delay} happen to cause any damage to the vessel carrying the permit, the owners of the vessel who carried out the examination shall be obliged to fully cover the losses, both relating to the vessel as well as to the goods of the owners of vessel that suffered those losses. No party, under oath, shall be allowed to pass on their permit to other nationalities, so that no mistake may occur with those permits. If the vessels of either of these Crowns fall victim to a storm, or any other accident, at any of the ports under these Crowns, and if they are carrying goods which are not common at those same ports, then the administrators at those ports shall be obliged to provide all their help and rescue. For all loans granted, a promissory note shall be issued as a preliminary insurance. In the same manner, any of His Majesty’s servants who is a Siamese and who is on board any vessel as a passenger, shall be entitled to the same privilege. Should such a servant of His Majesty be on a vessel which is confiscated for some reason, then that servant shall be free and be given all the goods that he has in his charge, and the administrators of those ports shall arrange a safe passage for him to any port which he may find to his convenience.

2624. Finally, none of the subjects form either Crown may carry out trade assisting the ports which are declared enemies, or rebellious against either of these two Crowns. Such a declaration of war or rebellion might not be known to both parties simultaneously, given the geographic distance between their countries. In this case, if {their} vessels should be at enemy or rebellious ports, those who do not yet have knowledge of the war, or the rebellion, should be notified. Once they have been informed, they should alter the course of their voyage and seek out other peaceful ports. Should they not wish to obey those who notified them, and should they resist, the party that issued the warning is permitted to compel them by use of force, and to imprison the people as well as to confiscate the vessel, thus Causing them to loose everything, both the vessel as well the goods. This shall not damage the friendship which exists between the two Crowns, but instead ratify it. Those who disrespect that which has been agreed upon, shall be punished [Fl. 294]

263punished severely as an example to others. If, by chance, there are no ships, armies, or armadas at the entrance to those ports to notify them, then the ships are allowed to carry out their trade and shall leave freely. If, upon leaving, they encounter any vessels from either of these Crowns, they will not harm them, or prevent them from continuing their voyage. According to our judgment, this is what is most licit for the ratification and preservation of the ancient friendship between these two Crowns. Since Your Excellency the Ambassador has come to this Court for this purpose, we hereby submit the abovementioned points, or any other which might be appropriate, for your consideration. The reply given by the Ambassador to the points declared above which were presented by the King of Siam. All vessels from this Crown may carry their goods to all the ports of India that are under the Portuguese Crown’s authority, except for Mozambique and Mombassa, for in these ports, trade has always been reserved for their respective Governors and forbidden to other vassals of the Crown of Portugal. They are also allowed to trade at the remaining ports, having to comply with the duties equally levied on the boats of vassals of the Crown of Portugal. The ships that come to this Kingdom with their goods shall be obliged to follow the traditional custom of handing over an inventory of the crew and weapons. As for the merchandise, they will {be required to} specify its nature to the administrators of this Crown, as they have always done. There will be no further requirement, for they have never had any other aside from the payment of the duties on the size of the vessels, from which His Majesty the King of Siam chose to exempt the vessels from Macau in the last year. This {arrangement was} agreed upon with Jozeph Vieira da Silva who came to this Kingdom as Procurator of the aforesaid city. As for ships from this Crown going to the port of Macao, it is clear

264that no trade whatsoever can be permitted to any nation, because aside from the fact that the residents of that city have no other means of subsistence other than the trade they carry out with their ships. {Furthermore, the residents of Macau} also have strict instructions from Their Lordships the Viceroys of India, stating that trading vessels from any other nation are not permitted to enter the city. {This} is for the reason mentioned, as well as for {the fact that} the Emperor of China has very strictly restricted the maritime trade. When the Regent of Canton and the other ministers disobeyed this order, the Emperor had him and the others executed for having committed that crime. In the city of Macao there is a mandate by this same Emperor, according to which all vessels that come to trade at that city and its surroundings, shall be burnt, and that the Portuguese should treat them as enemies for having disobeyed his orders and for the loss which [Fl. 294v.]

265which they cause to the city. These residents of Macao must fully obey this order, since it is very important for them to remain on good terms with the Emperor of China. The latter has only granted the residents of Macao permission to trade with their vessels, because he is aware of their loyalty and because they do not have any other means of subsistence. But since the residents of that city of Macao are admittedly so deeply grateful to this Crown, its administrators are permitted to send a ship of one thousand five hundred up to two thousand picos {in capacity}, to bring certain products which may be necessary for the Royal service of this Crown. In order to make that ship’s voyage easier for the Emperor’s officials, it shall carry half a cargo of rice for that city’s provisions, which it will divide among its residents at a fair price. If the quantity of rice should make it impossible to load the remaining merchandise, it shall take at least part thereof, so that there can be a worthy pretext for the Emperor’s officials. The ship should always refrain from taking foreigners from Europe, to avoid the Chinese from accusing them of having committed a crime. This ship shall not be subject to any further taxes other than those to which the vessels of the residents of that city are subject. {Its} residents must provide all the assistance that the ship may require. Such assistance will not be granted to the vessels that travel to the Chinese islands, and which may wish to enter Macao for any pretext. 2. As for the remaining issues in the second point (as the remainder have already been conveyed in the first point), regarding the administration of justice on the ship that will sail to the city of Macao, should there happen to be any complaint regarding anyone who is under the authority of the justice of the Portuguese Crown, justice shall be appropriately administered to that person. Should the administrators fail to do so, they shall be obliged to cover all the losses caused by their mishandling of justice. Throughout the remaining ports belonging to the Portuguese Crown, their administrators shall be required to exercise justice both for

266the vassals (…….) at those ports, subject to the same penalty. This order shall also apply to the vessels of the Portuguese Crown which may come to the ports of this Crown. 3. There is no doubt that should this Crown’s vessels encounter vessels belonging to the Portuguese Crown, they shall help each other as speedily as possible whenever necessary. As for the navigation of the vessels of this Crown, it will be very confusing to alter the usage and regulations that they have followed up to now, and whereby they were recognized by the vessels from the Crown of Portugal. Furthermore, this issue has already been settled through a very old law by Royal decree of the Crown of Portugal, and it is not appropriate for me to change, nor to undo anything regarding this matter, since those orders cannot be annulled without the advice of His Highness on such matters. Thus, should the captains and the officers of the vessels of the Crown of Portugal cause any holding up of the goods carried on the vessels of this Crown, they shall be obliged to cover all the losses. Should any vessel belonging to this Crown fall victim of {foul} weather or any other accident, and {as a result} find itself at one of the Indian ports of the Crown of Portugal, they shall find all the help [FL. 295] as well as the necessary support for them to be able to sail on to the most convenient port for them. This Crown shall be obligated to pay the expenses

267incurred by such a vessel, and this same order shall equally be applied to the vessels belonging to the Crown of Portugal, which happen to call at the ports of this Crown under similar circumstances, since such vessels are at the service of the Crown of Portugal. Should a servant of this Crown sail on a vessel which does not belong to a declared enemy of the Crown of Portugal, if that vessel should for some reason be confiscated or get lost, the aforesaid servant will be entitled to keep all the merchandise that belong to this Crown, and all assistance shall be provided to enable him to sail on to whatever port is most suitable for him. 4. If the ships of the vassals of the Crown of Portugal happen to come to ports that have rebelled against this Crown and are at war with it, they shall not load any sort of goods on board which may help to foster such wars and rebellions. And should those ships insist on loading the mentioned goods on board at those ports where frigates from this Crown are anchored (from a date prior to the outbreak of the wars) the frigates shall force the ships to seek other ports. This same order shall be applied to the vessels from this Crown, should they commit the same crime. This order applies to those who ignore the existence of those wars, and who go to those ports. But, if there is prior knowledge of the wars, they are not to call at those ports. Yet for those who do, if there is sufficient proof of their guilt, their captains and officers shall be severely punished by their ministers as disturbers of the peace and friendship between these two Crowns. This is what I see appropriate to convey and stipulate with regard to the points that were proposed to me, in order to strengthen and ratify the ancient friendship between these two Crowns. In order to have a better understanding of the points proposed by the Ambassador and by the King of Siam, as well as the answers given by both, it is necessary to mention Constantino Falcão’s intentions and purpose, in view of his position and status of protégé. This man knows that the King of Siam has two

268incessant desires: one of great ambition and the other that he should be spoken of throughout the world as a great Monarch. Thus, Constantino Falcão sees to it that he satisfies the first at the expense of all other men, and the second by flattering {the King} by means of countless lies and tricks, calling him Emperor and presenting him with fallacious reasons that give him the right to such a title. Since Constantino Falcão has convinced this King that no one else in his Kingdom is able to promote his importance and increase his wealth better than he himself, Constantino Falcão has acquired the power to achieve this without any obstacles whatsoever. Thus he has ordered that many ships be built, to trade [Fl. 295v.] trade on behalf of the King of Siam throughout all the territories with which {the King} has suitable friendly relations. This foolish protégé wants the King of

269Siam’s commercial ships to be respected and to be entitled to the same rights as those granted to the Royal armadas. He has ordered frigates to be built, so that the King of Siam will also have an armada on the high seas, and be called Lord of the Royal Armada, as well as of the seas extending from Pulau Kandor as far as the Kingdom of Siam. The greatest endeavor in which Constantino Falcão has involved the King, is in the China trade. Since he needs the port of Macao to increase the security {of this trade}, he has endeavored this year to send the large nau which was mentioned previously, and in connection with which the Ambassador carried out what has been stated. He ruled that each year there should be frequent {trade} not only with this nau, but also with other boats which {the King of Siam} may find appropriate to send, without having taken into consideration the losses the residents of Macao will suffer, which has already been pointed out to him. He has organized trade in the Kingdom of Siam in such a way that its own merchants are not entitled to gain any advantage and those foreigners who come here do not find anyone to sell their goods to. They {take their goods} and plead with Constantino Falcão, who establishes the prices according to his own will, much to the loss of those who give {their merchandise} to him. He is also determined to banish all those foreigners who live in the Kingdom of Siam according to their own customs. In fact, the Moors have almost all left already. And he has done the same to the English, much to their displeasure. When someone does this to the nation to which he owes his birth and education, then I know not what such a person may have in store for the Portuguese. As far as the administration of public affairs is concerned, he wishes all foreigners to pay him taxes, so even if His Lordship the Count Viceroy sends a Capitão mor to the Bandel of Siam, due to the actions of the King and this minister, he will never be able to live in peace. Since he {Constantino Falcão} is already a Roman Catholic now, he considers that he is the one who should be in charge of governing {the Bandel}. He does not state this, but he clearly insinuates it. Should the Capitão mor who is to govern submit himself entirely to his will, the miserable Portuguese as well as the rest of the Christians in the Bandel will suffer great setbacks.

270Having studied and analyzed the above mentioned matters, it was suggested to the Ambassador that he propose the mentioned ports on behalf of the Portuguese Crown. He replied in the above manner to the points which were presented to him on behalf of the King of Siam. The Prakalang and Constantino Falcão, who are one and the same, were not happy with the answer, which caused many debates on both sides, during which the ministers of the King of Siam were always reluctant to take a stand that would enable both parties to be satisfied. The Ambassador realized it was already June and the monsoon month for them to depart for Macao. He thus came to an agreement and settled matters with the King’s ministers and told them that he had not gone to the Kingdom of Siam to draw up treaties nor to establish trade laws, nor to agree on the terms of peace, since there were no wars. {He said that} his Lordship the count Viceroy of India had sent him on behalf of Our Lord the Prince, as Ambassador to His Majesty [Fl. 296] His Majesty the King of Siam, to visit him and to ratify the ancient friendship, and to thank him for all that His Majesty had done and continued to do for the

271Portuguese. He had also asked him to prevent the French Missionaries and Bishops from troubling the vassals of our Lord the Prince serving in the Kingdom of Siam, so that they would not interfere in their governance, as he had already proposed in the first point of the letter which he had presented on behalf of the Crown of Portugal. This first point did not raise any doubts on the part of His Majesty the King of Siam due to the reasons that the Prakalang stated in the first point of the note that he presented on behalf of the Crown of Siam. Therefore the Ambassador thought that it would be best to desist of the dispute both over the remaining points mentioned by him, as well as those presented by the Crown of Siam, and to allow these matters remain as they had been until the present, until {such time as} His Lordship the Count Viceroy decided otherwise together with His Majesty the King of Siam. {The Ambassador adopted this resolution} because he realized that if he were to {pursue}164 these matters, not only would he be short of time to return safely to Macao, but it might cause a rupture {in relations}. The King of Siam would feel that he had not been appropriately rewarded for the great honors that he had granted this Embassy, given the fact that these matters were {generally} not reported to him with the necessary context nor with the justification with which they were presented by the Ambassador. For he would definitely grant all that was asked of him, in view of the considerable pleasure that he had enjoyed in receiving the present Embassy. After the Ministers of the King had heard the Ambassador’s reasons, Constantino Falcão, speaking on behalf of all, said that he found this agreement to be most appropriate, for such was his wish too. Thus, the matters between the Crowns of Siam and Portugal should remain as they had always been, both with regard to the ancient friendship {between the two Crowns}, as well as to the liberties and privileges which the Portuguese have always had in the Kingdom of Siam. For, in his Kingdom, His Majesty would not permit any nation to dominate, nor govern the Portuguese, nor cause them the slightest harm, since that would constitute a slight on his Royal honor. {He went on to say} that when the Ambassador went to take his leave of 164 It has not been possible to identify the verb that appears in the original text in Portuguese, “profiasse”. Its translation as “pursue” is based on the context.

272the His Majesty, he would hear him say similar words. Furthermore, all that the Ambassador had asked for in his document were special privileges and plain dealing which the Portuguese have always enjoyed in the Kingdom of Siam, and they would never be withdrawn. However, should the Ambassador wish to have them written down in the form of laws, for the benefit of the Crown of Portugal, then whatever pertained to the Crown of Siam should also have to be written down as law. {He added} that in such agreements, there were always suspicions on both sides. Therefore they should never agree to make such laws, for when one Kingdom establishes laws with another, each Kingdom does its best to favor its own interests. Thus such resolutions usually result in conflict. In this speech, Constantino Falcão was almost explaining what the Ambassador had come to understand earlier. [Fl. 296v.] The Prakalang, on behalf of the King, sent an invitation to the Ambassador to go with all his people to attend an elephant hunt, where the King was going to be

273present, {as} that was his favorite entertainment. He sent one of his best state horses, very richly harnessed, for the Ambassador to ride, and others, many of which were accompanied by elephants, for everyone in the Embassy. In the field of the place where the elephants for the hunt were kept, stood a very grand and well adorned tent, where the principal dignitaries of the Royal House and the Prince of Cambodia were waiting for the Ambassador. When the Ambassador arrived they received him very courteously, and ushered him to be seated in a place of great prestige. It was not long before the King arrived mounted on an elephant on a gold plated throne. He stopped opposite the tent, at a certain distance, and through Constantino Falcão, sent for the Ambassador to come to his side. Constantino Falcão brought out a beautiful carpet from the tent, for the Ambassador to sit down on. When the King saw that the Ambassador was near by him, he showed himself to be happier and more pleasant, and asked him several questions on different matters, which shall not be mentioned in this report since they were {too} varied. But they were so detailed that all the people there, who numbered more than ten thousand, felt that {the King} had requested the Ambassador to be there, not only for the invitation to the hunt, but also to talk to him on mystical matters. All the foreigners there were quite amazed to see how the King of Siam treated the Ambassador in a way that he had never done to Princes or to Royal figures who had gone to his Kingdom. {Indeed,} some {foreigners} were seen to be biting their fingers with envy, and others were pale and upset due to their surprise. At the end of the conversation, the King let the Ambassador know that he had ordered that hunt to take place in order to entertain him, and to give him an afternoon of recreation. However, he had noticed that the Ambassador was looking more at him than at the rounding up of the elephants, which made him conclude that {the Ambassador} was not at all pleased with the hunt. The Ambassador replied that he would definitely be pleased with the present hunt if only His Majesty were not attending it, for his eyes could not refrain from beholding such a great Monarch who was at that moment conceding so many honors to one who would never be able to repay them. The King gave a broad smile and once again told the Ambassador to watch how one rounds up the

274elephants, so that back in his country he would be able to explain this trick and skill of overpowering such huge animals. Once the aforesaid hunt was over, the King retired, and the Ambassador took his leave of the Prince of Cambodia and of the other dignitaries. Early in the evening of the following day Constantino Falcão came with a message from the King, stating that His Majesty wished to give a banquet for His Excellency. However, if he were to hold it at his Palace, the house that he had ordered to be built for this purpose had not been finished yet, and if he was to wait until it had been completed, there would not be enough time for him to satisfy his wish, because the monsoon during which the Ambassador was going to return to his home would soon begin. The Ambassador should please accept that his banquet be given [Fl. 297] given at the very house where the Ambassador was lodged, and simultaneously accept that Constantino Falcão preside on his behalf at that banquet, for he was

275the person whom he most esteemed in his entire Kingdom. The Ambassador said that he would comply with His Majesty’s wish, for wherever he received the King’s favors, he would feel much honored. On the following day, which was a Sunday, Constantino Falcão came to the Ambassador’s hall together with Friar Estêvão de Souza and Friar Pedro Martyr, many of the King’s servants and officials, as well as many workers with tables and other related things. They set up a table in this hall, beneath the seat of honor, with two chairs: one for the Ambassador and the other for the protégé, since he was presiding on behalf of his King. At the same table, away from the seat of honor, they placed various seats for the Priests mentioned above and for the Principal Chaplain of the Embassy and for me, the Embassy’s Secretary and the four Captains of the Embassy, just as the King had directed. On another side of the hall, another table was set up for the six noblemen, the Master of Ceremonies and the Embassy’s Assistant, as well as for some important Portuguese serving in Siam. Both tables were magnificently decorated, as could be considered proper of a King who wishes to be proclaimed throughout the world as one of its great Monarchs, and who possesses grand treasures. So as not to fail to mention the very precious dinner set at this banquet, we shall list the silverware comprising the King’s tableware. List of the tableware of the King of Siam that he directed to be used at the Banquet for the Ambassador 89 Large silver bowls, the size of bowls for washing feet, containing many

276types of roast meats and other strange delicacies. 42 Smaller silver bowls, containing preserves and several sweets and sweet scented flowers to cover the floor and scatter over the tables. 22 Large silver vases with lids, containing other varieties of delicacies. 1 Large silver bowl filled with spoons and forks and more than one hundred small silver plates. 8 Pitchers with their matching Japanese plates of very fine craftsmanship, filled with water (…) for washing hands. 2 Silver vessels from Japan with two crystal cups for drinking water. 1 Large silver vessel from Japan full of glasses. 60 Silver goblets from Japan, for whatever may be needed. 1 Gold plated silver censer which continuously emitted exquisite scents. 1 Large silver brazier attached to the censer. 2 Golden {perfume or water} sprinklers. [Fl. 297v.] Large silver plates from Japan with two matching pots for tea. Plain silver bowls for serving.

277 1 Large silver vessel full of big spoons in the same metal for serving food, and carvers with a silver handles. 1 Large silver vessel full of English cases for knives forks and spoons. 2 Silver basins with four vessels in the same metal, also for washing hands. 1 Large silver tray with four pieces in the same metal, containing various delicacies. 4 Large silver mugs for drawing water. 4 Large silver pitcher with perfumed water. 2 Large silver jugs to be used as water pitchers. 20 Large silver plated porcelain dishes serving various types of pickles. 4 Large silver trays, each with ten silver plated pieces with different specialties. 2 Very large silver bowls filled with brinja165. Many other dainty pieces in silver and others, which, being superfluous, will not be mentioned. 70 Large bottles with wine from various parts of Europe, and from Persia and Japan. 1 Large gold salver with a drinking cup of the same metal, for providing the Ambassador with water to drink. The King had ordered that the mentioned drinking cup and salver be given to the Ambassador as a souvenir, for it was one that the King himself used. In the other two corners of the mentioned hall, two tables were set up to function as consoles. Many curious and attractive articles were displayed on them with the aim of showing off the Royal magnificence. There were over a hundred menservants running back and forth between the Palace and the houses of the Ambassador (…) all the things that have been mentioned. Constantino Falcão and 165 Brinja, according to Dalgado I, p.151, brinja was a dish of cooked meat (especially chicken meat) with rice. It was a delicacy of the Persians and the Moslems of Índia, and is equivalent to “pulau”. It is assumed that the word brinja in this document has the same meaning.

278the officials {went about} arranging everything very carefully and silently, as the King of Siam usually does on all occasions. After everything had been set up, the protégé went to fetch the Ambassador who was in his room, and taking the two chairs which were under the seat of honor, he offered the one on his right to the Ambassador, and, in the presence of the officials responsible for the service, told him that His Majesty the King of Siam was offering him this banquet and had ordered him, Constantino Falcão, to preside over it on his behalf. The Ambassador replied with much courtesy and gratitude. As the banquet progressed, toasts began to be made. Constantino Falcão, as the most skillful {in the art of toasting}, was the first one. He toasted the good health of the Royal family of the Kingdom of Portugal and His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, and the Ambassador answered accordingly, {toasting} the Royal family of the Kingdom of Siam. At every toast, the Infantry of the Embassy, which was standing outside the door to the hall, would give rhythmic musketry salutes. On this occasion, Constantino Falcão did not leave out Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, for, in her absence, he also addressed courtesies to her equal to those addressed to the remaining Royal people. With these toasts and other private ones that went on at both tables, all of the wine was drunk throughout the day [Fl. 298] day up until eight o’clock in the evening, the duration of the banquet. {Yet} there were no misunderstandings, nor did one even notice the {presence of the} King’s servants and officials. They were, in fact, very happy with the instruments and the

279music played by the Ambassador’s party, for the people of his Embassy were well prepared for everything. After the banquet ended, Constantino Falcão went back to the Palace to thank the King on behalf of the Ambassador for the honor that had been granted to him. The officials and the King’s servants ordered that all the workers take all of the cutlery, and the silver and chinaware back. But no one should dare to take any food, as it should be left for the servants and the workers of the Embassy. On the following day, the Ambassador ordered that many fine pieces of Chinese silk be generously handed out among the officials and servants of the King. They were very grateful and satisfied. The Ambassador sent a message to the Prakalang, telling him that he would like to bid him farewell. After he received permission to do so, {the Ambassador} entered the hall where he found him together with Constantino Falcão, who seems to be continuously influencing that incapable individual. Once he was seated, the Ambassador said that the monsoon for him to return to Macao had begun, and that he had no further matters to discuss. He asked the Prakalang to please tell His Majesty to grant him permission for him to go and take his leave {from the King} and to thank him for all the honors that he had received in his Court and Kingdom, as well as ask him for a reply to the letter from His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. The Prakalang should also ask His Majesty to please address a letter to the King of Cambodia, since he was one of his tax-payers, so that together with such a letter {the Ambassador} could send a letter dealing with matters of the service of Our Lord the Prince. In this way, the mentioned King would certainly dispatch those matters favorably, since the letter would have reached him with the support of His Majesty the King of Siam. The Ambassador further requested that the Prakalang, either himself or through His Majesty, should agree to send a letter to the Emperor of Japan from His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, which could go on the vessels that usually sail to that port. It should be guaranteed that the letter would be handed {to the Emperor}. To this the Prakalang answered that all that the Ambassador had requested would be reported to His Majesty, who would be very willing to do everything in his power, given the considerable friendship between the Crowns of Portugal and Siam.

280Should the Ambassador have any other matter to ask of His Majesty, then he should mention it, for he, the Prakalang, was ready to report it to the King as if it were his very own matter. The Ambassador replied that what he most dearly requested was brevity {in the resolution} of what he had asked for, since the monsoon for him to return to Macao was already well under way. He felt that his further delay in the Kingdom of Siam was not in his hands, since he felt so well received there and pampered by His Majesty, and was on such good terms with all his ministers, especially the Prakalang, to whom he was very much obliged. [Fl. 298v.] The Prakalang told the Ambassador that His Majesty was fully aware that the Capitão mor of the Islands of Timor had failed to obey the succession ordered

281by His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. And His Majesty believed that in the case of two powerful Princes who were bothers in arms, if either of them should have rebellious vassals, the other was obliged to assist with all that he could to punish such rebellious vassals. Thus, should His Lordship the Viceroy of India wish to send his frigates to administer the punishment that the Capitão mor of the Islands of Timor deserved, he offered his Kingdom’s port for the mentioned frigates to take shelter in, and to undertake any necessary repairs. The Ambassador was grateful for this offer, and said that he would convey it to His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. The Prakalang went on to say that the administration of justice and government of the Portuguese living in the Bandel of the Kingdom of Siam was, for the time being, lacking an official, since the Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna had been accused of crimes, and it was not His Majesty’s wish that he should continue to occupy that post. Until such time as the Ambassador notified His Lordship the Viceroy of India of this need, he should nominate a minister to administer justice to those Portuguese, so that they would not remain without government. The Ambassador said that he could not find anybody among the Portuguese, in the Kingdom of Siam suitable for the mentioned post. However, to avoid leaving the orphans and the remaining common cases without anyone to administer justice, he would nominate as their administrators the Reverend Vicars of the two Churches: Father Manoel Soares and Friar Domingos de Santa Ana, so that each of them could administer justice to their parishioners. As for the criminal cases which may arise, the ministers of the King of Siam would keep the criminals in custody until a minister was sent to try them and to punish them according to their crime, for the Reverend Priests, given their status, did not deal with criminal cases. The Prakalang answered that he thought that this choice was very wise, and that once His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India had sent someone responsible and fair to administer justice to the Portuguese who served in the Kingdom of Siam, His Majesty would grant him full liberty within his jurisdiction, and the assistance of his ministers to guarantee that the Capitão mor be obeyed in everything that he ordered. The Prakalang further said that the Ambassador should notify the ministers of the city of Macao

282that ships from that port should not be allowed to go to the ports of Patane, Singora and Talangano, for His Majesty had trustworthy information that those ports had rebelled against his Crown. The Ambassador said that as the residents of Macao were well aware that those ports were constantly at war, it was never convenient for them to go and trade there, even if such a warning had not been given. The Ambassador knew very well that the mentioned warning had been fabricated entirely by Constantino Falcão, because he has decided to stagnate trade in those three ports, since they are tributaries of the King of Siam, and he does not wish their trade to be carried out by anyone else other than the official traders that he intends to place at each of them. However, it was not the appropriate moment for the Ambassador to make any statement, and instead he left it for the administrators of the city of Macao to decide upon. After the abovementioned conversation came to an end, the Prakalang began to pay respects on his own behalf, to which the Ambassador responded accordingly. They were interrupted by Constantino Falcão (as all the roles [Fl. 299] the roles being performed by him, both of (…) as well as interpreter), who said that the compliments were unnecessary because this was not the last time that the Ambassador would go there, since he would still have to make another trip to that place, to ceremoniously receive the letter for His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. Having heard this, the Ambassador replied to the Prakalang and to

283Constantino Falcão that the answer which his Majesty the King of Siam would send to His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India should be sent in the same form which His Majesty would use if he were sending it directly to Our Lord the Prince himself, because His Lordship the Count Viceroy represented {the Prince} in the government of India. He further explained that if the mentioned answer was written by the hand of one of the ministers of the Kingdom of Siam, in the name of its King, he would not take such a reply, nor accept it, for such were the orders he had been given, from which he would not digress the slightest. If the answer were not the King’s very own, without the interference of any minister, then it was needless to make the effort, for the Ambassador was giving prior notice of the orders that he had in regard to this matter. The Prakalang replied that His Majesty would answer His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India in the same manner in which he usually replied to the King of Golcondá, and to the Grand Nabob166, the Grand Mogul and to other kings with whom His Majesty exchanged correspondence. To this the Ambassador replied that in the Kingdom of Siam, Our Lord the Prince should be written to in a very different manner from that used for those mentioned Kings, not only due to his personal merit and powers, but also because of the ancient and close friendship which had always existed between the Crown of Siam and that of Portugal. In accordance with this, he warned that such a reply, which should be handed sealed to the Ambassador, should not go against that which had been mentioned, for it would deeply offend His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India to find that the answer to his letter had been written by some minister on behalf of His Majesty the King of Siam. Constantino Falcão answered that the Ambassador should not worry, for the reply which His Majesty would send to His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India would not contradict in the least the orders that had been given to the Ambassador. He, Constantino Falcão, would personally see to it, and therefore, it was unnecessary for the Ambassador to dispute with the Prakalang over this matter. The Prakalang further said that His Majesty was aware that all the ancient and recent letters which had come from the Kings of Portugal to the Crown of 166 Nabobs, provincial chiefs in the Mogul Empire; here the word may refer to the Nabob of Bengal (India).

284Siam, had never been answered, and that in spite of all this, he currently had an Embassy from the Regent Prince of Portugal {in his Kingdom}. Therefore, due to the past mistake, together with the present Embassy, he was forced to maintain the appropriate correspondence with a Crown to which he owed a close and very ancient friendship. For such a correspondence, he was prepared to send his Ambassadors to the City of Goa, to His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, so that he would give them passage to the Kingdom of Portugal, where he wished his Ambassadors to present themselves before the Regent Prince of Portugal and ratify, on his behalf, the friendship [Fl. 299v.] very ancient friendship and give (…) error in which (…) recurred, and to express gratitude for the obligations (…) which he currently had from the Regent Prince of Portugal. The Ambassador replied that with regard to this matter, he could not respond to the wish of His Majesty the King of Siam. However, he felt that the correspondence on equal terms between Princes who claimed to be such good friends was a very good thing. When the Prakalang informed him of the mentioned Embassy, the Ambassador already knew beforehand that the King and

285Constantino Falcão were busy working towards the accomplishment of that matter. They had chosen two Ambassadors, one of whom occupied or had occupied the post of General for his entire Kingdom, and another who was an important person of his Royal House. According to Constantino Falcão, it had already been decided that Friar Estêvão de Souza would go along as a guide for both Ambassadors. The King was eagerly seeking precious items as gifts for the Royal family of Portugal and to equal the gift that the Ambassador had given to him, because he wanted his Ambassadors to take everything along with them. This was all being done in great haste, so that the mentioned Ambassadors could arrive in Goa on one of the King’s own vessels in time to catch the naus that were about to depart for Portugal, and thus be sent via them by His Lordship the Viceroy. On the 8th of June, a Thursday, the Prakalang directed that the Ambassador be notified that His Majesty was ready to grant him a farewell audience. However, he wanted it to be at night, and he warned the Ambassador that, when he was already in his Palace, if it were to begin to rain before {the Ambassador} left his house to go to talk to him, His Excellency should return, because His Majesty did not usually grant audiences when it was raining. He was informing His Excellency of this circumstance, so that in case it should happen, His Excellency would not take offense, for all that His Majesty intended was to please him in everything and to grant him all the honors that he could. It should be noted that the first time that the King spoke to the Ambassador was during the morning, at his Palace in his Hall and Royal Throne, and the second was out in the field, in the afternoon, and now this third and last time he wished it to be at night, so as to make it more ostentatious. It would take the form of a royal masquerade (as will be explained later on), to show to all the foreigners how very much more important his Kingdom considered this Embassy to be in comparison with all those from Kings and Princes of other nations that usually visited {Siam}. On this same day, the Ambassador was told that Friar Estêvão de Souza, the Augustinian priest (who has already been mentioned many times throughout this report), would go to the Palace to translate the King’s letter to His Lordship the

286Count Viceroy of India, from Thai into Portuguese. When he came to know about this, the Ambassador sent me, the Secretary, to go and talk to the mentioned priest and to notify him of His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s explicit order regarding the King of Siam’s reply to his letter. Thus, I, the mentioned Secretary, went to Constantino Falcão’s house, where Friar Estêvão de Souza was always to be found. I told him that I had gone there, sent by the Ambassador to inform the Reverend Father, that in addition to the creed that he professed, he should remember that he was Portuguese, and a vassal [Fl. 300] vassal of Our Lord the Prince of Portugal. The Prakalang, (…) he (the mentioned priest), not to fail to be fully compliant to (…) since for this end he would suffer a great loss and put his life at risk. Since he {this Priest} had been given the post of Secretary to the Prakalang for matters related to the Europeans, the Ambassador was certain that he would go to the Palace and write the King’s answer to His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s letter, in Portuguese. {The Secretary of the Embassy went on to say that} the Reverend Father had been present at the

287Prakalang’s house when the Ambassador had spoken to him and explained the form in which the letter should be answered, and that now the Ambassador had sent him to explain in detail the strict orders that His Lordship the Count Viceroy gave in regard to that answer, because {that order} stated that if {the reply} was not given by the King himself, then the Ambassador should not accept it and should return without it. Given this, upon translating from Siamese to Portuguese, he should check whether the answer to that letter was given by the King, or by the Prakalang on behalf of the King. Should the Reverend Father notice that the reply had been written by the Prakalang, and if he was not able to prevent this, he should secretly notify the Ambassador not to accept the letter when they came to deliver it to him. In this way, His Lordship the Viceroy’s order would be carried out. The Ambassador would not be able to prevent any deceit in this matter, for the letter would be given to him sealed, but, since he {the Priest} would be given the letter{to read}, should there be any deceit, the problem could be remedied by the Priest’s warning as has already been stated. Should there be any mistake regarding this, he would have to justify it to His Lordship the Viceroy of India, for it followed from the obligations of loyalty to which the Ambassador was bound. For both were Portuguese vassals of Our Lord the Prince and were subject to the government and orders of His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India .The priest answered to this, that he was a true Portuguese, and that no other Portuguese would take greater care of the affairs related to the honor and the reputation of his superiors, even if he were to loose his own life which he greatly valued. His Excellency the Ambassador could put his mind to rest, for while translating the letter, if he were to see that the reply contradicted His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s orders, he would immediately warn the Ambassador to be ready to carry out the necessary procedure for such an eventuality. However, according to what had been discussed regarding this matter, he believed that the letter would not be answered by the Prakalang on behalf of his King, but rather in the King’s own words to His Lordship the Count Viceroy, in the same manner as when two people communicate with each other without an interpreter to translate for them, for that letter would be authenticated with the Royal seal of the King of Siam.

288 After the Trindades167, four high officials came to get the Ambassador to take him to the Palace, for the King was awaiting him to receive his farewell greetings. The Ambassador left [Fl. 300v.] Ambassador left the house to pay his compliments (…) done in (…) green and silver material (…) a piece of (…) crimson, which he had tailored at the same Court for this farewell. As for the rest, he wore the same as on the first occasion that he had entered the Palace. There was no more trouble regarding the shoes or the sword, or the appropriate courtesies, because he was permitted to do as he 167 Trindades, the ringing of the church bells marking the half hour after sunset, when Roman Catholics recite the Ave Maria prayer.

289wished on this last entrance. When he arrived at the Palace, he entered through the gates and courtyards following the protocol that was described for the very first entrance. He encountered the same pageant of armed forces and elephants with harnesses of gold and gem stones, and state horses so richly ornamented that it was amazing. Each soldier had a lit lantern and the elephants and horses had four lanterns each and there was a countless number of lanterns throughout the mentioned courtyards and in front of every gate; innumerable fires which not only made everything as bright as day, but also formed a labyrinth of lights, which together with the glitter from the gem stones on the animals created such a happy sight, it made one prefer to see that Royal display at night, rather than during the day. What was most pleasant was the order with which everything was presented, and the absolute silence kept both by the men as well as by the animals, as has previously been mentioned. There were another three open houses, adjacent the royal hall. In each one of them was a royal throne where the King usually sits alternatively, according to his customs. Close to each one of these thrones, stood an elephant of considerable size, harnessed in hammered gold {adorned with} many gem stones. There was also a house which was closed. It had two glass windows which represented a fire, like a flash of lightning coming down from Heaven to earth with such splendor that it was amazing to see how a craftsman could have made such a lively representation of the forces of nature. Next to the doors of the royal hall, stood three tuskless elephants with their saddles and harnesses in gold, with (…) diamonds, rubies and emeralds. The wealth that the animals carried on them was such, that, as if by natural instinct, they seemed to be aware of it, for they stood proudly, digging at the ground as if to open a grave for those who came near them, feeling that they were coming to steal the immense wealth with which they were adorned. The King’s recreation garden had so many lights among the trees and flowers, that it seemed as if the stars had come down to give it the light of the bright daylight sun which had been taken away by the night. This garden had three crystal clear water fountains flowing at such a rate, that even though the eyes could see them as fountains, the ears would be mistaken, for it seemed as if within that garden there was a heavy downpour of

290rain, watering the trees and flowers. At the door of the royal hall, stood a considerably large elephant, as if guarding the mentioned door. This elephant bore many more riches than any one of the others which were mentioned above. At the top of a few stairs to the mentioned door of the royal hall, stood a canopy resting on four rather thick silver columns. Underneath stood two crystal clear glass lanterns which lit up the mentioned doorway very grandly, for each one of them had more than thirty flames. On the arrival [Fl. 301] On the arrival of the Ambassador Constantino Falcão went to fetch him (…) in front of all the dignitaries with (…) the Ambassador the courtesies in the form which the (…) he sat down in the same place. The King was holding a (…) of rich silver and gold fabrics which His Lordship the Count Viceroy had sent him. In so doing, he wished to show how greatly he esteemed the present that he had

291received. We shall not go into details regarding the immense abundance of jewels that he was wearing, for they were the jewels that such a rich King would {normally} wear on this occasion if he wished to portray himself as being extremely wealthy . The royal hall had so many lights within, that there was no need for sunlight. The hall’s ceiling could clearly be seen, decorated with very large roses in hammered gold, and the beams which supported it were fully lined in the same hammered gold. The remaining decorations of that hall were obviously consonant with those already mentioned. After having approached him and both having exchanged the appropriate greetings, the King told the Ambassador that he would concede all the issues that the Ambassador had proposed in his forum regarding the Crown of Portugal, and he assured him that he would carry out these matters in keeping with his royal word of honor. Having heard this, the Ambassador told him that he thanked him sincerely on behalf of Our Lord the Prince and His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. The King further told the Ambassador to ask His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India, to send a worthy and just man for the governance and the administration of the Portuguese who serve in his Kingdom. He gave his royal word that he would allow him to govern freely, and would provide him assistance in any way to enable him to carry out his duty properly. The Ambassador promised to do as His Majesty directed. The King said that Belchior de Amaral de Menezes, who was currently governing Macao, was a person that he, the King, very much admired, since he had rendered a great service to matters of his Crown. However, since the mentioned Belchior de Amaral would go to India after completing his government in Macao, he, the King, would be left without anyone in Macao to look after his matters. He therefore asked of the Ambassador, as a resident of that city, if he might take over this task, so that his matters would not be harmed for the lack of someone who could take good care of them. He trusted that {the Ambassador} would perform {such a task} with the same devotion which he, the King, had shown towards him in his Kingdom. The Ambassador replied that for the simple fact that it was His Majesty, he would already be greatly honored to take care of his matters, and even more so for having received so many and such high honors,

292which {normally} are granted only to a son. The King further said that since the Kings who preceded him, as well as he himself now, had received so many letters from the Crown of Portugal, to which they had never replied, he, the present King, had both this obligation, as well as even a greater one: the one towards this Embassy, which he regarded very highly. Thus, in response, he had decided to send during the current year [Fl. 301v.] (…) his Ambassadors with (…) Regent Prince of Portugal, the Queen, and the Princes (…), and that all would be sent to His Lordship the Viceroy of India, so that he (…) and his Ambassadors on the naus which go to Portugal. The Ambassador replied that His Lordship the Count Viceroy if India valued immensely the opportunities whereby he could serve His Majesty and that Our

293Lord the Prince would certainly greatly esteem the Ambassadors sent by a Monarch whom he admired so much. After these discussions had ended, the King directed an important official of his Palace to place a dress-coat in a silver purple material with gold filigree buttons on a golden tray, for the Ambassador to wear in his presence. He ordered that a very rich gold sword-belt with a small sword bearing similar decorations {and} studded with rubies, be placed over {the dress-coat}. At the same time the ministers distributed other less valuable dress-coats among all the officers and dignitaries of the Embassy, in various types of silk and styles. I, the Secretary, was seated on a carpet near the steps of the doors to the Royal Hall, together with the Reverend Priests, Friar Pedro da Trindade, the Principal Chaplain of the Embassy, and Friar Estêvão de Souza. The King also sent us our accoutrements, to where we were seated: for me, a golden melleque dress-coat in gold, and for the aforementioned Priests new garments according to the religious order that each one professed. Within the dress-coat that I, the Secretary, received on this occasion, was a note stating that His Majesty was rewarding me with 5 cattes of silver, and that his Prakalang was giving me another two, which, in our currency, all amounts to three hundred and fifty patacas. In the garment of the Embassy’s Principal Chaplain was another note stating that the King was giving gave him as alms two cattes in silver and that his Prakalang was giving him another one to pay for his garments. After all these favors and rewards by the King came to an end, he bid farewell to the Ambassador, who had earlier already taken his leave from {the King}. Once the King had withdrawn, Constantino Falcão accompanied the Ambassador. Once outside the doorway to the royal hall he embraced him tightly, congratulating him on the honors received and the King’s favorable resolutions. The Ambassador told him that he was also very grateful to him, for he knew that he had played an important role in getting His Majesty to willingly concede all that he had proposed in his letter. In relation to this, a few compliments were exchanged and during a part of the evening Constantino Falcão showed some of the details and splendors of the Palace, which were all still

294imperfect since they had not yet been completed. Accompanied by the officials, the Ambassador returned to his house. As the Ambassador was scrupulous with regard to the King [Fl. 302] the King giving an answer to the letter (…) the Prakalang was not satisfied with (…) besides his house and he went to Constantino Falcão’s house (…) to repay the many {visits} that (…) Court whereby they distance themselves (?) (…) and in their midst with his (…) the {Ambassador}to tell the protégé that he was afraid

295that the rewards that the King of Siam had granted him would not be appropriately appreciated, because His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India would be deeply offended if the answer to his letter were sent by His Majesty via the Prakalang. The Ambassador had been warned by the Viceroy not to accept such an answer, and he knew that such a letter should be delivered sealed. Therefore, he had seen to it beforehand that this matter was presented to the King, and was now asking Constantino Falcão, to tell him what had been determined with regard to this matter, for he was the main minister through whom all these matters passed. To this, in my presence, the Secretary, and that of the Embassy’s Principal Chaplain, the protégé answered that the reply was given solely by His Majesty without the interference or the mention of any minister in the letter, and it had been certified with the royal seal. {He said} that it was customary for His Majesty, when writing to the Princes and Kings who were his tributaries, to place the royal seal above the written text., {But} on his answer to His Lordship the Viceroy he had ordered that his royal seal be placed next to the entire text, in the same manner that he had received His Lordship the Viceroy’s letter, bearing the seal and Royal Coat of Arms of Portugal next to every line. {He also said} that the mentioned letter was nothing more than a greeting, and a reference by His Majesty {to the fact that} that he would send the remaining matters in a letter by the Prakalang, to be discussed with His Lordship the Viceroy. {He added} that this had never been done before in the Kingdom of Siam. The Ambassador told him that he deserved much credit, for he knew very well what His Lordship the Viceroy of India would have felt offended if he were to have found anything else in that letter, after all the orders that he had given. On the tenth of June, a Saturday morning, the King sent all his royal retinue comprising horses, elephants, the Infantry and its corporals, together with the noblemen from his Court, to accompany the Ambassador to the place where they had gone to fetch him when they brought him to his Court. This was the place where the baloons for all his people and the belongings, as well as the baloon for the Ambassador were anchored. There is no need for us to explain in detail the manner in which the Ambassador was bid farewell at the Court, for it

296was the same as when they had received him there, which was extensively explained earlier on. Only the points which are more important shall be mentioned. When the Ambassador was leaving the house where he was lodged with his retinue and that of the King, he came to the hall where His Lordship the Count Viceroy’s letter had first been translated. There he found the Prakalang with Constantino Falcão and the other officials who had assisted him earlier. The Ambassador sat down in the usual place, and the Prakalang said [Fl. 302v.] (…) to tell the Ambassador that (…) the letters written to him(…) they always given him the title of Emperor (…) the Portuguese language, nor the (…) have (…) this fault because of not having done the mentioned (…) in the absence of the reply which he was now giving in connection with this matter. For this Embassy had proven the truth of the mistake, since he had had someone to explain it to him

297in an honest way. His Lordship the Viceroy of India should please inform the Regent Prince of Portugal that if he wished to continue the close friendship, as he had always done, he should not fail to present him the courtesies owed to him, for he was a Lord with absolute dominion over eleven Kingdoms, namely: Cambodia (a tributary), Johor (a tributary), Patane (a tributary), Jambe (a tributary), Kedah (a tributary), Ligor (conquered), Tanassarim (conquered), Porsulveo (conquered), Sukotai (conquered), Compampet (conquered), Corassena (conquered). One who controlled so many Kingdoms was indeed worthy of the title of Emperor, when others who had dominion over merely seven Crowns shared the same title. However, if the Regent Prince of Portugal had never used this title to address any Monarch in all of Asia, he would desist from wanting to be granted such a title. According to the reasons that he had mentioned, the Emperor of China had less reasons to be called Emperor, than he did. The Prakalang went on to say that His Majesty had said that they should tell the Ambassador that he had desisted from the matters concerning the practices and customs of His Kingdom for the Ambassador’s sake because he had been informed of the strict orders that His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India had given the Ambassador. He would forgive the strictness of those orders, for he knew that His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India had no knowledge of the ancient practices and customs of the Asian Kings who always dealt in a friendly manner with the Crown of Portugal; and because His Lordship the Count Viceroy was acting on this matter, whilst still a newcomer from Portugal to the government of India, where he certainly was misinformed in relation to the circumstances of this matter. To avoid further mistakes, as well as to avoid wanting to oblige the Kings of this Kingdom to relinquish their practices and customs, His Majesty had ordered him, the Prakalang, to tell the Ambassador that what he had done in his case regarding this matter, he had done for the reasons already mentioned. But should another Ambassador of the Prince of Portugal come to this Kingdom of his, he would not cede in his practices and customs when receiving the Embassy; even if for this reason the Prince of Portugal were to end the close friendship that they shared and which had always existed. His Majesty asked of the Ambassador that he transmit

298this especially to His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India so that he, in turn, could transmit it to the Regent Prince of the Kingdom of Portugal. The Ambassador replied that he would not forget what His Majesty had asked of him, but that it would be preferable that His Majesty dealt with this matter through his Ambassadors [Fl. 303] Ambassadors, since he was (…) to Portugal. The Prakalang said (…) His Majesty, but that (…) lack in explanation (…). After the courtesies had been completed (…) the Ambassador went out through the hall (…) a beautiful richly harnessed state horse belonging to the King. He set off with all the retinue and pageantry, both his own as well as that of the King, in the same manner in which he had entered the Court. Before him, went the King’s letter to His Lordship the Count Viceroy, carried by an elephant, in a golden bier belonging to the King. When he arrived near the port where the Ambassador’s state baloon as well as

299those for the remaining people were, all of the King’s officials received an order from the King stating that, before the Ambassador embarked they should show him the King’s white elephant, for he did not want him to leave his Kingdom without having seen that which he treasured most. Its true that, for this King, that white elephant is his greatest treasure, for it is kept within a fenced area with more than two hundred guards. Many of the most important officials take care of it, for the title of which this King is most proud, is that of Lord of the white elephant. When the Ambassador arrived at the place of anchorage of the baloons, having passed through all the King’s Infantry, three small rifle salutes were shot, in perfect rhythm. After that, all the nobles of the Court bid farewell to the Ambassador, who embarked onto his stately baloon, and four officials who were accompanying him, carrying the King’s letter, climbed onto a baloon reserved for that purpose, which was equipped with more than sixty oars, all in gold and in the shape of a serpent. It had a golden canopied bier, under which lay the mentioned letter. At the flanks of this baloon followed others on which many instruments were being played. The Ambassador slowly sailed down river amidst all this pomp, stopping and taking his meals at the three resting places that have been mentioned previously. These places were once again supplied with everything that was necessary. Constantino Falcão had gone ahead to order all the ministers, officials and remaining dignitaries from the Court downriver, to meet them half way, so that they could receive the Ambassador on their baloons, as in fact they did with numerous warlike instruments and much pomp. They took the Ambassador to the Portuguese Bandel to rest until he would go into the quarters of the trading post where they had first stayed. There, the Ambassador thanked everyone for the many courtesies that they had presented to him, and bid them farewell in a very friendly manner. At the trading post, the Ambassador found a prisoner by the name of Francisco de Acha, who had already become an Apostate against the Roman Church and a follower of Calvinism. This man had come in a few days earlier on a long-boat arriving from Bengal, at the service of the Dutch. He was married in Siam and had children. Through his wife he was related to the

300leading Japanese who serve in the Kingdom of Siam and who are staunch Roman Catholics. The latter, driven by the mother-in-law of Francisco de Acha [Fl. 303v.] (…) to grant him his life (…) the Ambassador’s frigate (…) which another (…), so that in them (…) Factors168 (…) could arrive from the city (…). {They} did this so that the Ambassador (…) to be taken from there to the Holy Inquisition. As soon as (…) this Apostate was handed over to him, he put him in chains, as he also did to others for different reasons also related to the Inquisition. In fact, during the Ambassador’s stay in the Kingdom of Siam, he did not only hold the 168 “Factor” translates the Portuguese feitor, an official commercial agent.

301post that he had been put in charge of, but, out of necessity, he was also forced to play the role of minister of the Inquisition, and governor and Vicar Forane. For the Bandel is {currently} lacking support in all these fields, because the Commissioner of the Inquisition left for the Islands of Timor, the Governor for the Ecclesiastical affairs had already died and the Vicar of the Jurisdiction, who took his place, is a Priest for whom no one has the least respect, because although he is of good conduct, he has no talent for governing, especially not of people who live in such liberty. In view of this, so as to resolve many cases of insolence, the Ambassador had to become involved in the positions of authority stated above, in order to help the mentioned Vicar Forane, and to encourage him to carry out the many arrests that he did. In view of this, many who had long-term unofficial marital relations married, and others abandoned their long-term unofficial marital relations. However, this virtuousness cannot last for long, since the Bandel is without a Prelate and a Commissioner of the Inquisition. If these two posts in the Kingdom of Siam are not occupied by people known for being virtuous and firmly courageous, that Christian community will never be able to be on the right path, even though the Vicars of the two Parishes who are currently there are unfailing in their obligations. But they have no more power other than to administer the sacraments. The Ambassador immediately began to deal with the case of Francisco Barretto de Pinna, whom he had left imprisoned on his frigate, when he went to the Court. The Ambassador instructed me, the Secretary, as inquisitorial judge, to draw up a summary of the witnesses’ statements regarding the sentence that Francisco Barretto de Pinna had passed on the New-Christian who had climbed up onto the tabernacle of the Church of São Paulo and had done what (…) has been mentioned earlier. When all the Christians in the Bandel saw that the Ambassador in (…) collecting testimonies against the mentioned Francisco Barretto de Pinna, they thought that {the inquiry} should cover all of his proceedings in the administration of justice throughout the thirty years of his administration. Thus, the petitions and complaints against him which were delivered to the Ambassador’s house were so many that six months would not have been enough

302to record and to deal with them all. During this man’s government, orphans, widows and others had suffered unreasonably and had never been able to appeal for their rights, for Francisco Barretto de Pinna never did anything other than to support himself and his family at the cost of the litigants. Thus, when some [Fl. 304] (…) orphans from (…) who (…) which was in the safe for (…), but also that he himself did not give to them. When (…) there remained no more than one tical of (…) had not been with the rest. This is so true that, in order not to believe it (…) all the Christians. Thus, if (…) are true, because they all are claming it unanimously. And what one most (…) the living (…) not able to take back that which they have lost, for this minister does not have the means {to pay them back}. In view of all these complaints, the Ambassador was immensely troubled, for he could not remedy so many misdeeds, and besides, he was being pressured

303by Constantino Falcão who wanted him to punish Francisco Barretto de Pinna severely in public, in the Kingdom of Siam, for his crimes committed throughout his life, and especially for the lack of justice applied to the sacrilegious crime committed by the thief who climbed up onto the tabernacle. After the Capitão mor had been punished {Constantino Falcão} also wanted the thief to be judged according to the crime. The Ambassador replied to this that it was up to the Court of Appeal in Goa to punish the Capitão mor for having been a poor minister of justice. The Ambassador also lacked the jurisdiction to judge the mentioned perpetrator of the sacrilege. A sentence had already been passed, stating that {the Ambassador} would take the thief to have him handed over to His Lordship the Count Viceroy, for either he or the Court of Appeal could dictate a fair punishment. {The Ambassador added} that he, Constantino Falcão, understood these matters very well, since he was well versed in the laws of the Portuguese nation, but since His Lordship was blinded by passion, he was not able to speak according to law, but only to satisfy that passion. However, as the Ambassador was free from such an ailment, he had decided to take the mentioned Barretto with him, as well as the delinquent negro, to hand them over to His Lordship the Count Viceroy, so that he might decide accordingly. To this Constantino Falcão replied that as for Francisco Barretto de Pinna, the Ambassador could take him, since he already was in his custody, but as for the sacrilegious negro, he would not hand him over {to the Ambassador} because he was a vassal of the Kingdom of Siam, albeit already baptized. He had secured him in the Kings’ stocks in order to hand him over to His Excellency, because he felt that His Excellency should show (…) of Siam how the Portuguese laws punished negligent ministers and insolent sacrilegious thieves. It was with this intention that the ministers of the King of Siam had handed the Capitão mor over to him and they wanted to do the same with the mentioned delinquent. With matters on these terms, such was the (…) Francisco Barretto de Pinna that he said that the Ambassador had harmed him in (….) of such an infamous prison where he was, and because he had by his own means sought (…) better recourse {to a higher court}. In spite of having said this, when he realized that the Ambassador was determined to take him out of

304Siam to safeguard him from serious insults and miseries, he wrote a letter to Constantino Falcão very submissively asking him to bear in mind his household, that would be left without support during his ensuing absence. I, the Secretary, was together with Constantino Falcão, debating the matters of this man, which had been presented to him [Fl. 304v] been presented to him (…) was from (…) Constantino Falcão (…) man failed all the (…) the (…) very (…), because occupying the post of Capitão mor (…) Portuguese vassals of Our Lord the Prince (…) with a pillory around his neck, which is the most offensive thing done to locals in the Kingdom of Siam. In spite of all this, he preferred to be called the Pará captive of the King of Siam, because that is the only name given to all those who attain a title at its Court, and not (…) this man for the 30 years that he occupied that post, did nothing else but write letters to the Viceroys and Governors of India, making them believe that he was doing great things in the Kingdom of Siam, and purporting to be a loyal vassal and denouncing all others as bad vassals. Therefore, he was always believed, for

305no one ever informed the Viceroys otherwise. In spite of all these issues, the Ambassador cast his eyes on that man’s seventy something years of age and on the very poor family that he has in the Kingdom of Siam, and he was filled with pity and he tried to see if he could avoid taking Francisco Barretto de Pinna from Siam, and report all that has been mentioned to His Lordship the Viceroy, for him decide accordingly. Yet, he realized that circumstances were so much against the mentioned {(Francisco Barretto de Pinna)}, that when the Ambassador left the Kingdom of Siam, {that man} would surely face considerable troubles and affronts. So he decided to take him to Macao together with the report containing the summary of the testimonies which has been mentioned previously, including a statement given by the negro who had committed the sacrilege and a testimonial by the Scribe and Notary of Legal Processes in the Portuguese Bandel. The Ambassador also intended conducting a judicial inquiry into the overall behavior of this man, to be remitted together with the mentioned Legal Process to His Lordship the Count Viceroy. However this was not possible, for the monsoon to return to Macao was already well under way. Constantino Falcão instructed that the Ambassador be invited, should he wish to accept, to attend a banquet in his honor that he and all the dignitaries of the downriver Court wished to hold in the city, in the largest stateroom of its authority. The Ambassador accepted the offer, so as not to be discourteous to so many ministers of the King of Siam. The banquet was so splendorous that it practically equaled that of the King (…) the dinner service of that banquet. The Reverend Father Manoel Soares sent for the Ambassador to attend the feast of Saint Anthony, which would also be a {ceremony} of thanks giving for the success and merit of the Embassy. The preacher was Reverend Father João Maldonado, who praised everything that the Ambassador had done in the Kingdom of Siam. In addition to this feast, the Reverend Father Manoel Soares gave a splendid banquet for the Ambassador, and a similar invitation was given by Reverend Father Friar Domingos de Santa Anna at his Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário, on the occasion of

306 [Fl. 305] on the occasion of the feast of that Lady (…) Friar Pedro Martyr, who among the praises (…) fail to (…) the closest protégé who has (…) his (…), The Ambassador did not wish to (…) so that (…) wanted furthermore to point out the lack of faith of (…) of the mentioned priests, because they were the ministers of the Christians. {He} immediately (…) directed (…) me, the Secretary, to issue both the Reverend Fathers a writ declaring them administrators of civil justice of all their parishioners, so that these people would not be totally destitute of someone who could administer justice to them. The Ambassador left with the mentioned Priests the translation of the paper setting out the liberties and concessions that he had requested of the King of Siam, so they would be aware of

307them, since the King, when the Ambassador had gone to take his leave, had confirmed {his ratification of} everything {therein}. However, as has been mentioned, as long as Constantino Falcão governs, nothing other than his wish and what is to his liking shall be done. The reason why the Ambassador left the mentioned Priests as administrators of justice, certified by writs, was mainly to avoid losing the right which has been preserved with the consent of the King of Siam, until His Lordship the Count Viceroy organizes these matters appropriately. There is no doubt that the Reverend Fathers will experience many difficulties while administering this justice, for the mentioned protégé wishes to be the minister of everything. The officials came to the Ambassador’s house to bring him a gift which the King sent to him in gratitude for the earrings that the Ambassador had given him. The present consisted of several earrings from Japan. In return for the gift that he had received from the Ambassador, the Prakalang also did not fail to reciprocate. Even though these gifts were larger in size than in value, {the Ambassador} generously distributed silver to those workers who had carried them. In spite of the many complaints that the Ambassador had with respect to Constantino Falcão, and in spite of the troubles that {Constantino Falcão} had caused him, he did not fail to show that he was grateful to the protégé in deeds and words during this last meeting. He had always been so skillful as to show himself in private to be against the concerns of the Embassy, and in public he showed everyone that he was the one who made the most efforts towards advancing the honor of the Portuguese nation. The Ambassador pretended not to notice all this since his dignified dealing was aimed at leaving the Kingdom of Siam in a noble manner, without committing any errors of conduct, and in accordance with (…). Close to his departure, one evening he went to look for (…) Constantino Falcão at his house. After several courtesies the Ambassador took off the necklace that he had over his shoulders, which was described at the beginning of this report, and placed it around Constantino Falcão’s neck. {As he did this} he said that he was him a gift of it, so that he would always be his friend, because by

308being his friend, the Ambassador was sure that he, Constantino Falcão, would never fail to favor the vassals [Fl. 305v.] the vassals (…) reward them for their (…) Kingdom of Siam (…). Constantino Falcão fulfilled (…) things (…) the Ambassador of (…) presents (…) his green velvet state chairs (?) (…) of his canopy accessories and wished (…) together with many (…) kept to tell him that if (…) until that moment he had not been genteel in offering him gifts, it was to keep him from thinking that the Ambassador was bribing him for his own interest. But since {those matters} had now been accomplished, he regretted that he did not have more adequate things left to offer him. Constantino Falcão also sent him his most excellent gift with many signs of gratitude.

309When the Ambassador departed from Macao, he took 146 people with him on his frigate With the result that, being so many, they experienced some discomfort during the voyage. Upon leaving for Macao, he found himself with the same people plus the prisoners of the Inquisition and others by way of the Vicar Forane, as well as some people who the Ambassador took from the Kingdom of Siam for fear they would come to loose their faith on account of being penniless. As he had so many people, almost making it impossible to undertake the voyage, he bought a small frigate from an Englishman for one thousand and six hundred patacas, which finally amounted up to two thousand {patacas} before it was in condition to take with him to Macao. This was the only way to (…) of people, and give a safe passage to those who so willingly had accompanied him to serve Our Lord the Prince. On the 24th of June, after the Ambassador had already sent his frigate down river and distributed the people who would go on the recently purchased small frigate, he notified the officials of the King that he wished to embark from this Kingdom. Without any delay, by two o’clock in the afternoon, all the officials and other ministers of the Court from downriver with all its dignitaries, came on their baloons, which were very well equipped and adorned with many implements according to their custom. They came up to the pier of the house where the Ambassador was lodged, to accompany him for more than a league downstream from there, at the Customs post or the Royal Residence, where they had gone to fetch him with the same pomp when the Ambassador had entered the Kingdom of Siam. Having boarded his state baloon, he bid farewell to the Bandel, leaving all the Portuguese and remaining residents there with deep sorrow for his absence. For while they had him in the Kingdom, they had enjoyed (…) considerable peace and quiet. The Ambassador arrived with the entire retinue, which was as numerous as the one which had received him, at the mentioned {final} point for all those who were accompanying him. {Then} the principal ministers and officials of the King came along side his baloon with the royal baloon which was carrying the King’s letter to His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India. Once again with many courtesies, they handed over the mentioned letter to the Ambassador.

310Before he took it from the hands of the officials, he asked them through the interpreter whether the letter that they gave him was from the King himself, signed with his royal seal, or whether it was written by the Prakalang [Fl. 306] Prakalang on behalf of the King (…) the letter was from His Majesty himself (…) answer to the one from His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India (…) was another one from the Prakalang also in reply to the one from His Lordship the Count Viceroy (…) had written. The Ambassador told him (…) should find anything different, he would be offended (…) had given strict orders that if the reply to his letter was not from the King himself, then he, the Ambassador, was not to accept it. And {furthermore he said} that he had requested beforehand to notify the King of this order via the Prakalang and Constantino Falcão, not just once but many times. Since the Ambassador was receiving the letter sealed, in the manner in

311which it was being delivered to him he could not avert any mistake, should there happen to be one. For this reason once again {the Ambassador} insisted that the officials {of the Court} respect at all times the caution taken by the Ambassador so as to comply with what His Lordship the Count Viceroy of India had ordered. At this, the officials once again ratified the reply that they had given, and so the Ambassador received the letter and told them that he accepted it, believing that His Majesty and his officials were telling the truth. Everyone immediately took their leave from the Ambassador, and told him that His Excellency should use the baloon in which he was traveling until he left the river of Siam, or until wherever he wished. His Majesty had so directed. Once they {the representatives of the King and those bidding farewell} had all returned to the city, the Ambassador went downstream with all the baloons carrying the people of his entourage, in search of his frigate. When he passed by the King’s fortresses they gave him loud royal gun salutes and the same was done by the King’s large nau, mentioned previously, which was loading cargo to leave for Macao. When the Ambassador took his leave from the Court he received news of an extravagant deed that the King had performed on account of his esteem for {the Ambassador’s} Embassy. He had promoted and given more important posts and titles to all the high and low officials of his kingdom who had performed duties in relation to this Embassy, because they had assisted in the Embassy of his brother in arms, the Regent Prince of the Kingdoms and Domains of Portugal. As for Constantino Falcão, for lack of any other title to give him, {the King} shared with him the gift that he had received from His Lordship the Count Viceroy. On (…) great envy on behalf of all the nobles of the Kingdom, given the great esteem that the King had for the mentioned gift. Even to the translator, Agostinho Rosado, who had assisted the Embassy, the King presented a catan with a gold handle and scabbard, which among the Siamese is an honor equivalent to a garb or badge of Knighthood among the Portuguese. By this extravagant act, one can appreciate how much the King esteemed this Embassy from the moment he received it until he bid it farewell. Truly, the Ambassador entered the Kingdom of Siam with great honor, and left with much more. All this made the many visits by

312other nations seem redundant, much to the great credit of the Portuguese nation. The only defect of this Embassy was to not have succeeded in relation to the main issue which His Lordship the Count Viceroy had requested, but it was [Fl. 306v.] it was (…) the Report previously (…) (…) When the Ambassador arrived in the Kingdom of Siam on the second of (…) arrived (…) from the Procurator of the Absentees from the Bandel (…) gave him a letter from His Lordship the Count Viceroy (…) the Procurator of the Absentees. He told the Ambassador that he had (…) matters to discuss with His Excellency, in relation (?) to a conversation that the Governor of the Bishopric of Malacca had held with him in the days prior (…) of his death. But he could not tell anything to His Excellency other than in writing, for he did not wish to take

313up his time for other more important matters. Two days later the mentioned Procurator of the Absentees presented his message in the following manner: Message presented to the Ambassador by the Procurator of the Absentees of the Portuguese Bandel. His Lordship the Count Viceroy has directed me in his letter which he conceded the honor and the grace to have written to me, that I should assist with everything Your Excellency may require (…) obligation as a vassal of His Highness (…) all that Your Excellency may order me to do in your service, whose most illustrious person (…) the Portuguese. Upon (…) by way of Malacca, which concerns (…) from Macao with this Embassy so much (…) this of His Highness, on account of which, before the death of Reverend Father Nicolau da Mota, Governor of the Bishopric of Malacca (…) is the Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna (…) reason, is known to have been sending a good deal information to Goa which is far from true, and for seeking the grace of Constantino Falcão has (…) his jurisdiction nor authority (…) by (…) the mentioned Father Governor who though his fault may come to cause some discredit to the nation, as has already happened a few times which that Father Superior (…) seen. And as the King …169 169 The rest of this document is missing.

314 6. APPENDICES DOCUMENTS REFFERRING TO THE EMBASSY TO SIAM: [A.H.U., Índia, caixa 32, doc. n° 6] Copy of the letter by Antonio da Fonseca, Procurator for Missing Persons in the Kingdom of Siam, written to Count Alvor, Viceroy and Captain General of India.

315After having written in detail to Your Excellency about the Missionary Bishops and their priests who greatly annoy us with their bulls, I heard that Bishop Dom Francisco Palú sent a priest to Rome, who left yesterday for Tenasserim, with the aim of soliciting new bulls in Rome, requesting Missionaries to enter the islands of Solor and Timor together with a Bishop, whom the mentioned Dom Francisco Palú has named from here. He is a Dominican called Friar Raymundo, an Italian by nationality, who was brought here by them from Rome, two years ago. He assists them at the Mission. For this purpose they ordered an inquiry and tactfully withdrew Dom Luís Lancau this year, since last year when Bachelor170 João de Abreu de Lima, went to Solor and Timor as Governor of the Bishopric of Malacca to visit that Christian community. The Dominican priests did not want to admit him, nor accept him, thus defying the common jurisdiction of the Archbishop of India. For this reason they wished to undertake that Mission under the auspices of the Supreme jurisdiction of the Propaganda Congregation so that it would not be left without a Prelate, with the argument that Solor and Timor belonged to the Crown of Portugal and {that} their Prelate Archbishop did not wish to recognize nor to subject himself to its jurisdiction. For this reason, it was the right of the Propaganda Congregation to assert its jurisdiction. This Bishop, Dom Francisco, has requested this from Rome with the necessary bulls from the Pope and sufficient mandate from the Congregation as a whole, so as to exclude our priests. In fact the friars of Solor and Timor revealed that they did not wish to admit or to acknowledge the Prelate of that Christian community. They were very surprised when the French Missionaries decided to write to Rome as they did, because those friars are vassals of His Highness. These French Missionaries say that even though they do not want to get along with us, we provide them with the opportunity to do so. I have decided to inform you of this priest’s intention to request the mentioned bulls, so that Your Excellency may seek the appropriate solution, should obstacles occur. In my experience, I have no doubt that {the bulls} shall be granted by Rome, for these French Bishops have made every effort with respect to the mentioned Congregation. 170 “Bachelor” is used here to translate “Licenciado”, the holder of the academic degree of “licentiate”.

316These Missionaries will wait until the next year, since this King’s Ambassador is due to come travel from Rome to France with one of the Pope’s Ambassadors, bearing a letter of petition from their King to the King of Siam, signed both by the Ambassador of France to Rome and the Pope’s Ambassador, in order to grant these Bishops all they want, as is their intention. Thus, I suggest that Your Excellency intervene because I do not doubt that, considering that Portugal is such a small Kingdom, this King will grant the Bishops their petition. The King of France has already extended his ruling from the Southern Straits inland, and their intention seems to be to control {the region}. Bishop Dom Francisco should consecrate two Bishops, one in Cambodia and another in Champa. Dom Luís Lancau went to Cochin China this year to consecrate another and the Bishop Burges went to Tongkin to consecrate another. If there were other territories available, more Bishops would be consecrated, simply to prevent the Portuguese from settling in this region where their intent is to stifle us. All that the French Bishops wish is to see us leave. The King of Johei, in the letter that he wrote to this King several days ago, reported that the main city and fortress of Bantão which was taken by the Dutch when called upon by a Prince who rebelled against his father to help them, has now been restored by force. The Jaos killed a large number of Dutch and have placed the city of Batavia under much pressure by siege, both by land and by sea with an armada of their own 380 guntins and six naus that they have borrowed from the English, and six Dutch chalupas. They forced two naus into the harbor which were going from Betáviato the Coast.171 In this respect, the Dutch stationed at this trading post of Siam are confused because their naus have not yet arrived, for they usually reach this Kingdom by the 22nd of September. This year they have not yet arrived, as thus this King is very surprised. May Your Excellency Our Lord remain in good health which is everyone’s wish, for the development of India and the general support of His Highness’ vassals. Siam, the fifth of October, 1682. António da Fonseca. 171 Possibly the Malabar Coast.

317 (signed) Luís Gonça1vez Cotta Copy of a letter to the Count Viceroy by António da Fonseca, Procurator for Missing Persons in the Kingdom of Siam. Acknowledged by letter number 4172 [A.H.U., Índia, box 32, doc. n° 95] Copy 173 Resolution taken at the Council of the Missions of this State of India on whether to send Ambassadors with gifts to the Kings of Siam, Cochin China, Cambodia and Tongkin. On the estate of Panelim in the district of the City of Goa, on the 23rd of April, 1683, in the presence of His Excellency Francisco de Tavora, Count of Alvor, of the State Council of His Majesty the Viceroy and Capitão geral of India, with the ministers of the Council of Missions, the Honorable Archbishop of Goa, Prelate of India, Dom Manuel de Sousa de Menezes, from the Count of Alvor’s Council, 172 This is written on the enveloping folder. 173 The word “copy” is written in the left margin of the original document.

318and also Doctor Francisco Delgado e Matos, Apostolic Inquisitor; and Dom Fernando de Castro, and António Corte Real de Sampayo, Captain of the city, and Doctor Luís Monteiro da Costa who acts as general fiscal administrator of the state, and myself, Luís Gonçalves Cotta, his Secretary. In the presence of all, His Excellency the Count Viceroy announced that this Council of the Missions had recently been established in this State, by decree of His Majesty, as we all knew, to promote the work of the Missionaries, to continue their obligation of spreading the faith by preaching the evangelic Law. Through this Council, instructions had been dispatched to all the regions in the East, where Christian communities existed, and our Missionaries were in residence, giving instructions that they were not to obey the French Bishops, or any other Missionary Priests who had been sent to various regions by the Propaganda Congregation, and not through Portugal. This caused considerable harm to the Royal ecclesiastical patronage of Portugal {in these areas}, and is contrary to what was established by Apostolic Bulls granted by the Popes to the Kings {of Portugal} whereby the spiritual rights to these regions had been given long ago to the Kings of Portugal, also allowing their Missionaries to be sent there. The Propaganda Congregation intended to cause trouble for those Missionaries via the mentioned Bishops and French priests that they were sending there. This litigious matter was being considered by the Roman Papal Court, but no final resolution had been reached yet. According to the Viceroys’ conviction, in order to cultivate the good will of the Kings and Princes of the mentioned regions in the East, and ready to favor their objectives, particularly the Kings of Siam, Cochin China, Cambodia, Tongkin, these Bishops would offer them several precious gifts. The Viceroy received confirmation that as a result of these gifts, the Kings {of those regions} allowed {the French missionaries} to stay in their lands, and granted them many privileges. They had established their jurisdiction to such an extent that Father Joseph Candone, a Jesuit Missionary, left his mission in Cochin China because one of the French Bishops would not allow him to serve as Vicar of the Christian Community in that Kingdom. The Viceroy had received letters {in this regard} both from {Father Joseph Candone} as well as from other devoted religious people and also from the

319jurisdiction of His Majesty’s Royal ecclesiastical patronage. {The correspondence} stated that it would be advisable to send Ambassadors, on behalf of the Crown of Portugal, to {these Kings} bearing letters and gifts, in order to persuade them not to allow the French Bishops and priests into their Kingdoms, {but rather} to banish them, and retain the Portuguese Missionaries. Once the proposal had been presented, the Count Viceroy ordered his ministers of the Council of Missions to vote and reach an agreement on this issue. Having discussed the matter thoroughly, it was unanimously decided that Ambassadors should be sent with gifts to all those Kings. At the same time, the Count Viceroy would state in his letters {to the Kings} the reasons for favoring and helping the Missionaries sent by the Crown of Portugal and for retaining them in their Missions, and {the reasons for} not allowing them to be troubled by the French Bishops and priests, who should instead be banished from their Kingdoms. {It was also decided that} the Treasury Council would charge the value of the gifts according their quality. The Count Viceroy agreed that this document recording these measures be drafted, which all {present} signed. = The Count of Alvor = Dom Manoel de Sousa de Menezes = Francisco Delgado de Mattos = Dom Femando Castro = António Corte Real de Sampayu = Luís Monteiro da Costa = Luís Gançalves Cotta (signed) Luís Gonça1vez Cotta Resolution acknowledged in letter no. 4174 174 Written on the enveloping folder.

320 [A.H.U., Índia, caixa 58, doc.n° 96] Copy of the letter that the Count Viceroy and Captain General of India wrote to the King of Siam. Most noble and powerful Majesty, the King of Siam I Francisco de Távora, Count of Alvor, member of the State Council, Viceroy and Capitão geral of India, by way of the most Serene Prince Dom Pedro, My Lord, who currently governs the Kingdoms and Domains of Portugal, have heard of the considerable peace and friendship with which Your Highness has received in your lands the vassals of the most high and powerful Prince, My Lord, who serve in the Kingdom of Siam. Since such a great favor should not go without a token of gratitude, I have sent Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, a fidalgo with

321many talents, so that, on behalf of the most high and powerful Prince My Lord, he may thank Your Highness for this royal beneficence, which has once again sealed the peace and brotherhood that has always existed between these two Crowns. I ask that Your Highness have complete faith and trust in the Ambassador as I shall direct that whatever he agrees upon {with you} wall be carried out to the full. I have information that the French Bishops are disturbing the peace and tranquility in which, until now, the Portuguese have lived in that Kingdom under the protection of the most noble Kings of Siam, predecessors to Your Highness. {Therefore} it would be most befitting that Your Highness direct that this senselessness and injustice be stopped, forbidding the foreigners from entering the Portuguese Bandel, and from disturbing {its residents} in any way. May it please Your Highness that the gift that the Ambassador Pedro Vaz de Siqueira will offer you on my behalf be accepted. Most Noble and Powerful Lord of Siam, may God protect Your Royal Highness. Written in Goa on the first of May of 1683. The Count of Alvor. (signed) Luís Gonça1vez Cotta Copy of a letter written by the Count Viceroy to the King of Siam. Acknowledged by letter no. 4

322 [A.H.U., Índia, caixa 58, doc. n°. 97] Copy of the letter that the Count Viceroy and Capitão geral of India wrote to Pedro Vaz de Siqueira. If the achievements of the Government are to be evaluated according to the desire to do things right, then Your Excellency may consider my coming {to India} as a valuable {asset}, for I have no intention of ignoring my obligations during my stay in India. Since the city of Macao is one of the main components this State, I will take special care in attending to its maintenance and development. However, as this can only be achieved by using the means provided, I will resort to requesting the help of Your Excellency. I have such positive feedback on your virtues, that I would feel much remorse if I were to put someone else in charge of these matters. One of the greatest threats which could cause the ruin of that city, is the introduction of the French, as Missionaries, into the Kingdoms of Tongkin, Cambodia Cochin China and Siam; because besides the harm that they do in those

323places, it is likely that they will also immediately move on from there into China, where they will do all they can to take away the trade from us and also deprive us of our communication with that Empire. Thus, the city will be put under such pressure, that without more power and more weapons it will meet its ultimate destruction. While our situation in Europe has not improved, it is necessary for us to improve all that we are capable of or that is in our power. Having looked into this matter, it was established that, what was most appropriate for now, was to try to negotiate with the Kings of Asia in order to improve our position. Thus, I have decided to send Ambassadors to the four regions that I have mentioned above, having chosen Your Excellency to deal with Siam and Cochin China. Therefore, I hope that your devotion, your good judgment, your actions and your discretion will readily achieve all that can be useful and becoming for the Portuguese nation. I know very well that Your Excellency will suffer some losses in this mission, but the greater the difficulties which are overcome, the greater the services rendered to your nation and to your Prince, to whom I shall give a very detailed account of Your Grace’s merits, so that he may reward you for them accordingly. As for the matters that Your Excellency shall discuss, I have mentioned them to the Capitão geral and the Municipality, in the letter that I have sent to them. I have also directed that they assist you in whatever Your Excellency may need in order to depart with this monsoon, taking along the people whom I shall name, and who are to be paid in the manner that I indicate: For your Secretary, Your Excellency should choose the person that you find to be the most suitable, and regarding the resolution of this matter, I expect Your Honor to send me very detailed information. I am also sending Your Excellency the letters for the King of Siam, the King of Cambodia and the King of Cochin China and his son, to whom gifts that I am sending will also be given. Apart from these letters to the Kings and Prince I am also sending one to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Siam by which means it will be possible for you to better position yourself. In this regard, it seems to me that Your Excellency should contact Father Manuel Soares, Superior of the House of the Society, as

324well as Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna, and the Procurator of Missing Persons, António da Fonseca, in order to obtain appropriate information. In Cochin China, in addition to Father Manuel Ferreira Your Excellency can also obtain information from João da Crus who, although residing in that Kingdom, is still faithful to Portugal. Through him, I believe that Your Excellency shall accomplish our objectives that we have in mind. When Your Excellency is in Siam, if it were possible by some means, detain Amador Coelho de Mello. Do not miss the opportunity to do so, and should you accomplish this, send him securely to me, as prisoner, to this city. All these details are of the utmost importance. Now that I have passed this information on to you, it is in good hands, and I have no more to say regarding these matters. Attached please find the lists of gifts for Your Excellency’s guidance. On the outside of each box you will find an indication the content. May God keep Your Excellency for many years. Goa 8th of May, 1683. The Count of Alvor. (signed) Luís Gonça1vez Cotta Copy of a letter written by the Count Viceroy to Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, Ambassador to Siam. Acknowledged by letter no. 4175 175 Written on the enveloping folder.

325 [A.H.U., Índia caixa 58, doc. n° 98] Copy of the instructions given by the Count Viceroy and Capitão geral of India to the Ambassador Pedro Vaz de Siqueira {I}Françisco de Tavora, Count of Alvor, of the State Council of His Highness Viceroy and Capitão geral of India etc., inform you, Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, nobleman of the House of the above mentioned Knight, member of the Order of Christ, of my decision to designate you as Ambassador of this State of India. {This appointment is} based on the favorable information that I have received about you and of the devotion with which you have always served His Highness, without concern for incurring personal expenses {in such endeavors}; {also} because of the knowledge that you have acquired of the customs of the Courts of the Kings of Siam, Cochin China and Cambodia; {also} because you have lived in the city of the Name of God, Macao, in China, from where every year many vessels go to trade at the ports of these Kingdoms; {and also} because

326of your talent, discretion and hearty spirit which are beneficial to all important enterprises of major importance. {In this role} you are to discuss with the mentioned Kings the matters that I hereby instruct you and I expect that your devotion, enterprise and good propriety will enable you to satisfactorily accomplish {the objectives of the Embassy} in the service of God and His Highness. May you prove yourself deserving of the appointment so that I may have much to thank you for. The mission of your Embassy is intended for the Kings of Siam, Cochin China and Cambodia, {and} I am giving you letters as well as gifts for them, and also for the Prince, heir to Cochin China, and for the Prakalang of Siam. Before you begin your journey, you are to discuss its details with the Capitão geral, Belchior de Amaral de Meneses and with the officials of the City Council. For this, you are to consult with the pilots and other experienced people, so that with the information and expertise that they will provide, it may be decided which of the Kingdoms you will visit first, considering the monsoons and the distance between each of them. Thus, with everyone’s agreement, the voyage may proceed successfully and allow you, if possible, to go to the three Kingdoms within the span of one year. Should this prove considerably difficult owing to the lack of monsoons and because of not being promptly attended to, you are to return to Macao from any of the mentioned Kingdoms, with the answers that you were given. Then you shall return the following year and proceed with your Embassy in the remaining Kingdom or Kingdoms, until you have finalized the matters that I have entrusted you with. You shall report to me all your actions through whatever means are available to you. The main task that you are accomplish is to explain to those Kings that the Prince of Portugal, Dom Pedro, our Lord, is one of the great monarchs of Europe, who dominates many Kingdoms and States throughout the four corners of the world: Europe, Africa, Asia and America. {You should also inform them that His Highness} wishes to be Brother in arms with the mentioned Kings, and me when I took up this office, he instructed, me to seek to preserve their friendship and maintain good relations with {them}. In accordance with these instructions, I send

327you as Ambassador, so that you may transmit to them the wishes of His Highness. You are to personally thank the King of Siam for the devotion towards the Portuguese nation and all the favors received by the vassals of the Prince Our Lord {resident in Siam}. After communicating this to all the Kings, you are to request earnestly that they banish from their Kingdoms the French Bishops and Missionaries who disturb and disconcert our Portuguese {in those regions}. {These Kings} should protect {those Portuguese}, for they have always been faithful friends, as experience has proven throughout so many years. You should make them understand that the King of France has requested that the Propaganda Congregation send these French Missionaries, and that He, {the King of France pays their expenses with the pretext of obtaining information from those Kingdoms, {regarding} their ports, their customs and their spices and merchandise, as the French Bishops and Missionaries have been instructed to do. With that information {the King of France} intends to send his armadas to take over those Kingdoms. These Missionaries are thus nothing more than explorers and informers, and the mentioned {Asian} Kings should take this information into consideration, so as not to admit these French Missionaries, but banish them immediately from their lands. However, this task is to be undertaken with the utmost secrecy and caution. If you are not totally successful in convincing the aforesaid Kings, or some of them, to expel the French Bishops and Missionaries from their Kingdoms, you should at least request them not to help them nor favor them against the Portuguese Missionaries. The Kings are not to consider the petitions presented to them by the French on religious matters against the Portuguese. They should also not consent that the Portuguese Missionaries be disturbed or vexed by the French Bishops and Missionaries. I hope that your good sense and discretion enable you to act with care in all these matters, so that they may be advantageous to our nation. In the letters that I have written to these Kings, I inform them that I am sending you as Ambassador, and that they should trust you and give full credit

328to your proposals on my behalf, and that all the agreements that you agree upon with them should be fair, resolute and of value. You will also request that these Kings grant a general permission for the Portuguese to take their boats loaded with merchandise and trade at their ports, where they should have free passage, exempted from taxes and other duties which are usually charged on clearance. They should {also} not be treated with any type of animosity. Rather they should be treated as friends and vassals of the Prince of Portugal, their Brother in arms. Should the King of Siam request the right to send his ships to Macao annually, you are to permit him {to send} only one boat a year on the condition that most of its cargo be rice, which is always easily sold in that city. Usually some of his boats go to the Kingdom of Cochin China, but I have been informed that their permits to return are delayed, making them loose the monsoon or make the voyage risky. Based on this information, you shall request this King to order that the licenses not be delayed, and that groundless motives not be raised regarding the clearance of the boats. As soon as you arrive in the Kingdom of Siam, you are to gather information from Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna regarding the current situation in that Kingdom. You shall also inform him of the letters and gifts that you bear for the King {and} the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Siam, and make use of his knowledge and help. I shall order him to assist you in everything that you may require of him in the service of His Highness, in connection with your Embassy. You are to confer with him on those matters that you find necessary, because, as he has been serving in that Kingdom for so many years, he will be able to assist you in all matters. You shall also seek necessary information from Father Manoel Soares, the Superior of the priests of the Society of Jesus, to whom I {usually} write. Your are to agree on the details regarding the French Bishops and Missionaries, paying attention to everything that he may indicate to you of importance for achieving the objective of the Embassy. Your are to stay on very good terms with Bachelor176 Nicolau da Motta, the Governor of the Bishopric of Malacca, and you are to also seek information from him and thank him, on my 176 “Bachelor” is used to translate “Licenciado”, meaning the holder of the academic degree of “licentiate”.

329behalf, for the way that he has defended the jurisdiction of the Royal Ecclesiastical Patronage. You are to tell him to continue to protect the rights of that Patronage and of the common jurisdiction of which he is in charge given his post. I am informed that the Foreign Minister of Siam is the main figure of that Kingdom, who oversees all the affairs relating to the Government of that Kingdom. Therefore you shall seek to win his friendship with the aid of Capitão mor Francisco Barretto de Pinna and the Father Superior, Manoel Soares, and maintain the utmost harmony with him, so as to facilitate your entrance before the King. When you manage to be received by the King, you shall personally hand him my letter and the gift that you bear. You are to notify {the Foreign Minister} that when you go before the King, you will do so with the authority and composure that best befits an Ambassador. You shall try to be treated differently from the way in which other people who go before the King are treated, however important they may be. You are not be made to follow the custom that is used for those {other} people, that is, to enter the Palace without a sword, barefoot and prostrated on the ground. You are by no means to allow this and shall give the excuse that among the Kings of Europe such practices are inexistent and that the Ambassadors enter the Palace in the same manner as they walk on the streets, for the magnanimity of the Portuguese would not allow it to be otherwise. Should they argue that the King is not able to speak with you and that you are to hand the letter and the gift to the Minister of Foreign Affairs or some other Minister, you are not to comply with this. Instead, you are to insist you wish to talk to the King about these possible issues, until you see whether you will be able to achieve this. You shall lead the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the other Ministers to believe that you will depart without delivering your Embassy to the King, and that, due to his nobility, you expect him to receive you and to listen to you. After having tried all possible means, should your entrance and audience be totally denied, then you are to return without delivering the mentioned Embassy, because it will be less harmful {for you} to be unable to accomplish your mission

330than {for you} to achieve it with disesteem for the authority of Ambassador and little esteem for the Portuguese nation. Should the King of Siam receive your Embassy and grant you an audience, both on this occasion as on others, you are to display such splendor, prudence and good manners in your actions, that you shall reconcile the feelings of all so as to be received openheartedly and with a general applause. Once you have completed your mission, should the King order the Minister of Foreign Affairs or any other Minister to answer my letter on his behalf, you shall warn that you have orders not to accept any answer other than that from the King, in a sealed letter, signed by him and bearing the royal seal. {You shall warn that this is so} because the Viceroys of India represent their Princes who grant them all their powers, and the other Asian Kings write to { the Viceroy} and answer his letters. {Tell them furthermore that when I came to Govern these states, many of those Kings wrote to me, congratulating me on my arrival, and the former Mogor Emperor wrote to me, asking me to aid him, by sea and by land, to conquer the territories which have been taken away from him by one of his vassals. Should they try to persuade you that the King does not usually answer the letters written to him in any other manner other than through the Minister of Foreign Affairs or his Ministers, you are to say that you will not take such an answer if it is not signed by the King. If they do not wish to give it to you, you shall not accept any another, and you shall return without it, showing your dissatisfaction for the lack of and courtesy owed to the Viceroys of India. Antonio da Fonseca, resident in Siam and Procurator of Missing Persons, wrote several letters to me regarding the matters of the French Bishops and Missionaries, proving himself to be very dutiful in the service of His Highness. You are to make use of his assistance in whatever you may need. Among other things about which he wrote to me, he mentioned that someone by the name of Diogo da Motta had died and had mentioned in his will that he owed the city of Macao five hundred ticaes, and had instructed that {this sum} be paid {to the city of Macau}. He requested that I issue a written document instructing that this money be handed over to the administrators of the King {of Siam} as payment of

331the debt that {the city of Macao} had with {him}. Thus, I had the order written out and {I} hereby send it to you. You are to see that it be carried out, so that the mentioned money is in fact handed over to the King administrators, whom you shall inform about this matter that I have ordered. {You shall} also {inform them} that I have repeatedly advised the Town Council of Macao to pay off this debt, having not failed on my part to find an expedient solution. I very much wish to remove Amador Coelho from Siam. He has forgotten that he has Portuguese blood and has become French, serving as notary to the French Bishops, purveying all the diligences and notifications against our Missionaries, harming the exclusive rights and Royal Ecclesiastical Patronage of His Highness. Troublesome and rebellious by nature, he has caused many difficulties for the Capitão mor and for our Missionaries. As he is so harmful, the Governor who was my predecessor, had already ordered that if he were to he sail to Macao (where he comes from), he should be caught and sent as a prisoner to this city {of Goa}. Thus, I instruct you to take all the possible measures to see if you can remove him from Siam and take him with you to Macao, under any pretext, without revealing to him that you are aware of his actions. Once in Macao, the Capitão geral shall carry out the order that I have issued regarding this matter and will send him as a prisoner to this city {of Goa}, and thus our Missionaries in the mentioned Kingdom will have one enemy less. During your stay in Siam, you are to inform yourself about the conditions of the Kingdom of Cambodia, which I am told is divided among two Kings: one who is stationed on the coast and another in the jungle. {Apparently} they wage war against each other over the succession of that Kingdom. One of them is favored by the King of Siam, who has sent him aid. Should that Kingdom still be divided and at war, you are not to risk going there. However, if it is at peace, and you would be welcomed by all the Kings who govern it, you shall go to that Kingdom and hand the King the letter and the gift meant for him. The King of Siam shall be your mediator, of whom you shall request a letter of recommendation to the King of Cambodia. When you arrive at that Kingdom, you will meet there with the Capitão mor of the Portuguese, Francisco Rangel das

332Neves, to whom I have written instructing him to help you in all that you may order him in the service of His Highness, regarding your Embassy. You shall utilize his knowledge and help, gathering from him all the news and information you may need. As for the Kingdom of Cochin China, you shall hand to the King and to his son, the Prince heir to the Throne, the letters and the gifts meant for them. Firstly you shall obtain information about that Kingdom from João Cruz, from the city of Macao, and from his son, Clemente da Cruz, both of whom are officials of the King. You are also to obtain information from Father Manuel Ferreira from the Society of Jesus who stayed on in that Kingdom after his companion, Father Joseph Candone, left. According to the letter that João da Cruz wrote to me, I recognize his true Portuguese spirit and his dedication towards the service of His Highness. He gave me detailed information on everything that has come to pass between the French Bishops and Missionaries and our priests. {Furthermore} Father Joseph Candone has informed me of João da Cruz’s considerable worth and of the intimacy that he and his son share with the King and the Prince heir to the throne. The latter granted them the permission to found a Church in their Court, where the Divine rites are celebrated with the utmost solemnity. The Prince and the Princesses and the ladies-in-waiting often go to Church, revealing a great admiration for the Portuguese nation. Since I have much consideration for the merits and services of João da Cruz, I take this occasion to name him Capitão mor of the Portuguese who frequent the ports of that Kingdom. You may sign all the necessary papers in connection to the agreements that you establish with the mentioned Kings, because I grant you my power and commission for this. Wherever you may find yourself, you are to report to me, through whichever means possible, on all that you have done and are doing. Should God keep you from perishing on the voyage, or in any of the mentioned Kingdoms, you are to hand all the documents of the Embassy to its Secretary, and in the event of his absence, {you are to hand them} to any one of the mentioned Capitão mors. They should take care in sending {the documents} to me, closed and sealed, always keeping a copy with you, so that I may have complete news of

333the state of the aforesaid negotiations, and of what has been done, in order to decide whatever is most convenient. Goa, the 12th of May, 1683. The Count of Alvor. (signed) Luís Gonçalvez Cotta Copy of the orders given by the Count Viceroy to the Ambassador Pedro Vaz de Siqueira. Acknowledged by letter no. 4 177 [A.H.U., Índia, caixa 58, doc. n°. 99] Copy of the letter which the Count Viceroy and Captain General of India wrote to the Prakalang of Siam. As news reached my Lord the Prince of Portugal regarding the many favors that his vassals have received from the Most Serene King of Siam, it was fair for him to thank the King for this deed. He specifically bid that once I arrived in India, I should send an Ambassador to that Kingdom, for the above purpose. In obedience to this order, I saw it fit to send Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, a nobleman with many virtues and qualities who, having been given this task, shall also propose others to the King, of mutual benefit to both Monarchies. In all (these endeavors) I hope that Your Lordship, being such an important person in {the Kingdom of} Siam, will assist the Ambassador in everything that depends on your support, so that he may be able to successfully accomplish his tasks. He will present Your Lordship with a gift which I am offering you, and I truly intend to reward you always for that for which I may be indebted to you, regarding the 177 This is written on the enveloping folder.

334service of My Lord the Most Serene Prince of Portugal. May God guide Your Lordship in His Divine Grace. Goa, the 13th of May, 1683. The Count of Alvor. (signed) Luís Gonçalvez Cotta Copy of a letter which the Count Viceroy and Capitão geral of India wrote to the Prakalang of Siam, Prime Minister of that Kingdom. Acknowledged by letter no. 4. 178 [A.H.U., Índia, caixa 60, doc. n° 74] Copy of the resolution taken at the State Council of India, on whether the Count Viceroy should grant an audience or not to the three Ambassadors of the King of Siam. On Friday morning, 6th of April 1685, on Panelim estate, in the district of the City of Goa, where His Lordship Françisco de Távora, Count of Alvor, of His Majesty’s State Council and Capitão geral of India, resides, the following State Councilors {of Goa} were summoned: Dr. Francisco Delgado e Mattos, the Inspector General of the Treasury, Dom Miguel de Almeida, the General of the territory of Salçete, who acts as Captain of that city, and Lopo Alvarez de Moura, the Apostolic Inquisitor. At this meeting the Count Viceroy stated that, Friar Estêvão de Souza, an Augustinian, guide to the Ambassadors of the King of Siam, had told me, the Secretary of the State, Luís Gonçalvez Cotta, that those Ambassadors had not brought the Count Viceroy a letter from the 178 This reference is written on the enveloping folder.

335mentioned King. {Instead} they had brought a letter from the Prakalang, Governor of the mentioned Kingdom, together with a gift for the {Count Viceroy}, on behalf of the aforesaid King, and {a gift from the Prakalang}. {He went on to say} that the letter that he had brought from that King, together with another gift, was meant for His Majesty, may God protect Him. In view of this, {the Count Viceroy said that} the Council should consider whether it was appropriate to grant an audience to those Ambassadors, in the Royal Hall, and allow them to come before {the Viceroy}, since they had not brought him a letter from the King. All the Asian Kings, as well as the Kings of Europe, customarily wrote {directly} to the Viceroys of India. {Even} the Mogor King, who was so powerful and Lord of so many Kingdoms, had written two letters through his Ambassador, Sheikh Mamede, who had been sent twice to this city. {The Count Viceroy} mentioned that he was making this observation, so that the Council could give their opinion, so that a decision regarding this matter could be taken. Once the mentioned statement had been heard, the Councilors voted unanimously that, since {the mentioned} Ambassadors had not brought a letter from the King to the Count Viceroy, they should not be granted an audience, given the fact that the {Viceroy} represented His Majesty in this State. Considering his authority and the prominence of his post, it was not appropriate to allow those Ambassadors to come before him without a letter from {their} King, since they had not been directly sent to the {Count Viceroy}. Rather, they should wait in this city for the coming monsoon and embark on the naus bound for the Kingdom, so as to deliver their Embassy to His Majesty. They should be merely brought ashore on baloons and taken to the quarters that had been prepared for them in Pangim. Throughout their stay they were to be treated politely and their daily expenses would be paid for by the royal treasury, given that the King {of Siam} had directed that the same be done for our Ambassador, Pero Vaz de Siqueira. The Ambassadors were to deliver the letter from the Prakalang, as well as the gifts that they had brought, in the most becoming manner. The Count Viceroy accepted this resolution which was written down by myself, the Secretary, Luís Gonçalves Cotta, and signed by

336the Count of Alvor, Francisco Delgado e Mattos and Dom Miguel de Almeida Lopo Alvarez de Moura. (signed) Luís Gonçalvez Cotta Resolution acknowledged in letter no. 4179 [A.H.U., Índia, caixa 60. doc. n° 75] Copy of the resolution taken at the State Council of India regarding the declaration given by the three Ambassadors of the King of Siam, stating that the letter brought from that Kingdom by Ambassador Pedro Vaz de Siqueira was from the aforesaid King Thursday afternoon, the 26th of April, 1685, on the estate of Panelim, in the district of the city of Goa, where His Excellency Françisco de Távora, Count of Alvor, of His Majesty’s State Council and Capitão geral of India, resides. The following State Councilors of Goa were summoned: Dr. Françisco Delgado e Mattos; Inspector General of the Treasury, Dom Miguel de Almeida, General of the lands of Salçete, who acts as Captain of that city, and Lopo Alvarez de Moura, the Apostolic Inquisitor. Once they were all gathered, the Count Viceroy stated that when he had sent Pedro Vaz de Siqueira as Ambassador to the King of Siam, 179 Written on the enveloping folder.

337he had written {to that King} and sent him a gift. When the Ambassador had returned from that Kingdom, he was given a letter and told that it was from the King in answer to the one from the Count Viceroy. The Ambassador had sent this letter to him from Macao. It was thought to have been written by the King’s protégé, Constantino Falcão, a Greek by birth and the principal official of the King of Siam, because of the type of language used in the letter, as he sometimes referred to My Lord the King. For this reason, it had been decided at a previous Council that an audience should not be granted to the Ambassadors of that King who had been sent by him to wait at this city for the monsoon for the vessels bound for the Kingdom{of Portugal}, where they would deliver an Embassy to Our Lord the King. When they had been asked whether they were carrying any letter by the King for the Count Viceroy, they had answered that they merely had a letter from the Prakalang of that Kingdom, together with a gift from the King and another from the Prakalang. Since Friar Estêvão de Sousa, an Augustinian priest who came from Siam as guide to those Ambassadors, stated that the letter that the Ambassador Pedro Vaz de Siqueira had brought was from the King, the Ambassador ordered that it be shown to him by me, the Secretary of State, Luís Gonçalvez Cotta. When he saw it, he said it was from the King because it was sealed with the seal that was usually used on Royal letters, and that this could be confirmed by the Ambassadors, should it be necessary. At this point the Ambassador ordered that his statement be put down on paper, which was done in Siamese and translated by two of the Ambassador’s translators: Thomas Roiz de Souza and Salvador do Rozário. In the translation they said that it was from the King. Since the Count Viceroy was suspicious of the translation, he had the letter translated a second time by Françisco da Cunha Barreto, son of Françisco Barreto de Pinna, the former Capitão mor of the Bandel in Siam, who spoke Siamese fluently. {He further said} that this last translation did not match the one done by the other translators, because he had said that the mentioned letter revealed that it had been written by order of the King. This made the Count Viceroy feel sure that it was not from the King, and he said that the Council should consider the matter. {He said that} even though it had been decided not to grant an audience to the

338Ambassadors because the letter was believed not to be from the King himself, it was still possible to change that resolution and admit the Ambassadors. After discussions on the matter, and having once again read the same letter at the Council, it was again decided to keep the previous resolution, since there was nothing to be changed, although it was stated that the letter had been written on the orders of the King. The Count Viceroy was satisfied with this resolution which was signed by all: the Count of Alvor, Françisco Delgado e Mattos, Dom Miguel de Almeida, Lopo Alvarez de Moura. (signed) Luís Gonçalvez Cotta [Jesuitas na Ásia, Cod. 49-V-19, fl. 576] Instructions to the Ambassador of France in Portugal 1685 Your Excellency, By way of the last mail I received orders from France to inform Your Majesty of the resolution taken by the King, to send an Ambassador by sea to the Emperor of Siam to reciprocate the courtesies and favors of this Prince, as well as to use this occasion to send four French Jesuits with two companions on the same nau. They are to go from Siam to Macao, in China, and the assignment of these four priests will be to observe throughout their sea route and on land, the distances between the main places, the declinations and the variations in the {magnetic} needle, so as to help correct and perfect our maps and our navigation. They are to carry out, in the Orient and in China, a precise survey of all types of interesting books for the Library of the King. I also have orders to tell Your Majesty that there are clear

339instructions to keep a good relationship with our subjects wherever they may be; to have the utmost respect for the Portuguese prelates and to obey them fully; should the occasion arise, to help the Portuguese and keep and preserve the interests of the Kingdom of Portugal, both ecclesiastic as well as secular. My Lord the King does also not doubt that Your Majesty wishes your subjects in the Orient to provide the abovementioned good priests with the help and aid that they may need to accomplish their voyage and mission. My Lord the King has ordered me to ask Your Majesty, with all due respect and confidence, for a passport for these four priests and their two companions, so as to(…) favorable possible, the nau which will carry the Ambassador of France and the Jesuit priests to Siam shall depart, without fail, before the end of March. I very humbly beseech Your Majesty May Your Majesty order that the passport be speedily issued and delivered to me. EMBASSY OF MACAU TO JAPAN (1685): [Jesuitas na Ásia, Cód. 49/V/19, fl. 576 v.] Description of the Voyage which the Portuguese of Macao undertook to Japan in the year 1685 Even though in recent years considerable efforts were made to seek a way to enter Japan, none was successful, nor was it possible to find a safe way of going to Japan. However, this year, 1685, Divine Providence has offered us a simple and adequate means of going to Japan, to restore the former trade of the Portuguese and finally {provided} an open path for the Evangelical workers to go and work in that vineyard of God, which has already almost been ruined by the force of the persecutions. This was such a prodigious achievement that there is no recollection of a similar one the history of Macao. Therefore everyone thought it to be an act of Divine Providence, wishing in this way to restore the Christian community of Japan. It happened in the following manner.

340On the 5th of February of this same year of 1685, on the day of the Martyred Saints of Japan, 12 Japanese were sailing on a small ship, which they call a Funé, along the Japanese coast, from the Court of Yendo to the city of Ypó, where their home town was. They were caught in such a furious northerly storm, that they were unable to resist the force of the wind and the waves. So they took shelter inside the vessel, leaving it to drift, pushed by the storm. As a result, they lost sight of shore, and since they did not know which way Japan laid, they let the vessel go in the direction in which the wind blew them. They drifted in this manner on the open sea for thirty three days without sighting land. This seemed quite incredible to them, for as this was the sea of China and Japan, which is full of islands, it would seem humanly impossible that they would not sight a single island, especially as they were not steering the ship but leaving it to go with the wind. Nevertheless, as Divine Providence that was guiding them, it did this because it wanted to bring them to Macao. And so it was, for the first islands that they sighted were the islands of Macao. Many pilots often loose their way and end up in other parts of China, because of the many islands {that one encounters} before arriving at Macao. Yet these Japanese, without a pilot or anyone to guide them, came to land on one of the islands close to Macao, called Oitem. As they were sighted by some Chinese from Macao, news soon reached the city that there were twelve Japanese on a vessel, and that they had drifted from Japan. This news arrived on the 10th of March. Straight away, without further delay, some of the most illustrious citizens set off in a baloon, to fetch them, and communicating with them by gestures, by invited them to follow them to the city. The Japanese, being in need of provisions, followed the Portuguese. They did not offer any resistance, and thus, while some remained on board, the rest came with the Portuguese to Macao. The whole city and all its nobility met together right away at the buildings of the city Council. They welcomed them with remarkable eagerness and joy, displaying every sign of friendship. Since no one who spoke Japanese could be found, they sent word to our College to inform the Visiting Priest180 about the happenings and to find out whether there was anyone who 180 The term Visiting Priest translates the Portuguese Padre Visitador, and refers to a visiting priest who has

341could speak Japanese. The Superiors sent Father Bartholameu da Costa who had learn a little {Japanese}, but who was unable to find out anything certain about the Japanese for his had forgotten the language. On the following day, the noble city instructed that the ship be moored in the bay, and that houses and all necessities be provided for the Japanese. They were very surprised at the considerable benevolence with which they were treated on land, and even more so when upon finding an old Japanese lady who had been exiled from Japan and who still spoke her language, {who} told them that they were on Portuguese soil. A few days later an {other} old Japanese lady was found, who had been exiled and could speak Japanese, and this woman was the one to act as interpreter. The Japanese were amazed at the immense goodwill with which the Portuguese treated them. Thus, through this woman the Portuguese were able to find out what the Japanese had to say of their voyage to Macao. Many citizens immediately began to invite them to their homes, treating them generously and making them feel that they had a place in their hearts. They even went to the Churches on the proper days, always bowing reverentially before the altars, and they also attended some of the preparations, even though they did not understand them. They came to the Church of our College on Ash Wednesday, when the musicians were singing the Holy Week service, and {the Japanese} enjoyed listening to our way of singing. They came freely to our Church and very much enjoyed our music, organ, harp and other instruments. One day the Father Superiors invited {the Japanese} for dinner at the College. They came and were very well treated. The dinner was served in a carpeted hall, according to their style; and everything else was also arranged in the Japanese custom. They were very satisfied and happy with this. Father Antonio Thomaz gave them a triangular looking glass and a telescope, and they accepted and thanked him for these gifts, which proved to be of great wonder and esteem on their part. However, what surprised them most was the immense benevolence and cordial friendliness that the Portuguese displayed towards them, because they knew very well that Portuguese had been killed {in Japan} and {that the role if inspector.

342the Portuguese had been} banished from Japan with considerable cruelty. They were given the answer that such {behavior on the part of the Macao Portuguese} was the obligation of the Christian Law, to love and perform good deeds unto one’s enemies. Furthermore, the King of Portugal had ordered that the subjects of the Emperor of Japan should always be well treated if they were to come into his ports. This reply arose even greater surprise, and everything that they witnessed they wrote down in a notebook that they had for this purpose. At this time, there was a great deal of enthusiasm among all the citizens of Macao regarding the prospect of the Restoration of the {presence of the} Church {in Japan}, believing that this unique and prodigious feat {of the arrival of the Japanese mariners in Macau} was the specific will of the Divine Providence, that, in this manner, wished to restore the Holy Faith in Japan. In order to carry out this common wish, the members of the Government directed that a general meeting of all the citizens be held. The day chosen for this meeting was the 4th of April of this same year. At the meeting, the scribe of the noble city read the following proposal to all present. On that day everybody gathered at the Council Building together with the Capitão geral and the Governor of the Bishopric. Proposal Once the scribe had read this proposal at the meeting, all agreed that it was in the interests of the Service of God and His Highness that the Japanese should be returned to Japan. This favor would touch the Emperor of Japan’s heart {and lead him} to grant the Portuguese the right to trade. Once that were granted, it would be easy to introduce the Faith. But since their vessel was small and incapable of resisting heavy storms at sea, and they did not know the route, it was agreed at the meeting that a Portuguese ship would be sent to Japan, with a pilot and other Portuguese. Although it was not permitted {for the Portuguese to enter Japan}, by performing this courtesy, the Japanese would feel

343much more obliged to the Portuguese of Macao. However, this posed two considerable difficulties. Firstly, due to past calamities, {the Portuguese of Macao} had suffered such losses that there was no money to pay for the expenses and the necessary preparations of this voyage. The Congregation and His Excellency, Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, together with two other rich merchants, helped out with respect to this difficulty, by offering to pay for all the necessary expenses of the voyage and the fitting out of the ship. It was up to the city {of Macao} to determine who would go along on this enterprise. All the members of the meeting gratefully accepted that offer, and immediately endeavored to seek a way of overcoming the second difficulty, which was much greater. At that time, there was no other ship in the port of Macao other than that of Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, which was ready to set sail for Manila. And its failure to undertake that voyage would mean a great loss for this city, since Macao depends immensely on the Manila trade. Thus, once again everyone was called to a meeting to determine what was to be done. All the members of the meeting noted that there was a Dutch ship not far from the port, belonging to a Chinese merchant who had previously wanted to sell it to the Portuguese. Thus, the entire meeting agreed that this ship be purchased for the voyage to Japan. However, as it was said that the owner no longer wished to sell it, but instead wished to sail it to Manila, the meeting unanimously agreed to take it by force. {They considered that} there was sufficient justification for this, for he had transported the goods that the Chinese merchants were to bring to Macao, thus going against what they had promised the Portuguese. Furthermore, there were strong suspicions that the owner of this ship had helped 30 slaves escape from Macao, since he wished to take them to Manila to sell there. Therefore, by order of the entire meeting and the Capitão geral, the pilot and Captain João Baptista set out on the ship Sam181 Paulo, taking soldiers and the necessary weapons. By firing artillery, he was able to force the ship {in question}, which was defended by a few Chinese vessels, to surrender. He then returned with the prey to the city. 181 Sam, “Saint” the equivalent of modern Portuguese “São”.

344 Nevertheless, this success would have almost brought on the total ruin of this city of Macao, had God not rescued it. For news of this skirmish, embellished with many other untruths, immediately reached the Chinese mandarins in Canton because the Chinese wanted revenge and went to Canton to report how the Portuguese had waged war on them, adding that we had taken up arms against the Emperor of China, beheaded all the Chinese who lived in Macao and that we were advancing into the Empire with an army, taking over everything. This news caused much concern in the city of Canton, and a few important mandarins immediately requested that the Viceroy of Canton send people and arms to repress the fury of the Portuguese and to place Macao under siege. However, the Viceroy considered that it was necessary to handle the matter without haste, and he first wanted information on what the Portuguese had done. When he was told the truth, the incident quieted down. Nevertheless, the mandarins from the Customs authority, who have absolute power over merchandise, fearing that the Portuguese would steal the huge profit that they expected to gain with that ship, sent word to all the Chinese merchants, stating that nobody was to bring goods to Macao which were already on their way to the ship S. Paulo, because it was going to Manila, and {the goods} should thus be returned to Canton. Therefore this voyage of this ship to Manila became totally impossible. In fact, everything seems to have been ordained by the unique Providence of God so as to facilitate with the voyage to Japan. When Pedro Vaz de Siqueira realized this, and given that it was not convenient to send the chosen ship to Japan, so as to avoid further irritating the mandarins of the Customs authority, he willingly offered the City Council his ship, the S. Paulo, for the Japan trip. He assumed three quarters of the expenses with sailors and pilots, and the fourth quarter would be paid for by the Procurator for the Province of Japan. The city gratefully accepted this second offer, and immediately set out to choose the people who were to go to Japan. For this, they again called all the illustrious citizens to a meeting on the 17th of May (…).

345

346DOCUMENTS REFERING TO DONA CATARINA DE NORONHA (AND HER HUSBAND, FRANCISCO VIEIRA DE FIGUEIREDO AND HER NEPHEW, ANTÓNIO SIQUEIRA DE NORONHA): [Jesuítas na Ásia, Cód. 49/IV/66, fl. 91] Deed of the foundation fund of a College, bequeathed by Francisco Vieyra de Figueiredo Esq. In October or November of 1679, the accounts of this Province with Dona Catarina de Noronha were finalized, as recorded in the settlement of the accounts and other papers {deposited} in the Office of the Public Attorney182. As the Province owed that lady seventeen thousand five hundred pardaos, in order to pay this debt I have taken seventeen thousand pardaos from the funds {and made them available} for the foundation of a College left to this Province by Francisco Vieyra de Figueiredo, which was handed to me as its founder, and to Dona Catarina de Noronha. I hereby add it to the fund of 12 thousand pardaos left by her husband, and another 4 thousand pardaos, thus making a total of seventeen thousand. This foundation fund was already accepted by our Reverend Father, as witnessed in his letters, but the official transaction had not been finalized owing to some unclear items in the accounts and serious doubts, which the Province has now clarified. Nevertheless, I wish to point out that the Province did not receive any reward for this fund, nor did it impose any charges on this deed in the past. However, since the Province was obliged to pay the abovementioned 15 thousand pardaos to Dona Catarina de Noronha, and she {then} attributed them to the foundation fund, {the Province} is now obliged to pay them to the College which our Reverend Father shall build in this Province, according to the intention of the abovementioned people. All this being true, I composed and signed this document. Noted on the 27th of July, 1680. 182 This term translates the Portuguese Procuradoria.

347 (signed) Sebastião de Almeida Recorded in the Book of Records of the Province,183 page 62 of the mentioned fund, that the Province had to (…) Recorded on the page of the account of the North {region}, closed on the 9th of June, 1736, signed by Friar Miguel de Payva, Notary of the North {region}, that the Province had attributed the village of Condulim and the village of Mulgão to the administration of this foundation fund. Since the enemy took over the lands belonging to the North {region}, this foundation failed. [Jesuítas na Ásia, Cód. 49 IV 66, fl. 91V] 183 This book is referred to in the original document as “Livro da lembrança da Província”.

348 In praise of the Founders His Lordship Francisco Vieyra de Figueiredo was born in Villa de Ourem,184 a nobleman by birth, and later in India became a fidalgo of the House of His Majesty, of the Order of Christ. For 30 years he was Capitão geral and Supreme Judge of the Southern territories from the straits inland, with the exception of Macao, since he did not wish to accept that jurisdiction. He was a man fully endowed with good qualities, for he had immense courage, a grand spirit, was very liberal, and above all was always a very good Christian. Dona Catarina de Noronha was born in Macao, {daughter} of António de Câmara de Noronha, a nobleman of the House of His Majesty, who was well known for his lineage and for having been Commander of this Fortress, and of Dom Paula Fragoza, his wife, a very respectable lady of Macao. Dona Catarina de Noronha has many excellent virtues, as the entire city knows and can testify. I composed and signed this document. Registered on the 27th June, 1680. (signed) Sebastião d’Almeida [Jesuítas na Ásia, Cod. 49/V/249] 184 Villa de Ourem, an inland town in the south of Portugal.

349 Items bequeathed to the Church by Dona Catarina de Noronha By means of this declaration that I have written and signed, I, Father Miguel de Amaral of the Society of Jesus, General Procurator of the Province of Japan, hereby certify to have received all the items contained in a list left by Dona Catarina de Noronha, may God bless her soul, written before her death. Its contents are as follows: List of the items which I, Dona Catarina de Noronha, bequeath to the Church of Madre de Deus, of the Society of Jesus. One golden tomb weighing forty pounds; one dossal for the forty hours feast and the Serafim pavilion; one black dossal for the tomb; one bed of the Dead Lord and another of the Lord of the Descension. A long sleeved vestment made from white altar cloth. One dossal in golden red cloth. One long sleeved vestment of red palilha185 cloth. Five surplices and towels for the main altar, for the forty hour feast. One Resurrected Lord with His Cross in silver. One vestment {patterned} with little bunches of flowers for the forty hour feast. And having received all of the abovementioned items personally from His Excellency Mr. Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, the executor for Dona Catarina de Noronha, I issued him with this receipt. Macao, today, the 23rd of June, 1701. (signed) Miguel de Amaral [AH/LS/333, fl.48] 185 It has not been possible to identify the meaning of this word.

350 On the 18th day of the month of June, 1714, in this city of Macao of the Name of God, in China, at its Municipal Hall, together the Ministers and Officers (…). A letter by Captain António Siqueira de Noronha, was read out, whereby he requested the Senate to pay him his last salaries, as on this {very} day his three year office came to an end. In the answer to the that letter it was declared that, in spite of the city’s penniless state, the Procurator would be directed to fulfill the request as soon as possible, given the Capitão geral’s needs. Thus, hereby the mentioned council session was concluded. I have faithfully recorded this closing statement, as signed by the Ministers and Officers: Manuel Pires de Moura, Rebouças, Sampaio, Lopes. Certified by José Joaquim Barros Scribe of the Council [AH/LS/333, fl.56]

351 On the 17th day of the month of November, 1714, the Ministers and Officers serving in the current year met in the Municipal Hall of this city of Macao of the name of God, in China. {The meeting} was presided over by the Town Councilor Francisco de Mendonça Furtado, having discussed the matters stated in order below. A petition by António Siqueira de Noronha was read out, in which he asked that the Senate direct the Council Scribe to draw up a declaration stating the expenses that the Procurators had paid him on account of what the Senate owes his father, Pero Vaz de Siqueira, for his salaries. The following ruling was decided, the Council Scribe registering all the deliberations (…) A letter was written to António de Siqueira de Noronha, asking him {for permission to use} the houses belonging to his deceased aunt, Dona Catarina de Noronha, to accommodate the Mandarim Taitao who will be visiting Macao for a few days. Hereby, the council session was concluded. I have faithfully recorded this closing statement, as signed by the Ministers and Officers: Manuel Pires de Moura, Rebouças, Sampaio, Lopes. Certified by José Joaquim Barros Scribe of the Municipal Council

3527. Glossary Aceh - An ancient sultanate in the far northwest of Sumatra. Acheh - See Aceh. Aitão - A Japanese nobleman. Annam - An ancient kingdom of Indochina spreading out through the whole of Tongkin and Cochin China. Aname - See Annam. Areca - The fruit of the areca palm, used to make betel, one of the most important oriental masticatories, which is said to have medicinal properties. Ayuthya - See Ayutthaya. Ayutthaya - A city that became the capital of Siam during the reign of King Ramatibodi (Rama 1), and remained so from 1350 until its conquest by the Burmese in 1767. Bangaçais - See Bangançal Bangaçal - (plural bangaçais) The equivalent of gudão “godown”, a warehouse. Baloon - A rowed barge, Portuguese balão. Dalgado, Glossário Luso Asiático, Vol. I, Hamburg, Helmut Buske Verlag, 1982, p. 85, and Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson – The Anglo-Indian Dictionary, Ware, Hartfordshire, Wordsworth Editions, 1996, 53, list three English spellings: ballam, balloon and balloon. According to both there sources, the term is derived from the Tamil-Malayalam word vallam. Bandel - Harbour or harbour district; it refers to a site near a harbour, where foreigners lived. Bangaçais - See bagançal. The equivalent of gudão “godown”, a warehouse. Bangalore - The same as Mangalore; a port in southern Kanara, on the west coast of India. Bangkok - Capital of the Kingdom of Siam since 1782, founded by King Rama 1, who initiated the Chakri dynasty. Banjarmassin - prominent sultanate in the southern part of Borneo. Bantão - Modern Bantam, an Indonesian city.

353Barachins - (from barchim), Indian long spear. Barca de ouro - Literally “gold barge”, see pão de ouro. Batavia - The former name for Jakarta (present-day capital of Indonesia) Bengal - Ancient Asian kingdom, approximately covering the area of present-day Bangladesh. The same name was used to refer to the capital of the kingdom. It was referred to by some as Gaur and, by others, as Chittagong (a seaside port in Bangladesh). Beniaga - See veniaga. Benjarmassim - See Banjarmassin. Betávia - See Batavia. Betel nut - See areca. Boceta - Small shellac, wooden, metal or chinaware box. Bofeta - an antique cloth of very fine cotton, made in India. Bofetinho - The same as bofeta; an ancient very fine cotton fabric, produced in India. Boldrié - See talim. Borneo - The same as Brunei. An important sultanate on the northwestern coast of the island of Borneo. Cambaia - An ancient Asian kingdom, approximately covering the present-day Indian state of Gujarat. Cambodia - An ancient kingdom on the far southeastern end of the Gulf of Siam. Capitão geral - Commander-General, a position of supreme authority, above that of Capitão mor, and responsible for defence and finance, and holding ambassadorial rank and empowered to negotiate on behalf of the crown (cf. George Bryan Sousa, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese trade and society in China and the South China Sea 1630 – 1754., Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986, p. 21). Capitão mor, Local Commander, a Crown official acknowledged as having authority over shipping and settlements in his jurisdiction (cf. George Bryan Sousa, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese trade and society in China and the

354South China Sea 1630 – 1754., Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986, p. 21). Carraca - (carrack), a vessel similar to the nau. It is a large vessel, specifically built for cargo, with an important artillery set for defense purposes. Cartaz - (of Arabic origin, qirtãs – a paper document). A passport or pass for ships. Casado - Term used to designate those Portuguese who chose not to work directly under the Crown. They settled in the Orient and married local women. This was a policy encouraged by the Crown, as a means of facilitating up the creation of a local population of Portuguese descendents at each post, in the hope that they would be loyal to the Crown of Portugal. Catan - (from Japanese katana) a sword resembling a broad cutlass. Cate - A measurement of weight equivalent to 625 grams, still used in Macao today. The word is derived from the Malay kati. Chalupa - Small vessel with two masts. Normally used for sailing close to the coast line. Champá - An ancient kingdom of southern Indochina, spreading out through most of the present-day Cochinchina. Charola - bier. Chatin - (plural chatins) Indian merchant. The word derives from the Dravidian term chetti. The Portuguese adopted this word from Malayalam, where it bears the meaning of “merchant of Coromandel”. Chiang Mai - An ancient kingdom north of AyuthayaAyutthaya. Chincheo - A Chinese from Fukien, in the Province of Fujian. Cochim - An ancient city-state in Malabar, bordering to the north with Kranganor and to the south with Kolam . Cochin China - The former name for a vast region that included the north of Annam and Tongkin. the name given to the region comprised of Tonking and the north of Annam. Cochinchina - See Cochin China Cornaca - Person who takes care of elephants.

355Coromandel - A region on the eastern coast of Hindustan, between Calimare and the river Kistna. It was situated on the coast of the present-day Indian states of Tamilnadu and Andhua Pradesh. Coulão - Indian harbour on the coast of Malabar, modern Kolam. Cruzado - Ancient Portuguese coin (gold or silver). Its designation derives from the coins used to pay the soldiers during the Christian Crusades, or Cruzadas. According to the Dicionário da Língua Portuguesa Contemporânea, Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, Editorial Verbo 2001 WHAT PAGE?, one cruzado was worth 400 reis. (reis -a monetary unit later used in Portugal and Brasil. 1000 reis = 1 escudo = 0.005 Euros). Dáimos - Japanese feudal lords. Fidalgo - Portuguese term designating someone with a noble title, who has privileges inherited from ancestors or granted by the King. Flores - The island of Flores, in eastern Insulindia. Galeota - Galliot, a vessel similar to the galley, but smaller. Goa - City and territory on the west coast of Hindustan; it was the capital of the Portuguese State of India Golconda - Region on the eastern part of Hindustan, which has its port in Masulipatnan. Grand Mogul - The Mogul Emperor. Guntin - a vessel of possible Javanese origin. Hainan - Island in the Gulf of Tongkin. Homens-bons - the most respectable members of the nobility. It is also used to refer to wealthy persons who did not belong to the nobility. India - It refers to the peninsula of Hindustan as a whole. Jambi - City on the southeastern part of Java. Jaos - The inhabitants of Java. Johei - See Johor. Johor - Sultanate on the southern tip of the Malay Peninsula. Jurubaça - interpreter. Kedah - a city on the West coast of the Malay Peninsula.

356Kelantan - Malay state that was under Siamese sovereignty. Khmer - an ancient name for Cambodia. Languinata - The same as Nanguinata. From the Japanese word naginata, meaning a Japanese spear, halberd. Léquios - the same as Gores, the name given by the Portuguese to the archipelago of Riu Kiu. Ligor - Port on the eastern coast of the Malay Peninsula. Língua - translator, interpreter. Lopburi - Luvo or Lavo, a city to the north of Ayutthaya. Lugor - See Ligor. Luvo - The same as Lopburi. A city to the north of AyuthayaAyutthaya. Makassar - Sultanate on the southeast of Celebes. Malacca - Harbour city in the straits bearing the same name, situated on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula. Malaialam - A language spoken in the region of Malabar, belonging to the Dravidian family, close to Tamil, and spoken in southern India. Mangarai - A synonym for the island of Flores. Manila - City on the western part of the island of Luzon. It is the capital of the Philippines. Martaban - Port in the south of Pegú (corresponding to central and southern Burma, modern Myanmar). Meliapor - the same as São Tomé of Meliapor, on the Malabar coast, which refers to Madras (modern Chennai). Melleque - A type of cloth. It has not been possible to identify the full meaning nor the source of this word. Mergui - Port in the Bay of Bengal, on the coast of Tenasserim. Muscat - A city on the coast of Oman, in the Persian Gulf. Nababos - Provincial chiefs of the Mogul Empire. Nau - Large type of Portuguese ship used in the voyages to the Orient, Africa and South America in the 15th and 16th Centuries. Nau do trato - Name given to the ships plying the Macao-Japan route.

357Oiá - See Oya. Ouro de pão - See Pão de ouro. Ouro de pão - See pão de ouro. Oya - A noble title in Siam, equivalent to a Duque. Padang - The region of Padaung, in the district of Prome, in Lower Burma. Pahang - An ancient Malay kingdom, also known as Pão, on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula. Pancada - A procedure used to fix the prices between trade partners. Pangim - Capital of the state of Goa, on the island of Goa. Panjim - See Pangim Pão de ouro - “gold loaf” or “loaf of gold”, also barca de ouro “gold barge”, bars of gold in the form of a barge or a Chinese shoe, which were used as a means of payment in commercial transactions in China. Pardaos - Coin formerly used in India (Delagado II, p.75.) The original Indian designation is the Sanskrit word partapa, (meaning majesty or splendour), which then changed to pardap, and hence the Portuguese form pardão. Also, according to the aforementioned source, this currency had two types of coins: one in gold which was equivalent to 360 réis, and one in silver equivalent to 300 réis. ) Pataca (plural patacas) - A unit of Portuguese currency, originally a silver coin of Mexican origin used in Macao and Timor. It is still the currency of Macao. Patane - Sultanate on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula. Persia - An ancient Asian kingdom, in the present day territory of Iran. Pico - See picul. Picul - A weight used in the Far East, equivalent to 100 cate or 60 kilograms. Prakalang - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Siam, also occurring in the Portuguese document as Barcalão and Praklang. Pulo - From the Malay word pulau, island. Quartees - Plural of quartel. Quartel - Currency used in Portuguese colonial India.

358Quedá - See Kedah. Queeves - Chinese brokers who used to represent the interests of the Canton merchants in their trade with Macao. Reinol - Child born to European Portuguese residing in the Orient. Respondência - Loan on the cargo of a vessel. Saguate - Present, gift. Senado - See Senado da Câmara. Senado da Câmara - The municipal authority, or municipal council, of the City of Macao. Siam - An ancient Asian kingdom which covered the part of the present day Kingdom of Thailand. Until the fourth monarch of the Chakri dynasty, King Mongkut, this kingdom had always been known as Muang Thai (or Krung Thai). From 1856 onwards it was given its present name. Singora - Port on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula and in the region bearing the same name. Solor - Island on the eastern part of the Insulindia, to the south of the Sea of Flores. Soma - An ancient trade and warfare vessel, similar to the junk. Sombaya - The same as zumbaia. A reverential greeting performed to a King or a prominent person. Sukhothai - The administrative centre of the north of the Khmer Empire, conquered by the Siamese in 1238. Sunda - The most mountainous and western part of Java. The Europeans name the stretch of sea between the islands of Sumatra and Java, as the Straits of Sunda. Surate - Port of the Indian district bearing the same name, on the banks of the Tapti river which flows into the Gulf of Cambaia. Tabanga - Tolls along the river. The word is derived from the Malay tabing, meaning a river bank.

359Tael - (plural taéis) Weight and coin used in the Far East, representing a certain weight in pure silver, which varied from place to place. It is equivalent to 60 réis. Talagano. - A port on the eastern part of the Malay Peninsula, in the region bearing the same name. Modern Terengganu. Talim - A belt made of leather or a golden embroidered cloth, used for hanging the sword or other arms. Talingano - See Talagano. Tenasserim - Port in the kingdom of Pegú (central and southern Burma, modern Myanmar). Terengganu - Malay state that was under Siamese sovereignty. Thonburi - Capital city of the kingdom of Siam, founded by General Taksin in 1767 (after the destruction of AyuthayaAyutthaya by the Burmese). Thumquim - See Tonking. Tical - Measurement of weight used in Pegú, Siam and Martaban, equivalent to more than three eighths (540 réis of the old Portuguese monetary system). Tidor - Island of Tidor, in the Moluccas. Timor - Island at the eastern end of Insulindia, north of the Timor Sea. Tonking - an ancient kingdom of Indochina (north of Annam). Tonquim - See Tonking. Tregannu - See Terengganu. Veniaga - Trade of merchandise, business, commerce, goods. The term was also used to designate the island of Taman or Tamão: “the island of veniaga”.

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