Retratos de Luso-Asiáticos do Myanmar မြန်ြာမြည်ဖွားပြါ်တူဂီနွယ်ြျား Portraits of Luso-Asians of MyanmarJoão Palla Martins ဂျွန်ပါလာမာတင်း Retratos de Luso-Asiáticos do Myanmarမ န်မာမပည်ဖွားပပါ်တူဂီနွယ်များPortraits of Luso-Asians of MyanmarJoão Palla Martins ဂျွန်ြါလာြာတင်း
João Palla Martins ဂျွန်ပါလာမာတင်းRetratos de Luso-Asiáticos do Myanmarမြန်ြာမြည်ဖွားပြါ်တူဂီနွယ်ြျားPortraits of Luso-Asian of MyanmarConcepção e Coordenação Científica / စိတ်ကူးနှင့်အပကာင်အထည ်/ Scientific Coordination and Conception João Palla Martins / ဂျွန်ပါလာမာတင်းPublicação e Edição / ြုံနှိြ်သူနှင့်အယ်ဒီတာ / Publisher and Edition Instituto Internacional de Macau နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ မကာအိ ု International Institute of MacauFotografias / ဓါတ်ြုံ / PicturesJoão Palla Martins / ဂ ျ နွပ်ါလာမာတငး်Textos / စာတြ်း / TextsJoão Laurentino NevesPeter Sein Hlaing Oo / ပီတာစိန်လှိုင်ဦးTradução e Revisão / ဘာသာမြန်စာတည်း / Translation and RevisionInstituto Internacional de Macau / နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်း၊ မကာအိ ု/ International Institute of Macau (Inglês, Português / ပပါ်တူဂီ အဂဂလိပ ်/ English, Portuguese)Peter Sein Hlaing Oo / ပီတာစိန်လှိုင်ဦး (Birmanês / မ န်မာ / Burmese)Versos de capa e contracapa / ြျက်နှာဖုံးအတွင်းနှင့် ပကျာဖုံးအတွင်းြု ံ/ Image on inners front and back coverPaisagem do vale do rio Mu / မူးမ စ်ဝှမ်းမ င်ကွင်း / Landscape of Mu ś river valleyConcepção Gráfica / ဂရြ်ဖစ်ဒီဇိုင်း / Graphic DesignABM Design & ComunicaçãoPatrocínio / ထုတ်ပေသူ / SponsorCamões, Instituto da Cooperação e da Língua, IPParceiros institucionais / ကူညီအဖွဲ့အစည်း / Institutional Partners Arquitectos Sem Fronteiras Portugal / နယ်စည်းမမြားဗိသုကာများ၊ ပပါ်တူဂီ / Architects without Borders Portugal Impressão / ြုံနှိြ် / PrintingHamah (Macau), LimitadaTiragem / ပစာင်ပရ / Copies500ISBN: 978-99965-59-56-3Macau, Abril de 2021 / မကာအို၊ ဧပ ီ ၂၀၂၁ / Macao, April 2021
Retratos de Luso-Asiáticos do Myanmarမြန်ြာမြည်ဖွားပြါ်တူဂီနွယ်ြျားPortraits of Luso-Asians of MyanmarGoaMyanmar MacauJacartaTimor-lesteFloresMalásiaHong KongTailândiaSri LankaJoão Palla Martins ဂျွန်ပါလာမာတင်းSingapura
5Habitamo-la na forma como olhamos para trás, para o que, como comunidade, como grupo ou como indivíduos, nos trouxe até aqui, para o que nos assemelha e nos distingue, nos aproxima e nos afasta de outros olhares. Uma memória que é largamente coletiva, construída e desenvolvida no social para, por via dela, se preservar, se transmitir e se assegurar a continuidade dos significados, das experiências e dos saberes que ela regista, motivo pelo qual Le Goff a via como um nível elementar de elaboração da história. Habitamo-la, assim, também na forma como edificamos o presente, nesse duplo sentido que a palavra reúne de que é também a partir dessa morada que o percecio-namos, do mesmo modo que, numa leitura mais etimológica do termo, a temos como elemento que organiza de modo significativo a dimensão simbólica da nossa cultura.Seja pelo que Halbwachs (1992) designa pela memória histórica (social) ou pela memória autobiográfica (lembranças particulares que indivíduo constrói na sua vida, as quais tendem, no entanto, a apoiar-se na memória social), a memória constitui um ele-mento essencial da construção da identidade, como elemento de coesão e de confiança. Habitamos e somos habitados pela memória.Atendendo à importância das estruturas de representação que com uma e outra me-mória se constroem, importará, por isso, empreender como tarefa individual e coletiva a adoção de uma visão e de uma prática dinâmicas da memória, tendo em vista prevenir que uma confusão entre memória e repetição transforme a primeira em fonte de estag-nação, em fator de regressão ou mesmo de opressão.Uma visão dinâmica que passará pela perceção, na complexidade que marca o presente, da importância da procura de identidades abertas. Aquelas que, olhando o Habitantes da memóriaJoão L. NevesVogal do Conselho DiretivoCamões – Instituto da Cooperação e da Língua
6 futuro, se declaram abertas à sua interseção com passado e o presente. Aquelas que admitem e estimulam diálogos entre a inovação, a novidade, a criação e a tradição. Aquelas que, no olhar em redor que lançam, abrem espaço à interação e ao reconhe-cimento do Outro e à diferença que ele representa ou institui. Aquelas que gerem essa diferença na perspetiva de que se empoderam ao desempoderar-se, nesse sentido de que é possível, sem sentido de perda da identidade pessoal ou coletiva, o sujeito des-centrar-se e participar em processos de transformação recíproca.Serve esta nota introdutória para falar do trabalho que João Palla vem fazendo e reunin-do, de que este livro (e os que, na mesma coleção, irão ainda ser lançados) dá bem conta. Este é um livro sobre a memória. Aquela que é de cada uma das pessoas que, por opção e vontade, se disponibilizou e, muito mais do que isso, em muitas das vezes, fez questão de figurar no arquivo de memória que o autor quis construir com base numa representação simbólica – a de pertença a uma ancestralidade diferenciadora, reconhecida pelos próprios, organizada por referência a uma linha étnico-cultural, num contexto geograficamente delineado.Mas é, também, por via desse mesmo traço que os participantes têm como comum e partilhado entre si na comunidade representada na(s) obra(s), um livro que remete para uma memória e uma identidade social. Uma crença subjetivamente partilhada de que existem traços específicos comuns a uma determinada população, crença essa que está presente e participa, assim, da memória social da comunidade que o livro traz até nós. Mas é ainda um livro que convoca a nossa memória. Dela fazendo parte várias representações relativas à importância que os portugue-ses assumiram em momentos específicos da história e, de modo particular para estas notas, no que muitos veem hoje como a época da primeira globalização1, o que o livro vem sugerir é um exercício de descentramento, impelindo-nos a dirigir o foco e o olhar àqueles que, sendo o Outro (e um Outro distante), são (e assim se veem), no entanto, também nós.Desse ponto de vista, o livro é, pois, um convite a um exercício de interculturalidade. Um exercício de valorização e de reconhecimento das diversidades, de descentramento etnocêntrico e de promoção de novos vasos circulantes de conhecimento que, ancora-dos numa forte disponibilidade cognitiva e afetiva, se constituem como instrumentos de reforço de novas dinâmicas colaborativas entre as comunidades culturais. Se, como Pessoa, entendermos a memória como a consciência inserida no tempo, essa será uma forma mais aberta de o fazer e desenvolver nesse mesmo sentido as iden-tidades a que se fez atrás alusão. 1 Pereira (2007); Rodrigues e Devezas (2009).
7Os tempos mais recentes têm evidenciado a oportunidade e a necessidade da reali-zação de exercícios desta natureza.Das várias formas que poderia haver para trazer esta reflexão e esta preocupação que é sua, João Palla escolheu a fotografia. Desde os anos 20 do século passado que a arquitetura, que constitui a sua área de formação e de atividade, passou a incluir no seu próprio discurso a fotografia não apenas como suporte documental, mas como elemen-to integrante da construção de significado e do discurso através do qual os arquitetos modernos comunicavam as suas ideias sobre a arquitetura e a cidade.O território destas fotografias é, no entanto, outro e é a paisagem humana que ocu-pa o centro do objeto e da objetiva manejada pelo arquiteto João Palla. Se podemos colocar entre os propósitos da Arquitetura o de servir os outros através da reinvenção do local, nos trabalhos fotográficos que construiu (retratos) parece haver também esse propósito de, pela beleza que reconhece à história destas pessoas e destas comunidades e pelo espanto que lhe merece tanto a memória genética quanto a memó-ria histórica que evidenciam2, servir as pessoas que as diferentes séries retratam, no seu registo como na sua dignificação. Há, nesta perspetiva, uma ligação com os objetos fotografados (“Fiquei apaixonado pela beleza humana desta história”, acrescenta na mesma entrevista) que poderia mes-mo aproximar-se de uma vertente humanista da fotografia, no sentido de colocar o ser humano como assunto, que não na forma que essa corrente assumiu. Um modo de implicação, na aceção de envolvimento empático, com a dignidade de pessoas que, transcorridos séculos de ausência de contactos, continuam a evidenciar uma memória com a qual aquela que habitamos pode e deve dialogar.É também a uma abordagem com esse fim, e com os propósitos mais latos de refor-çar a inclusão das relações culturais em todas as dimensões do relacionamento humano, que se confere estímulo, no reconhecimento do contributo que o projeto desenvolvido pelo autor, igualmente lhe podem conferir.2 Assim afirmou em entrevista dada em 2019 ao jornal Ponto Final, aquando da exposição referente à série de Macau, em https://pontofinalmacau.wordpress.com/2019/02/28/os-rostos-portugueses-deixados-na-asia-fotografados-por-joao-palla/.
8 BibliografiaALSINA, R. (1999). Comunicación Intercultural. Barcelona: Anthropos, pp. 19-81 HALBWACHS, Maurice (1992). On Collective Memory. Chicago: The University of Chi-cago Press.MOON, Dream (2001). “Thinking about Culture in Intercultural Communication”. In Rea-dings in Intercultural Communication: Experiences and Contexts. McGraw-Hill, pp. 13-21PEREIRA, Luis B. ( 2007). Portugal e a globalização: um destino histórico?. Lisboa: FEUNL Working Paper Series em: https://ideas.repec.org/p/unl/unlfep/wp514.htmlLE GOFF, Jacques (2000). História e memória, vol II. Lisboa: Edições 70. OLIVEIRA MARTINS, Guilherme (2011). “Portugal: memória, património e cidadania”. Porto: CEPESE, disponível em: https://www.cepese.pt/portal/pt/publicacoes/obras/identidade-nacional-entre-o-discurso-e-a-pratica/portugal-memoria-patri-monio-e-cidadaniaRODRIGUES, Jorge; DEVEZAS, Tessaleno (2009). Portugal, o Pioneiro da Globalização. V. N. Famalicão: Centro Atlântico;ZERWES, Erica (2016). “A fotografia humanista e a construção de uma historiografia sobre a fotografia latino-americana”. In Revista História: Debates e Tendências, vol. 16, núm. 2, pp. 314-327.
11တစ်နည်းအားမဖင့် ရာစုနှစ်များစွာ ပဝးကွာြဲ့က ပပမယ့် လူသားအြျင်းြျင်းက ားမှာ ပသွးစကားပမပာလာတာကို မှတ်တမ်းတင် ပဖာ်မပလိုမြင်းမဖစ်ပါတယ်။ ယဉ်ပကျးမှုြျင်း၊ လူသားြျင်း ဆက်သွယ်ရင်းနှီးပစြျင်တဲ့ ကျယ်မပန့်တဲ့ရည်ရွယ်ြျက်ပတွကို လက်ပတွ့မဖစ်လာပစလိုတဲ့ ပစတနာနဲ့ ဒီပပရာဂျက်မှတဆင့် ပဖာ်မပလိုက်ရပါတယ်။BibliographyALSINA, R. (1999). Comunicación Intercultural. Barcelona: Anthropos, pp. 19-81 HALBWACHS, Maurice (1992). On Collective Memory. Chicago: The University of Chi-cago Press.MOON, Dream (2001). “Thinking about Culture in Intercultural Communication”. In Rea-dings in Intercultural Communication: Experiences and Contexts. McGraw-Hill, pp. 13-21PEREIRA, Luis B. ( 2007). Portugal e a globalização: um destino histórico?. Lisboa: FEUNL Working Paper Series em: https://ideas.repec.org/p/unl/unlfep/wp514.htmlLE GOFF, Jacques (2000). História e memória, vol II. Lisboa: Edições 70. OLIVEIRA MARTINS, Guilherme (2011). “Portugal: memória, património e cidadania”. Porto: CEPESE, disponível em: https://www.cepese.pt/portal/pt/publicacoes/obras/identidade-nacional-entre-o-discurso-e-a-pratica/portugal-memoria-patri-monio-e-cidadaniaRODRIGUES, Jorge; DEVEZAS, Tessaleno (2009). Portugal, o Pioneiro da Globalização. V. N. Famalicão: Centro Atlântico;ZERWES, Erica (2016). “A fotografia humanista e a construção de uma historiografia sobre a fotografia latino-americana”. In Revista História: Debates e Tendências, vol. 16, núm. 2, pp. 314-327.
13We inhabit in it as a community, a group or individuals, and we look back at what makes us similar and distinguishes us, brings us closer and keeps us away from other views.A memory that is widely collective, socially built and developed in order to, through it, maintain, pass on and ensure the continuation of the meanings, experiences and knowl-edges that this memory preserves, which is why Le Goff used to see it as an elementary level for History making. Therefore, we also live in the memory the way we build the present, in this dual mean-ing the word memory gathers, for it is also from this address we perceive, in the same manner we have it as an element which organizes in a significant mode, when etymolog-ically considering it, the symbolic dimension of our culture.As Halbwachs (1992) defined the historical (social) memory or the autobiographical memory (personal remembrances that an individual builds during lifetime and which tend, however, to rely on social memory), memory constitutes an essential element of identity construction, as a cohesion and reliable element.We dwell and are dwelled by the memory.Taking into consideration the importance of the representation’s structures which are built by one or other memory, consequently, it is important to adopt a vision and a dy-namical practice of the memory as an individual and collective task, bearing in mind the need to prevent confusion between memory and repetition so the memory will not turn into a source of stagnation and a factor of regression or even oppression. A dynamic view that will lie on the perception of the important finding of open iden-tities in the complexity which marks the present. Those identities that look into the future, declare themselves open to the intersection with the past and the present, allowing and Inhabitants of memoryJoão L. NevesMember of the Directive CouncilCamões – Cooperation and Language Institute
14 encouraging dialogues among innovation, novelty, creation and tradition while paving the way to interaction and recognition of the Other, as well as the difference that he rep-resents or poses, by taking a look at all what is around them. They manage this difference from the perspective of empowering by disempowering, in the sense of being possible for a person to decenter and partake in processes of reciprocal transformation without losing personal and collective identity.The purpose of this introductory note is to speak about the good job João Palla has been doing and this book (and others from the same collection that will be launched) is evidence of this.This book is about the memory.That which belongs to every person who, from choice and willingness, has volun-teered and, most importantly, wanted to be in the memory archive the author wanted to create basing in a symbolic representation – the belonging to a differentiating ancestry, recognized by themselves, organized by a reference to an ethnic-cultural lineage in a geographically described context. It is also because of that characteristic the participants have in common and with what they share among them within the represented community in the book that alludes to a memory and a social identity. There is a subjectively shared belief in specific common features of a particular people. This belief is present and thus participates in the social memory of the community this book brings to us.Yet it is also a book that recalls our memory.Various representations relating to the importance that the Portuguese assumed in specific moments of History, in a particular way to these notes, in what many see today as the first globalisation era1, are part of this memory and this book suggests us an exercise of decentering, impelling us to focus and look at those who, being the Other (and a dis-tant Other), are (because that’s how they see themselves) nevertheless also us.In this point of view this book is, therefore, an invitation to an exercise of intercultur-ality. It is an exercise of valorization and aknowledgement of diversities, ethnocentric de-centering and promotion of new lively founts of knowledge that are anchored to a strong cognitive and affective availability and that represent reinforcement instruments of new cooperative dynamics among cultural communities.If, like (Fernando) Pessoa, we perceive memory as an inserted consciousness in time, it will be a much open way to do this exercise and develop for that exact way the identities previously mentioned.1 Pereira (2007); Rodrigues e Devezas (2009).
15Recent times have emphasized the opportunity and the need to perform exercises of this nature.João Palla chose photography from the various forms of bringing up this reflection and this concern of his. Since the ‘20s of the last century, architecture, which is his expertise area and profession, incorporated photography in its own discourse not only for documental support but also as an integral component of discourse and meaning construction through which modern architects expressed their ideas about architecture and the city.The scope of these photographs is, however, the human landscape that occupies the center of the object and the lens handled by architect João Palla.If we can attribute serving others through the reinvention of the location as one of the architectural purposes, his photographic works (portraits) do seem to have as well this purpose of serving the illustrated people in the different series, registering and dignifying them and their community for the acknowledged beauty of their story and for the amaz-ingness of their genetic memory, as well as their highlighted historical memory2.There is, in this perspective, a connection with the photographed objects (“I fell in love with the human beauty of this story”, he added in the same interview) that could even approach a humanist aspect of the photograph with the intention of placing human being as subject, other than the form that stream has taken. A way of implication, in the context of empathic involvement, within the dignity of the people who, even after centuries with nonexistent contacts, keep demonstrating a remi-niscence in which, that we inhabit, can and should dialogue.It is also an approach to that end, and with broader purposes such as of reinforcing the inclusion of cultural relations in all dimensions of human relationships, in a way that the recognition of this project ś contribution, can also be verified.2 This was stated in an interview in 2019 for Ponto Final newspaper, during the exhibition referring to Macau series, in https://pontofinalmacau.wordpress.com/2019/02/28/os-rostos-portugueses-deixados-na-asia-fotografados-por-joao-palla/.
16 BibliographyALSINA, R. (1999). Comunicación Intercultural. Barcelona: Anthropos, pp. 19-81 HALBWACHS, Maurice (1992). On Collective Memory. Chicago: The University of Chi-cago Press.MOON, Dream (2001). “Thinking about Culture in Intercultural Communication”. In Rea-dings in Intercultural Communication: Experiences and Contexts. McGraw-Hill, pp. 13-21PEREIRA, Luis B. ( 2007). Portugal e a globalização: um destino histórico?. Lisboa: FEUNL Working Paper Series em: https://ideas.repec.org/p/unl/unlfep/wp514.htmlLE GOFF, Jacques (2000). História e memória, vol II. Lisboa: Edições 70. OLIVEIRA MARTINS, Guilherme (2011). “Portugal: memória, património e cidadania”. Porto: CEPESE, disponível em: https://www.cepese.pt/portal/pt/publicacoes/obras/identidade-nacional-entre-o-discurso-e-a-pratica/portugal-memoria-patri-monio-e-cidadaniaRODRIGUES, Jorge; DEVEZAS, Tessaleno (2009). Portugal, o Pioneiro da Globalização. V. N. Famalicão: Centro Atlântico;ZERWES, Erica (2016). “A fotografia humanista e a construção de uma historiografia sobre a fotografia latino-americana”. In Revista História: Debates e Tendências, vol. 16, núm. 2, pp. 314-327.
17HOSTEN, H., (Ed.) and BESSE, L., (Tr.), Fr. Manoel de Fonseca, s.j., in Ava (Burma): 1613-1652, in Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Calcutta, 21 (1925) I, p. 41.
18 KIHN HTWE YI, Christian Mission in Upper Burma (1885-1918), University of Mandalay, 1969.
19O termo Bayingyi na literatura de Myanmar (Birmânia)ကုလားပသီ ဘရင်ဂျီ1 က...အာရမဏီ ဘရင်ဂျ ီ2 ၊ ကပ္ပလီ ြလာသီ၊ ပော်ဂျ ီကလယ်၊ ကုလားနွယ် တိုင်းမသိ၊ ထုပတိနှင... သိန်းဃိုဠ်အစည်၊ အင်ကျည်ဖရင်ဂျ3ီ ၊ ရုဠီပုဏ္ဏား၊ ကုလားပန်းပသး၊ သက်တပကျးDefiniçãoO termo “Feringhee” deriva do persa ‘farangi’ e do árabe ‘faranji’. Foi usado pelos povos nativos da Índia para apelidar, quer cristãos europeus em geral, quer, portugueses nascidos na Índia.4 Existem diferentes formas de ortografar, tais como: Farangi, Firingyi, Ifrangju, Firanji, Feringie, Franki, Feringhi, Phringie, etc. “Bayingyi” é a palavra birmanesa para “Feringhee”, aplicável exclusivamente aos ca-tólicos que residem entre os rios Chindwin e Mu, na região da Alta Birmânia. Diz respeito aos descendentes de Portugueses e Luso-Indianos capturados no Sirião (Thanlyin) em 1613 pelo Rei Maha Dhamma Raza (Anauk Phet Lun Min). São também conhecidos pelo mesmo nome, os estrangeiros aprisionados durante o século seguinte, designadamente Franceses, Holandeses, Goeses, ou seus descendentes de casamentos mistos.5Os mercenários antes de Filipe de Brito e NicoteNo Primeiro Império Birmanês (1044-1297), e até ao final da dinastia Pagan, exis-tiam pequenos reinos; enquanto em Bagan reinava Narathihapatae (Tayoke Pyae Min), Feringhi a Bayingyi: Passado e PresentePe. Peter Sein Hlaing Oo
20 o Pegu (Bago) era reinado por Taraphya, e Martaban (Moattama) pelo Rei Wariyu. Estes últimos haviam-se aliado, porém, em 1287 (649, Era da Birmânia) Taraphya traiu o seu aliado. Entre os seus soldados encontravam-se alguns “feringhees”.6Mingyi Nyo fundou a dinastia Toungoo em 1510, conhecido como o Segundo Impé-rio Birmanês. O seu segundo sucessor, o Rei Tabin Shwe Hti (r.1538-1550), empregava em 1541, 700 portugueses liderados por João Caeiro.7 Quando atacaram a cidade fortificada de Martaban, a sua defesa era auxiliada por Paulo Seixas, um mercenário rival português, comandando um exército de 100 soldados. O ataque a Arracão (Arakan) foi mobilizado por Diogo Soares de Albergaria e suas tropas, tendo dirigido uma força constituída por cinco capitães portugueses acompa-nhados pelo próprio Rei. Em 1549, na conquista da cidade de Ayutthaya, as forças birmanesas defrontaram-se com o exército siamês onde se encontrava um batalhão de portugueses capitaneados por Diogo Pereira.8 Lastimavelmente, o Rei Tabin Shwe Hti teve de abdicar do trono em favor do seu cunhado, pois, tornara-se alcoólico após a bebida lhe ter sido apresentada pelo seu guarda português predilecto.9 Contudo, o novo Rei Bayinnaung seguiu o seu antecessor, utilizando mercenários luso-descendentes nas suas frentes de guerra. A certa altura, terá exclamado:“Caro de Mello, eu, no meu elefante e você no seu cavalo, não podería-mos conquistar o mundo juntos?” 10Filipe de Brito e Nicote (r. 1600-1613)Em 1493, o Papa Alexandre VI (1492-1503) autorizou Espanha e Portugal na explo-ração a Oeste e a Este respetivamente, com o mandato de espalhar o Cristianismo.11 As duas nações assinaram o Tratado em Tordesilhas a 7 de Junho de 1494, tendo partido em direções opostas para cumprirem esta pretensão.12 Em 1497, Vasco da Gama entrou no Oceano Índico através do Cabo da Boa Espe-rança descobrindo uma nova rota marítima para a Índia. A partir de então, marinhei-ros, comerciantes, aventureiros e mercenários portugueses passaram a navegar para o Oriente. Em 1510, um grupo de aventureiros portugueses, sob o comando de Afonso de Albuquerque, conquistou Goa na Costa Ocidental da Índia. Fortificaram a cidade tornando-a na praça Portuguesa do Oriente.13 Em 1511, conquistaram Malaca, porto estratégico, encorajando o comércio português no Oceano Índico.14Uma equipa diplomática foi enviada ao Pegu em 1511 (872, Era da Birmânia), lide-rada por Rui Nunes da Cunha.15 No ano seguinte, Pêro Pais, embarcou no junco “São
21João” para o Pegu como dirigente comercial.16 Já em 1514, os embaixadores dos reis do Pegu e do Sião manifestaram a Afonso de Albuquerque, o desejo de estabelecerem amizade com o Rei de Portugal.17Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, governador de Malaca, enviou o seu representante, António Correia a Martaban em 1519 (888, Era da Birmânia).18 Naquela época, o governante de Martaban era Banya Ran, filho do Rei Dama Seti de Hanthawaddy.19 Manuel Faria e Sousa, na sua Ásia Portuguesa, registou a aliança entre Banya Ran e António Correia como uma cerimónia imperial abençoada, tanto por monges budistas, como por padres católicos.20 Os portugueses começam por se estabelecer em Sirião, Martaban e Pegu, com ob-jectivos comerciais21 mas incorporando pelotões militares sob a administração dos reis locais: Tabin Shwe Hti e Bayinnaung, reis de Taung Ngu22; Thu Shin Takar Yut Pi, Rei de Hanthawaddy; Min Yarzar Gyi, Rei de Arracão23; e Saw Banya, Rei de Martaban24. Alguns aventureiros independentes permaneceram distantes das autoridades reais e religiosas, arriscando o seu próprio destino sem patronagem real. Filipe de Brito e Nicote (Nga Zin Kar) era um deles, empenhado em combater à sua maneira,25 chegou a abordar o vice-rei de Goa para obter reconhecimento oficial do seu desempenho. Por esta altura, encontrava-se longe das campanhas de guerra, mas lucrava em tempos de prosperida-de.26 Salvador Ribeiro de Sousa era, contudo, um personagem louvável por detrás desta situação; defendera corajosamente o porto de Sirião, mas renunciou altruisticamente o poder, a favor de Filipe de Brito e Nicote, quando este regressou.27 O Rei de Ava, A Nauk Phet Lun (r.1605-1628), derrotou o forte do Sirião em 1613, ordenando a execução de Filipe de Brito.28 De seguida, deportou mais de quatro mil prisioneiros de guerra29, concedendo a prática religiosa sob a liderança do Pe. Manuel de Fonseca e do Pe. Diogo Nunes, igualmente capturados.30 No início, foram levados para próximo de Ava, a capital do Norte. O Pe. Agostinho de Jesus, no seu relato sobre Ava (1635), menciona que aí conheceu quatro mil captivos portugueses provenientes do Sirião.31 Uma parte destes foram integrados nos exércitos reais como mosqueteiros e artilheiros.32 Depois, o novo Rei Thalun, tentando evitar o crescimento do número de estrangeiros na sua capital, deportou-os para Pareima33 Os Bayingyis foram finalmente transferidos para o vale do Mu, entre os rios Chindwin e Mu.34 Estavam isentos do pa-gamento de tributo, mas subordinados ao Serviço Militar.35 O relatório jesuíta de 1644 pelo Pe. Denis Antunes apresenta o seguinte:“150 cristãos em Ava, 300 em Nabaca (Nabet), 400 em Latora (Chaung U), 400 em Tabayam (Dabayin), 70 em Machobo (Shwe Bo), 60 em Allam (Hanlin), 200 em Sikim e 50 em Singuem ”.36
22 Os Bayingyis formaram o núcleo das aldeias católicas de Nabet, Chaung U, Chan-tha, Monhla e Chaungyoe. A opinião geral é de que a existência de pessoas com sangue português é mais elevada em Monhla, ao passo que os antepassados dos Bayingyis da aldeia de Chantha seriam com maior probabilidade cristãos indianos.38 Além das armas, canhões, munições e bebidas alcoólicas, os portugueses trouxeram para o solo birmanês, tabaco e alguns vegetais da América do Sul. Conforme observado pelo Dr. Than Tun, os vegetais importados eram: abóbora, tomate, agrião, cabaça, abacate, chili, feijão-verde, ananás, milho, amendoim, papaia e batata.39Nyaung Yan ou a Segunda Dinastia de Ava (1599-1752) O Rei Thalun (r.1629-1648) providenciou terras para os Bayingyis poderem subsistir. De igual modo, foram autorizados a casarem-se com mulheres nativas40, mas proibidos de as levar para fora do país.41 Na realidade, estes homens estavam já longe do mar e jamais voltariam à sua pátria. Sob este reinado, havia 11 unidades de artilheiros e 31 unidades denominadas Thwe-thauk-su, ou “tropas leais de sangue”. A unidade de artilheiros n.º 7 era constituída por Bayingyis e a unidade n.º 2 de Thwe-thauk-su era também constituída por Bayingyis da aldeia de Chantha.42 O sucessor de Thalun foi o Rei Pintale (r.1648-1661), que defendeu a capital da invasão chinesa com o auxílio de soldados Bayingyis. O registo foi efectuado pelo Bispo Bigandet: O número de estrangeiros em Ava deve ter sido elevado em 1658, ano em que um enorme exército chinês invadiu a Birmânia e cercou Ava. Sabemos que a artilharia do palácio era servida pelos captivos europeus. Na verda-de, foi graças à sua gestão habilidosa que os birmaneses deveram a eles, pela segurança da sua capital e pela expulsão dos invasores.43Este acontecimento encontra-se igualmente descrito nas crónicas oficiais “Hmannan Yazawin”, ou também conhecidas em inglês como “The Glass Palace Chronicle”:Em 21 de Abril de 1659 em Ava, Methley Calton, um marinheiro feringi, defendeu a invasão chinesa com tiros de canhão.44Os sucessores do Rei Thalun estavam cientes da superioridade obtida pelo uso de canhões e, portanto, da necessidade de integrar mosqueteiros e artilheiros nas suas frentes de combate.45
23Em 1735, os Manipuris, oriundos do noroeste de Ava, avançaram até ao distrito de Shwe Bo, levando consigo gado e aproximadamente mil descendentes de indianos perten-centes ao extinto exército de Filipe de Brito.46 Contudo, dois anos mais tarde, ao chegarem a Dabayin, na Alta Birmânia, eram esperados pelos artilheiros de Ava que prontamente posicionados, procederam ao seu massacre.47 Os artilheiros Bayingyis serviram fielmente os sucessivos reis dessa época.48 As aldeias de Nabet, Chaung U e Mon Hla estiveram sob o controlo do Rei Min Ye Kyaw Din (r.1673-1698), pertencente à dinastia Nyaung Yan.49 Dinastia Kong Baung (1752-1885 DC)Quando o Rei Alaungpara (r.1752-1760), fundador da dinastia Kong Baung, con-quistou Dagom em 1756, mudando o nome para Rangum, levava como seus guardas pessoais 550 guerreiros. Neles se incluíam: Persas, Bayingyis, Negros e Ka Lae, sendo todos comandados por oito Thwe-thauk-su ou “tropas de sangue leais”. Um deles era António, o Bayingyi.50 Depois de perseguirem os Britânicos na Ilha de Negrais (Higyi) em 1759, António foi promovido de Min-ye-kaung-pon a De-ha-raza.51 Os Bayingyis, descendentes de cristãos portugueses, residentes nas aldeias de Chantha, Monhla e em outros lugares, serviram na artilharia denominada Mingala Amyauk.52Os Bayingyis não tinham apenas a confiança dos reis, mas também de algumas das suas esposas. Uma das rainhas do Rei Sinphyushin (r.1763-1776), aclamada como “Rainha Thayetmyoza Sirimahadevi”, construiu um pagode na zona nordeste de Shwe Bo, onde ali fez as suas oferendas honoríficas, conforme era costume. Havendo sido registadas num pergaminho, o arqueólogo Taw Sein Ko, em 1902, traduziu-o, sugerindo que as imagens de um canhoneiro de bronze, de um mosqueteiro e de um barco com canhão, tivessem ali sido incluídas para protegerem os tesouros sagrados.53 O Rei Bodaw (r.1782-1819) da dinastia de Kongbaung (Terceiro Império Birmanês) derrotou o invasor e seus seguidores ao trono, em Fevereiro de 1782.54 De seguida, marchou para Tavoy (Dawei) e Sião (Tailândia) em Abril de 1792. O seu exército era composto por sete regimentos contando 35.000 soldados, sendo um dos capitães, um Bayingyi de nome ‘Ye Htin Kyaw Khaung’.55 Ainda sob o seu reinado, em 1784, o bispo Bigandet listou a população católica das aldeias Bayhingyi partindo do Inquérito de réditos de Bodawpaya57, tal como se segue:1784 DC Aldeia Famílias católicas01. Chanthaywa 5502. Monhla 4803. Chaung U 37
24 04. Chaung Yoe 2405. Nabet 2506. Kung Taw 2007. Sain Pyin 1608. Dapayin 1809. Chat Thin 1810. Nagabo 1711. Let Pan Gyi 1512. Pa Twin 1213. Ye Kyin 0114. Pon Nyet 02Total 308O Rei Bagyidaw (r.1819-1837) nomeou Nga Toke Gyi, um Bayingyi para as Relações Externas.58 De acordo com o censo de 1837, existiam 250 infantarias (126 nacionais e 124 estrangeiras) e 15 artilheiros em Monhla.59 Havia igualmente um capitão Bayingyi da aldeia de Chaung U, de nome Min-hla-thiha-thu, que incorporava o exército do Rei em 1837, altura em que este tentou reprimir seu irmão rebelde, o Príncipe de Thayawaddy.60 Um outro comandante Bayinghi, também oriundo de Chang U, foi Ye-htin-thiha-yan--aung, que, durante o reinado de Mindon (r.1853-1878), ajudou em 1864, a suprimir os rebeldes do Estado de Shan.62 O Rei ordenou que Nga Kyaw sucedesse a seu irmão como governador de Nabet. Todas as classes sociais de Nabet receberam ordens para obedecerem ao seu governador.63 Após a sua primeira visita à Alta Birmânia, o Bispo Bigandet voltou a registar os agregados familiares católicos (1867), da seguinte forma: 105 famílias em Chantha, 25 em Nabet, 25 em Chaungyoe, 40 em Chaung U, 64 em Monhla, 4 em Letpangyi, 2 em Nagabo, 3 em Kungtaw e 3 em Dapayin, um total de 271 famílias.64Guerras Anglo-Birmanesas A Primeira Guerra Anglo-Birmanesa deflagrou em 1824. O batalhão birmane incorpo-rava cerca de 35.000 mosqueteiros comandados pelo general Maha Bandula.65 Integrava duas companhias, uma de 400 e outra de 300 soldados, todos descendentes de portu-gueses. Após terem sido enviados para a fronteira, muito poucos voltaram. Um português, de nome António, serviu de tradutor entre os oficiais birmaneses e os britânicos em 1830.66
25A Segunda Guerra Anglo-Birmanesa (1852) foi descrita no artigo do Sr. Vivian Ba como citado: Durante o curto período sob o Rei Pagan, as aldeias católicas da Alta Bir-mânia, Nabet, Chaungyoe, Monhla, Chaung Oo, Chantha Ywa e Lapan--gyi ficaram desertas, embora fossem consideradas um dos principais abastecimentos militares para os reis birmaneses, enquanto artilheiros na linha de frente e na luta contra os britânicos.67O Pe. Abbona foi o conselheiro político do Rei Mindon enquanto António Camaretta, Português de Goa, serviu o Rei como chefe da guarda nas cortes reais de Ava.68 Alarma-do com a derrota e perdas no sul da Birmânia, o Rei Mindon e o seu príncipe herdeiro iniciaram o fortalecimento do país em todos os aspectos: militar, industrial, diplomático, económico, comunicações, educação científica, entre outras:Tanto o Rei Mindon como o Rei Thibaw empregaram oficiais europeus, principalmente franceses e italianos, para organizarem o exército. Os arti-lheiros, segundo o coronel Horace Brown, eram praticamente descenden-tes dos colonos portugueses e franceses dos séculos XVI e XVII. Portanto, presume-se que sabiam tudo sobre as grandes armas. Eram, no entanto, birmaneses em hábitos, aparência e em tudo o mais, excepto na religião. Eram todos católicos romanos.69Outros exemplos de feitos de Bayingyis podem ainda ser enumerados: Pe. Tobias, natural de Chantha, serviu no exército antes de ingressar no seminário70; no palácio real de Mandalay, um dos oficiais era um militar cristão chamado U Cho ou Ne-Myo-Le-twei-Bandu-Kyaw-Swa, comandando oficiais subalternos e centenas de soldados com canhões e mosquetes. Era considerada uma das elites militares da unidade nº. 33, dos Thwe-thauk-su.71 Ao longo do tempo, houve contudo, Bayingyis presos ou dispersos dentro do país.72De Académico do Estado a Embaixador Entre 1850 e 1885, o Rei enviou cerca de 100 académicos do Estado a França, Itália e Índia para estudarem as ciências modernas do Ocidente. Inúmeros beneficiaram do plano real, servindo o país após os estudos.73 Um académico notável foi Mg Myu,
26 descendente de Bayingyis da vila Amyint e aluno do Bispo Charles Bourdon das Missions Étrangères de Paris (MEP).74 Formou-se em Metalurgia em França (1863-1868), e em Munições na Inglaterra (1870-1872) e depois de novo em França (1883-1885).75 No regresso à Birmânia, supervisionou uma refinaria de petróleo e mais tarde foi nomea-do oficial da Royal Iron Industry. Mg Myu acompanhou o corpo diplomático Birmanês enviado a Paris em 1872, e à Índia em 1882.76 A sua experiência e perícia elevaram-no ao cargo de plenipotenciário como Embaixador Real da Birmânia em França, a 30 de Junho de 1885.77 De Paris, escreveu em Setembro de 1885, ao Rei Thibaw, pedindo a redução da tensão que levaria à Terceira Guerra Anglo-Birmanesa. Em Outubro, solici-tou uma conversação de paz através do Embaixador Britânico em Paris, tendo, porém, sido recusada.78 A 1 de Janeiro de 1886, a Birmânia foi totalmente anexada ao Império Britânico e todos os seus esforços falharam.Primeira Guerra MundialHouve um número significativo de jovens da aldeia de Chanthaywa que aderiram à Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), junto das forças britânicas. Após a guerra, foram condecorados pelo governo britânico. Os referidos jovens eram U Bo Mya, Saya Thein, U Chake, U sein, U Soe Tay, U Bo Hla Gyi, U Bo Tauk, U Hhin e U Er.79Segunda Guerra MundialDurante a Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945), outro grupo de jovens igualmente da aldeia de Chanthaywa, serviu na Força Aérea Britânica, na qualidade de paraque-distas. Os jovens eram: U Bo Win, U Chit Swe, U Girogyi e U Thant.80Socialismo (1962-1988) e Regime Militar (1988-2010)O país conquistou a Independência a 4 de Janeiro de 1948, data a partir da qual, a democracia esteve em prática até ao Golpe de Estado em Março de 1962. O Socialismo subsistiu até aos motins de Setembro de 1988, quando os militares assumiram o poder, tendo-se mantido até às eleições de Novembro de 2010. Naquela época, houve várias restrições religiosas e na admissão ao serviço militar.
27ConclusãoTanto os portugueses católicos expulsos para a Alta Birmânia, seus descendentes de casamentos com mulheres locais, como os missionários oficiais, estiveram ativamente envolvidos na construção da atual nação. Os Bayingyis serviram como artilheiros du-rante as dinastias Nyaung Yan e Kong Baung, até à anexação britânica da Birmânia em 1886. Missionários e alguns Bayingyis tiveram um papel como pacificadores durante as guerras Anglo-Birmanesas e promotores de relações diplomáticas com os países euro-peus. Os missionários introduziram e desenvolveram sistemas de educação, desde a era monárquica, durante mais de século e meio, até ao surgimento do regime Socialista. Na transição política, muitas escolas católicas foram nacionalizadas. Sob a implementação do Socialismo (1962-1988) e da Junta Militar (1988-2010), o país deteriorou-se em to-dos os aspectos, particularmente na educação, saúde e economia. Os Bayingyis não fi-caram incólumes; muitos migraram internamente e outros emigraram para assegurarem a sua subsistência, mas poucos tendo em vista o Ensino Superior. Apesar disso, quase todos costumam regressar à sua aldeia ou cidade, especialmente durante a época da festa paroquial e nos feriados de Natal, para aí se reunirem com a família e amigos. Este regresso habitual consiste num ato de afeto em relação às suas origens. Nas aldeias Bayingyi, a percentagem de licenciados é baixa, conforme as “Estatísti-cas Gerais de 2018”, da Arquidiocese de Mandalay (ver anexo). Professores católicos, oficiais e médicos naturais das aldeias Bayingyi podem facilmente ser contabilizados. Os pais de famílias numerosas não têm capacidade para pagar os impostos escolares, em particular no que se refere ao Ensino Superior. Enquanto um grau académico uni-versitário não assegura uma vida decente, uma pequena loja poderá fazer a diferença. Dada esta circunstância, muitos jovens são levados a abandonar a escola e juntar-se à agricultura, pecuária, talho ou viver de jornas aleatórias. É nosso dever promover a educação da juventude Bayingyi, olhando para o pas-sado glorioso dos nossos antepassados que contribuíram no seu melhor para a cons-trução da nação.
28 AnexoEstatísticas gerais de cinco aldeias BayingyiClassificação Nabet Chaung U Chantha Monhla Chaungyoe01. Famílias católicas 195 167 301 169 402População02. População católica 755 550 1069 721 164703. Homens 329 251 491 352 79304. Mulheres 426 299 578 369 85405. Crianças (até aos 7) 82 57 106 46 19106. Adolescentes (entre 8-14) 83 70 128 79 21807. Jovens adultos (entre 15-20) 70 66 111 75 18608. Adultos (entre 21-35) 76 67 120 160 25809. Homens e Mulheres 444 290 604 361 79410. Ensino Primário 68 61 97 56 142Educação11. Ensino Médio 40 33 67 61 12412. Ensino Secundário 29 20 60 68 7313. Ensino Universitário 17 6 30 68 1214. Licenciados 64 52 44 27 7515. Agricultores 20 8 115 140 79Economia16. Empregados do governo 47 47 15 15 2717. Negócios privados 269 196 262 15 40718. Aleatório 51 15 8 18 119. Dependentes 368 284 669 533 113320. Crianças não batizadas 10 39 3 - 5Religião22. Casamentos 98 136 197 130 28223. Uniões de facto 5 20 5 9 1024. Viúvos 7 5 11 9 1925. Viúvas 31 29 76 19 7426. Casamentos católicos 77 69 180 122 25527. Disparidade de cultos 21 51 11 6 2828. Casamentos mistos - - - - -29. Divórcios - - - - 2The General Statistics of Mandalay Archdiocese, Mandalay, 2018, pp. 34-37, 52-53, 56-59.N. do C. – Todas as notas e referências bibliográficas foram colocadas intencionalmente após a versão inglesa do presente artigo.
41The term Bayingyi in Myanmar literatureကုလားပသီ ဘရင်ဂျီ1 က...အာရမဏီ ဘရင်ဂျ ီ2 ၊ ကပ္ပလီ ြလာသီ၊ ပော်ဂျ ီကလယ်၊ ကုလားနွယ် တိုင်းမသိ၊ ထုပတိနှင... သိန်းဃိုဠ်အစည်၊ အင်ကျည်ဖရင်ဂျ3ီ ၊ ရုဠီပုဏ္ဏား၊ ကုလားပန်းပသး၊ သက်တပကျးThe DefinitionThe term “Feringhee” derived from Persian ‘farangi’ and Arabic ‘faranji’. It was applied by the natives in India either to the European Christians in general or Indian-born Portuguese in particular.4 There are different spellings such as, Farangi, Firingyi, Ifrangju, Firanji, Feringie, Franki, Feringhi, Phringie, Etc.The name “Bayingyi” is the Burmese word for Feringhee applied solely to the Roman Catholics residing between the Chindwin and Mu Rivers in upper Myanmar. They are the descendants of the Portuguese and Luso-Indian captives taken from Syriam (Thanlyin) in 1613 by King Maha Dhamma Raza (Anauk Phet Lun Min). Also known by the same name there are French, Dutch, Goanese or their offspring by mixed marriages, all having been captives in the following century.5The mercenaries before Filipe de Brito e NicoteThere were small Kingdoms towards the end of Pagan dynasty, the First Burmese Empire (1044-1297 AD). The two petty kings, Taraphya, King of Pegu and Wariyu, King Feringhi to Bayingyi: Past and PresentFr. Peter Sein Hlaing Oo
42 of Martaban, made alliance, while Narathihapatae (Tayoke Pyae Min) was reigning in Bagan from 1256 to 1287. However, in 1287 (Burmese Era 649) Taraphya betrayed his ally. Among his soldiers were some ‘feringhees’.6 Mingyi Nyo founded Toungoo dynasty in 1510, known as the Second Burmese Empi-re. His second successor, King Tabin Shwe Hti (r.1538-1550) employed 700 Portuguese led by João Caeiro in 1541.7 When they attacked Martaban, it was defended by a rival Portuguese mercenary, Paulo Seixas who commanded an army of 100 men. The attack of Arakan was employed by Diogo Soares de Albergaria and his troops. He commanded a force of five Portuguese captains, accompanied by the same King.In seizing Ayutthaya in 1549, the city was defended by another battalion of Portuguese under Diogo Pereira.8 Unfortunately, King Tabin Shwe Hti got addicted to liquor introdu-ced by his favorite Portuguese guard and abdicated the throne to let his brother-in-law become King.9 The new King Bayinnaung followed his predecessor in utilizing Portuguese mercenaries. At one time, he exclaimed:“Dear de Mello, I, on my elephant and thou on your horse, could we not conquer the world together?”10Filipe de Brito e Nicote (r. 1600-1613)In 1493, Pope Alexander VI (1492-1503) granted Spain and Portugal to go West and East respectively in order to find new land together with the mandate to spread Christia-nity.11 The two nations signed the Treaty of Tordesillas on June 7th 1494, and set out in opposite directions to satisfy their ambitions.12In 1497, Vasco da Gama could penetrate the Indian Ocean via the Cape of Good Hope discovering the new sea route to India. Since then, many Portuguese sailors, tra-ders, adventurers and mercenaries navigated into the East. In 1510, a group of Portu-guese adventurers headed by Afonso de Albuquerque conquered Goa on the western coast of India. They fortified Goa and turned it into a strong Portuguese foothold in the Eastern World.13 They continued and in 1511 defeated Malacca, the strategic port city encouraging the Portuguese trading in the Indian Ocean.14 A diplomatic team sent to Pegu in 1511 (Burmese Era 872) was led by Rui Nunes da Cunha15, and in August of 1512, Pêro Pais, the trade administrator embarked on the “São João” junk to Pegu.16 As far back as 1514, the ambassadors of the kings of Pegu and Siam expressed their desire to Afonso de Albuquerque, the founder of the Portuguese Colonial Empire in India, to secure friendship with the King of Portugal.17 Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, governor of Malacca, sent his representative António Cor-
43reia to Martaban in 1519 (Burmese Era 888)18. In those days the ruler of Martaban was Banya Ran, son of the King Dama Seti of Hanthawaddy.19 Manuel Faria e Sousa in his Ásia Portuguesa recorded that the contracting process between Banya Ran and António Correia had been blessed as an imperial ceremony by both, the Mon Buddhist monks and the Catholic priests.20From then on, the Portuguese began to settle in Syriam (Thanlyin), Martaban (Moat-tama) and Pegu (Bago) for the purposes of trading21 and military service under the local rulers such as Tabin Shwe Hti and Bayinnaung, kings of Taung Ngu22; Thu Shin Takar Yut Pi, King of Hanthawaddy; Min Yarzar Gyi, King of Rakhine23; and Saw Banya, King of Mar-taban24. There were some freelance adventurers who stayed aloof from regal and religious authorities. They risked for their own fate outside of the royal patronage. Filipe de Brito e Nicote (Nga Zin Kar)25 was one of them, committed to fight in its own way. He approached the Viceroy of Goa to obtain official royal recognition for his acomplishments. In fact, he was away from the warfare in time of adversity but profiting in time of prosperity.26 The praiseworthy heart behind the curtains was Salvador Ribeiro de Sousa who defended the port courageously but renounced the power selflessly in favor of Filipe de Brito e Nicote.27The King of Ava, A Nauk Phet Lun, (r.1605-1628), defeated the fort of Syriam in 1613 and executed Filipe de Brito.28 The King deported more than four thousand prisoners29 and tolerated their religion under the leadership of Fr. Manuel de Fonseca and Fr. Diogo Nunes, also as captives.30 At first they were placed around Ava, the capital in the north. Fr. Agostinho de Jesus, in his account of Ava (1635), mentioned that he met in Ava four thousand Portuguese captives from Syriam.31 Among them musketeers and canon sol-diers were employed in the royal services.32 Later, the new King Thalun, in order to pre-vent the outgrowing numbers of the foreigners in his capital, deported them to Pareima in 1635.33 Then, the Bayingyis were transferred to Mu valley between the Chindwin and Mu rivers.34 They were exempt from the payment of tribute, but had to bear the weight of military service.35 The Jesuit report of 1644 by Fr. Denis Antunes, gave the following list: “150 Christians at Ava, 300 at Nabaca (Nabet), 400 at Latora (Chaung U), 400 at Tabayam (Dabayin), 70 at Machobo (Shwe Bo), 60 at Allam (Hanlin), 200 at Sikim, and 50 at Singuem”.36Later, the Portuguese captives moved from place to place and formed the nucleus of the Christian villages of Nabet, Chaung U, Chantha, Monhla and Chaungyoe. The ge-neral opinion is that the infusion of Portuguese blood is highest in Monhla village, while the ancestors of the Bayingyis in Chantha village were more probably Indian Christians.38 Besides the guns, cannons, ammunitions and liquor, the Portuguese brought along to-
44 bacco and some vegetables from South America into Burma soil. As noted by Dr. Than Tun, the imported vegetables were pumpkin, tomato, water green, gourd, avocado, chili, long beans, pine apple, maize, ground nuts, papaya and potato.39 Nyaung Yan or The Second Ava Dynasty (1599-1752)Bayingyis were given lands by King Thalun (r.1629-1648) to cultivate for their live-lihood. They were allowed to marry the native women40 but prohibited to bring them along upon their return home.41 In fact, they were separated from the sea and never retur-ned home. Under this King there were 11 Rifle Units and 31 Units named Thwe-thauk-su, or “blood loyalist troops”. The No. 7 Rifle Unit was made up of Bayingyi gunners and No. 2, belonging to Thwe-thauk-su was made up of Bayingyis from Chantha village.42 Under the reign of King Pintale (r.1648-1661), the successor of Thalun Min, the Bayingyi soldiers defended the capital from Chinese invasion. It was recorded by Bishop Bigandet as:The foreigners must have been numerous at Ava in 1658, the year when a large Chinese army invaded Burma and besieged Ava. We know that the Artillery of the palace was served by the European captives. Indeed it was to their skillful management of that arm, that the Burmese were indebted for the safety of their capital and the repulse of the invaders.43The same event can also be found in the “Hmannan Yazawin”, known in English as “The Glass Palace Chronicle”, as follows:At Ava on 21 April 1659, Methley Calton, a feringi sailor defended the Chi-nese invasion by cannon.44After King Thalun, the succeeding kings were aware of the superiority of Cannons and in dire need of musketeers and Cannon soldiers.45The Manipuri people from the north-west of Ava penetrated till Shwe Bo district in 1735, carried off loot cattle and a thousand people, mainly descendants of De Brito’s Indians.46 However, two years later Manipuris came farther deep inside upper Burma Dabayin, where more than half of Ava gunners and cannon soldiers were stationed and slaughtered them.47 Bayingyi gunners and cannon soldiers faithfully served under the successive kings of this era.48 Nabet, Chaung U and Mon Hla villages were according to the census of 1679 under the King Min Ye Kyaw Din (r.1673-1698) belonging to Nyaung Yan dynasty.49
45Kong Baung Dynasty (1752-1885 AD)When King Alaungpara (r.1752-1760), the founder of this new dynasty, conquered Dagon and renamed it as Rangoon in 1756, he formed his Personal Guards of 550 warriors that included Persians, Bayingyis, Negros and Ka Lae headed by the eight Thwe--thaut-gyi or ‘Chief blood loyalists’. One of them was António, the Bayaingyi.50 After chasing the British from Negrais (Higyi) Island in 1759, António ś title was promoted from Min-ye-kaung-pon to De-ha-raza.51 The Baygingyis, descendants of Portuguese living in Chantha, Monhla and elsewhere, served in the Mingala Amyauk Artillery.52Bayingyis were trusted not only by the kings, but also by some of their spouses in somewhat superstitious way. One of the queens of King Sinphyushin (r.1763-1776) was named ‘Queen Thayetmyoza Sirimahadevi’. She built a pagoda on the northeast corner of Shwe Bo and enshri-ned some treasures as was the custom to merit. The votive offerings had been enlisted in a scroll. Taw Sein Ko, the archaeological officer who translated the scroll in 1902, suggested that the bronze soldiers and boats may have been included to magically protect the enshrined treasures.53King Bodaw (r.1782-1819), during the Kongbaung dynasty (Third Burmese Empire) de-feated the invader and his followers from the throne in February 1782.54 He then marched to Tavoy (Dawei) and Siam (Thailand) in April 1792. One of the captains was a Bayingyi named ‘Ye Htin Kyaw Khaung’, who commanded 500 gunners, of a total of seven regi-ments made up of 35,000 soldiers.55 Still under his reign, in 1784 Bishop Bigandet listed the Catholic population from the Bodawpaya Revenue Survey57, as follows:1784 AD Village Catholic Household01. Chanthaywa 5502. Monhla 4803. Chaung U 3704. Chaung Yoe 2405. Nabet 2506. Kung Taw 2007. Sain Pyin 1608. Dapayin 1809. Chat Thin 1810. Nagabo 1711. Let Pan Gyi 1512. Pa Twin 1213. Ye Kyin 0114. Pon Nyet 02Total 308
46 King Bagyidaw (r.1819-1837) appointed a Bayingyi named Nga Toke Gyi, for foreign affairs.58 According to the census of 1837, there were 250 infantry (126 national and 124 foreign) and 15 gunners in Monhla.59 There was also a Bayingyi captain from the village of Chaung U, named Min-hla-thiha-thu, who joined the King’s army when he tried to repress his rebellious brother, the Prince of Thayawaddy in 1837.60 Another Bayinghi commander, also from Chang U, was Ye-htin-thiha-yan-aung, whom, during the reign of King Mindon (r.1853-1878) helped to suppress the rebels of the State of Shan in 1864.61 The King ordered Nga Kyaw to succeed his brother as Mayor of Nabet.62 All walks of inhabitants in Nabet were ordered to obey him.63After his first touring in upper Burma, Bishop Bigandet in 1867 updated the list of Catholic household as: 105 households in Chantha, 25 in Nabet, 25 in Chaungyoe, 40 in Chau-ng U, 64 in Monhla, 4 in Letpangyi, 2 in Nagabo, 3 in Kungtaw and 3 in Dapayin, totaling 271 families.64Anglo-Burmese WarsThe first Anglo-Burmese war broke out in 1824. The Burmese army was estimated at 35.000 musketeers headed by the General, Maha Bandula.65 Two groups, 400 and 300, of Portuguese descendant soldiers were sent to the frontier and very few returned home. A certain António, Portuguese by birth, served as the translator between the Bur-mese and the British Officers in 1830.66The record of the Second Anglo-Burmese war (1852) can be found in the article of Mr. Vivian Ba as cited:During the short period under Pagan King the Catholic villages in Upper Burma, Nabet, Chaungyoe, Monhla, Chaung Oo, Chantha Ywa and Lapan-gyi were deserted even though these villages were some of the main military supplies for the Burmese kings as cannon and gunners at the front line fighting the British.67Fr. Abbona was the political advisor of King Mindon and António Camaretta, a Goan Portuguese, served the King as chief of royal guard in the Royal Courts of Ava.68 Being alarmed by the defeat and loss of lower Burma, King Mindon and his crown prince began to fortify the country in every aspect such as military, industrial, diplomatic, economic, communications, scientific educations, among others:
47Both King Mindon and King Thibaw employed European Officers, chiefly Frenchmen and Italians, to organize the army. The artillerymen, according to Colonel Horace Brown were nearly all descendants of the Portuguese and French colonists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and hen-ce presumed to know all about big guns. They were, however, Burman in habits and appearance, and in everything but religion. They were all Roman Catholics.69Other examples can be found of other Bayingyis deeds; a certain Fr. Tobias, native of Chantha, served in the military before joining the seminary formation.70 At Mandalay palace, one of the officials was a Christian military man named U Cho or Ne-Myo-Le-twei-Bandu–Kyaw-Swa. Some officers and hundreds of cannon and musket soldiers were under his command. He was one of the military elites of the 33 Thwe-thaut or blood loya-list groups of the palace.71 In the course of time, there were lapsed Bayingyis or spread out within the country.72From State Scholar to AmbassadorBetween 1850 and 1885, the King sent roughly 100 State-scholars to France, Italy and India to study modern sciences of the West. Many had benefited the royal plan and served the country after their studies.73 An outstanding scholar was Mg Myu, a Bayingyi descendant from Amyint village and a student of Bishop Charles Bourdon belonging to Missions Étrangères de Paris (MEP).74 He studied Metallurgy in France (1863-1868), Am-munition in England (1870-1872) and back in France (1883-1885).75 Upon the return, he supervised an oil refinery and later was appointed as the officer of Royal Iron Industry. Mg Myu had accompanied the Burmese diplomatic corps sent to Paris in 1872 and to India in 1882.76 His experience and expertise raised him to the dignity of plenipotentiary, as the Royal Ambassador of Burma in France in June 30th,1885.77 From Paris, he wrote to King Thibaw, in September 1885, to reduce the tension leading to the Third War. In October he requested a peace talk through the British Ambassador in Paris but it was declined.78 On the 1st of January of 1886 Burma was completely annexed into the British Empire and all his efforts have failed. World War IThere was a significant number of young men from Chanthaywa village who joined the World War I (1914-1918) on the side of the British forces. After the war they had been
48 awarded by the British Government. These young men were U Bo Mya, Saya Thein, U Chake, U sein, U Soe Tay, U Bo Hla Gyi, U Bo Tauk, U Hhin and U Er.79World War IIDuring World War II (1939-1945), there was another group of young men from Chan-thaywa village who served the British Air Force as Parachutists. There were U Bo Win, U Chit Swe, U Girogyi and U Thant.80Socialism (1962-1988) and Military Rule (1988-2010)The country gained Independence on January 4th, 1948 and democracy was prac-ticed for a decade, until the coup d’état of March 1962 which introduced Socialism. It lasted until the riots of September 1988, when the military took over the power and lasted until the election of November 2010. During that time there was restrictions of religion and in the admission on military services. ConclusionThe Portuguese Catholics that were deported into upper Myanmar, their descendan-ts from their marriages with local women and the official missionaries were altogether actively involved in the nation’s building due to their ability and capability. The Bayingyis served as cannon soldiers and artillery men under the Kings of Nyaung Yan and Kong Baung dynasties until the British annexation of Burma in 1886. The missionaries and some designated Bayingyis served as peace-makers during the Anglo-Burmese wars and promoted diplomatic relationship with European countries. The missionaries introduced and developed the systematic education since monarchial era for more than one and a half century until socialist regime hatched. Being educated in the mission schools, there were many Catholic schools being nationalized. Under Socialism (1962-1988) and the military junta (1988-2010), the country has been deteriorated in all aspects especially in education, health care and economics. Bayingyis were not exempted, many migrated internally and abroad for their economic survival and a few to acquire higher educations. Both groups used to return home at the time of parochial feast and Christmas holidays to reunite with family and friends. They love to breathe their native air and be refreshed.The percentage of graduates is low in Bayingyi villages according to the “General Statistics: 2018” of the Archdiocese of Mandalay (see Appendix). Catholic teachers and physicians, na-tive of Bayingyi villages can easily be counted. Parents of large families cannot support school
49fees, especially the higher education. While an ordinary degree from the government university cannot promise a decent life, a small business does. This situation causes many school dropou-ts to join farming, livestock breeding, butchering business and random daily jobs. It is our bounden duty to promote the education of the Bayingyi youth and to resurrect the golden past of our ancestors who had contributed their best to the natioń s upbringing.
50 AppendixGeneral Statistics of Five Bayingyi VillagesClassifications Nabet Chaung U Chantha Monhla Chaungyoe01. Catholic families 195 167 301 169 402Population02. Catholic populations 755 550 1069 721 164703. Male 329 251 491 352 79304. Female 426 299 578 369 85405. Children (up to 7) 82 57 106 46 19106. Adolescence (b/w 8-14) 83 70 128 79 21807. Young adults (b/w 15-20) 70 66 111 75 18608. Youth (b/w 21-35) 76 67 120 160 25809. Men & Women 444 290 604 361 79410. Primary students 68 61 97 56 142Education11. Middle students 40 33 67 61 12412. High school students 29 20 60 68 7313. University students 17 6 30 68 1214. Graduates 64 52 44 27 7515. Farmers 20 8 115 140 79Economic16. Government employees 47 47 15 15 2717. Private business 269 196 262 15 40718. Random 51 15 8 18 119. Dependents 368 284 669 533 113320. Children not baptized 10 39 3 - 5Religious22. Married couples 98 136 197 130 28223. Unmarried couples 5 20 5 9 1024. Widowers 7 5 11 9 1925. Widows 31 29 76 19 7426. Catholic marriages 77 69 180 122 25527. Disparity of cults 21 51 11 6 2828. Mixed marriages - - - - -29. Broken marriages - - - - 2The General Statistics of Mandalay Archdiocese, Mandalay, 2018, pp. 34-37, 52-53, 56-59.N. from C. - All references such as endnotes and bibliography have been intentionally placed at the end of English version of the present article.
51Endnotes1 မန်လည်ဆရာတပာ် ၊ မဟာသုတကာရီ မာဃ ဒပ၀လင်္ကာသစ်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၁၉၃၈၊ စာ - ၃၇။2 ကျည်းကန်ရှင်ကမီး၊ အမရပူရသို့ပပးမပတ္တာစာ၊ (ပုံနှိပ်မှတ်တမ်းမပါ)။3 ပယ်သူငယ်စား ရှင်မမတ်ြပါင်ရပး “သြင်ကမီးဧြျင်း”၊ ဗိုလ်မှူးဘသပာင်း၊ စာဆိုတပာ်များအတ္ထုပ္ပတ္တိ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊၂၀၀၃၊ စာ-၉၈။4 YULE, H. and BURNELL, A., Hobson-Jobson, being a Glossary of Anglo-Indian Coloquial Words and Phrases, Sittinbourne, Linguasia, 1949, p. 352.5 BIGANDET, P. A., An Outline of the History of the Catholic Burmese Mission from the year 1720 to 1887, Hanthawaddy Press, Rangoon, 1887, pp. 3-4; HARVEY, G. E., History of Burma, London, 1925, pp. 348-349; WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, Rangoon, Government Printing Press, 1929, p. 70; MAUNG KAUNG, The Beginnings of Christian Missionary Education in Burma 1600-1824, in Journal of Burma Research Society (JBRS), Rangoon, 20 (1930) II, p. 62; HALL, D. G. E., Burma, London, 1950, p. 50; သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပြတ်သစ်ရာေဝင်၊ ေမ္မူမ င့်စာပုံနှိပ်တိုက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၁၉၆၁၊ စာ ၇၀။ GUEDES, M. A., The Portuguese in Burmese Literature, in Review of Culture, 1997, pp. 31-42; မာရ်ကူးတင်ဝင်း၊ ကိုးကွယ်မှုဘာသာတရားအြျင်းြျင်းစကားပမပာမြင်း(သို့)ပဆွးပနွးမြင်း၊ မန္တပလး၊ ၂၀၀၀၊ စာ ၁၁၂-၁၁၅။6 နိုင်ပန်းလှ၊ ရာောဓိရာေ်အပရးပတာ်ပုံကျမ်း၊ အားမာန်သစ်စာပပ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၅၊ စာ ၃၁။ နတ်ပမာက်ဘုန်းပကျာ်၊ ပရှးပြတ်မ န်မာ့တပ်မပတာ်မှတ်စုများ၊ မ ဝတီစာပပတိုက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၅၊ စာ ၆၁-၆၂။7 HALL, D. G. E., Europe and Burma, London, 1945, pp. 3-4; နတ်ပမာက်ဘုန်းပကျာ်၊ ပရှးပြတ်မ န်မာ့တပ်မပတာ်မှတ်စုများ၊ ၂၀၁၅၊ စာ ၆၂။8 BREAZEALE. K., Ayutthaya under siege: A Portuguese account of the Burmese failure of 1549, in 500 Years of Thai-Portuguese Relations: A Festschrift, (Ed. M. Smithies), Bangkok, 2011, pp. 37-49; COUTO, D., Asia by Dioge de Couto: the deeds performed by the Portuguese in the conquest and discovery of the lands and seas of the East, Vol. VI, part 1, Lisboa, 1781; AUNG THEIN, Burmese invasions of Siam: translated from the Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi, in Journal of the Siam Society, V (1908) 1, pp. 1-82.9 မှန်နန်းရာေဝင်ပတာ်က ီးသုံးတွဲပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ စိတ်ကူးြျ ိုြျ ိုစာပပ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၄၊ စာ ၅၀၉-၅၁၁။10 HARVEY, G. E., History of Burma, London, 1925, pp. 162-165.11 FYTCHE, A., Burma Past and Present, v. 1, London, 1878, p. 36; သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပြတ်သစ်ရာေဝင်၊ စာ ၅၈။ KELLY, J. N. D., and WALSH, M. J., Pope Alexander VI, in Oxford Dictionary of Popes, New York, 2011, pp. 255-257.12 PANIKKAR, K. M., Asia and Western Dominance, George Allen Unwin Ltd., London, 1965, p. 27; WECKMANN, L., and HEFFERNAN, J. B., Alexandrine Bulls, in New Catholic Encyclopedia, v. 1, Washington DC, 2003, pp. 273-274; Alexander VI, in Oxford Dictionary of Popes, UK, 2011, p. 256.13 MAUNG HTIN AUGN, A History of Burma, Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1967, p. 103.14 HALL, D. G. E., History of South East Asia, Macmillan and Co. Ltd., London, 1964, p. 218.15 YULE, H., Narrative of the Mission sent by the Governor-General of India to the Court of Ava in 1855, London, 1858, p. 209; သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပြတ်သစ်ရာေဝင်၊ စာ ၆၉။ HARVEY, G. E., History or Burma from the Earliest Times to 10 March 1824, the Beginning of the English Conquest, London, 1967, p. 122; ြင်ပမာင်ညွန့် ,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ၁၆ နှင့် ၁၇ ရာစုများအတွင်း ပပါ်တူဂီမ န်မာဆက်ဆံပရး၊ ပငွရတုသဘင်အထိမ်းအမှတ်ပုံနှိပ်ပ ီးစာတမ်းစု၊ နိုင်ငံသမိုင်းသုပတသန ဦးစီးဌာန၊ ၁၉၈၂၊ စာ ၅၆-၉၉။16 CASTRO, J., and RIBEIRO, L., Bayingyi: The hidden faces of Burma, (DVD), Lisbon, 2005.17 DANVERS, F. C., The Portuguese in India, v. 1, London, 1894, p. 291, cited in MEERSMAN, A., The Franciscans in the ancient Burmese Kingdoms of Ava and Pegu: 1557-1818, in Archivium Franciscanum Historicum, 31(1938), p. 356.
52 18 YULE, H., ibid., p. 209; PHAYRE, A., History of Burma: Burma proper, Pegu, Taungu, Tenasserim, and Arakan, from the Earliest Times to the End of the First War with British India, London, 1883, p. 264; သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပြတ်သစ်ရာေဝင်၊ စာ ၆၉။ MAUNG HTIN AUGN, A History of Burma, London, 1967, p. 103.19 ဦးမ ဟန်၊ ြင်လှဟန်,ပဒါက်တာ၊ မင်းတုန်းမင်းလက်ထက်နုိင်ငံမြားနှင့်ြျုပ်ဆုိပသာစာြျုပ်များ၊ မ န်မာနုိင်ငံသမုိင်းသုပတသနစာပစာင်၊ အမှတ် (၁)၊ ရန်ကုန်တက္ကသုိလ်စိန်ရတုအထိမ်းအမှတ် ၁၉၂၀-၁၉၉၅၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ နုိဝင်ဘာ ၁၉၉၅၊ စာ ၅၉။20 FARRIA y SUOZA, M., Asia Portuguesa (1538-1640), v 1, Lisboan, 1666, p. 131; STEVENS, J., (Tr.) The Portuguese Asia, v. 1, London, 1695, p. 227; PHAYRE, A., History of Burma, London, 1883, pp. 264-265.21 LEIDER, J. P., The Portuguese Communities along the Myanmar Coast, in Myanmar Historical Research Journal (MHRJ), X(2002), pp. 53-77.22 HARVEY, G. E., History of Burma, London, 1925, pp. 163-165; HALL, D. G. E., Europe and Burma, London, 1945, pp. 3-4.23 QANUNGO, S. B., Chittagong under the Arakanese Regime, in A History of Chittagong, Vol. 1, Department of History, University of Chittagong, 1988, pp. 230-310; CHARNEY, M. W., Arakan, Min Razagyi and the Portuguese (1517-1617), in SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, Vol. 3, No. 2, Autumn 2005, pp. 974-1145.24 သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပြတ်သစ်ရာေဝင်၊ စာ ၆၉-၇၀။ ပကျာ်သက်,ပဒါက်တာ၊ မပည်ပထာင်စုမ န်မာနိုင်ငံသမိုင်း၊ အင်းဝတိုက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ စာ ၁၆၂-၂၁၃။25 PHAYRE, A., History of Burma, London, 1883, pp. 124-130; HARVEY, G. E., History of Burma, London, 1925, pp. 185-189; HALL, D. G. E., Europe and Burma, London, 1945, pp. 6-7; တင်နိုင်တိုး၊ ငေင်ကာသို့မဟုတ်ဖိလစ်ဒီဘရစ်တို၊ တပကာင်းစာအုပ်တိုက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၂။26 SOCARRAS, C. J., The Portuguese in Lower Burma: Filipe de Brito de Nicote, in Luso Brazilian Review, v. 3, no. 2 (December, 1966), pp. 3-24.27 GUEDES, M. A., Salvaor Ribeiro de Sousa, a King without a Kingdom: Vestiges of Sixteenth Century Burma in Portugal, Faculty of Social and Human Sciences, New University of Lisbon, Lisbon. http://www.icm.gov.mo/rc/viewer/20027/1154 (30.12.2020)28 ပပါတုဂီရာေဝင်၊ သူရိယသတင်းစာတုိက်၊ ရန်ကုန်ပမို့၊ ၁၉၁၈၊ စာ ၁၈၉-၂၁၆။ မ ပကတု၊ နတ်ရှင်ပနာင် ဘဝနှင့်ပတ်ဝန်းကျင်၊ စိတ်ကူးြျ ိုြျ ိုစာပပ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၄၊ စာ ၄၀-၄၈။ မှန်နန်းရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီသံုးတဲွပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ စာ ၇၄၅-၇၄၉။ MYO MYINT, Alaungpaya’s Campaign in Thailand (1759-60), in Collected Essays on Myanmar History and Culture, Department for the Promotion and Propagation of the Sasana, Yangon, 2010, p. 257; သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပညာင်ရမ်းပြတ် အဝကုိမပန်လည်ထူပထာင်မြင်း၊ Bagan Princes Publications, ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၉၊ စာ ၃၂၊ ၄၄။29 HARVEY, G. E., History of Burma, London, 1925, pp. 208, 348-349; အပမြမပမ န်မာနုိင်ငံပရးသမုိင်း၊ အတဲွ ၁၊ စာပပဗိမ္မာန်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၁၉၇၀၊ စာ ၄၂၅-၄၂၈။30 HOSTEN, H., and BESSEE, L., A List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries in Bengal and Burma: 1576-1742, in Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal (JASB), 7(1911) 2, pp. 15-35; SMITH, S. H., Creolization and diaspora in the Portuguese Indies: the social world of Ayutthaya (1640-1720), Boston, 2011, pp. 220-222.31 The Voice Catholic Monthly Magazine, December 1926, cited in TINT LWIN, The Portuguese Descendants in the Mu Valley (1635-1945), Mandalay University, 1997, p. 10.32 BIGANDET, P. A., An Outline of the History of the Catholic Burmese Mission from the year 1720 to 1887, pp. 7, 9; The Voice Catholic Monthly Magazine, October 1941, p. 12; HALL, D. G. E., Burma, London, 1960, pp. 63-64; HARVEY. G. E., History of Burma, London, 1925, pp. 348-349; နတ်ပမာက်ဘုန်းပကျာ်၊ ပရှးပြတ်မ န်မာ့တပ်မပတာ်မှတ်စုများ၊ စာ ၉၈-၁၀၀။ MYO MYINT, The Organization and the Administration of Crown Service Troops (Military Ahmudan) in Konbaung period (1752-7885), in Collected Essays on Myanmar History and Culture, Department for the Promotion and Propagation of the Sasana, Yangon, 2010, pp. 280, 283, 302-304.33 SCOTT, J. G., Gazetteer of Upper Burma and Shan State, Part II, Vol. 1, Government Printing Press, Rangoon, 1901, p. 24; Part II, Vol. 2, 1901, p. 770; Part II, Vol. 3, 1901, p. 47.
5334 WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, Rangoon, 1929, p. 18.35 WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, 1929, p. 71.36 HOSTEN, H., (Ed.) and BESSE, L., (Tr.), Fr. Manoel de Fonseca, s.j., in Ava (Burma): 1613-1652, in Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series), Calcutta, 21(1925) I, p. 38.37 SCOTT, J. G., Gazetteer of Upper Burma and Shan State, Part II, Vol. 2, Government Printing Press, Rangoon, 1901, p. 584.38 WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, 1929, p. 72.39 သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ကုန်းပိုင်းအပရှ့ပတာင်အာရှသားတို့ ၁၄-၁၉ ရာစုနှစ်ဝက်အတွင်း တိုင်းတစ်ပါးက ဝင်လာတဲ့ပစ္စည်းနဲ့အသိဉာဏ်ပတွကို ဘယ်လိုလက်ြံသုံးစွဲသလဲ၊ The Hague, The Netherlands, 27-28 April, 2000. သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပတာင်ငူဆက်ဟံသာဝတီဆင်မဖူရှင် ဘုရင့်ပနာင်နှင့်ကပမ္ဘာေသာဒီနန်းပတာ်၊ ပဉ္စဂံစာအုပ်တိုက်၊ ရန်ကုန်ပမို့၊ ၂၀၁၇၊ စာ ၁၀၀-၁၀၃။40 THAN TUN, Royal Orders of Burma: A.D. 1598-1885, Vol. 2 (A.D. 1649-1750), Kyoto University, Kyoto, 1985, (3 April 1667), p. 156.41 THAN TUN, Royal Orders of Burma: A.D. 1598-1885, Vol. 2 (A.D. 1649-1750), 1985, (3 April 1667), p. 129; သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပညာင်ရမ်းပြတ် အဝကိုမပန်လည်ထူပထာင်မြင်း၊ Bagan Princes Publications, ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၉၊ စာ ၅၇။42 သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပညာင်ရမ်းပြတ် အဝကိုမပန်လည်ထူပထာင်မြင်း၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၉၊ စာ ၇၆။43 BIGANDET, P. A., An Outline of the History of the Catholic Burmese Mission., Rangoon, 1887, p. 9.44 မှန်နန်းရာေဝင်ပတာ်က ီးသုံးတွဲပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ စိတ်ကူးြျ ိုြျ ိုစာပပ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၄၊ စာ ၈၀၈။ သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ပညာင်ရမ်းပြတ် အဝကိုမပန်လည်ထူပထာင်မြင်း၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၉၊ စာ ၁၁၂။45 DIJK, W. O., Seventeenth Century Burma and the Dutch East India Company: 1634-1680, Singapore University Press, 2006, p. 36.46 HARVEY, G. E., History of Burma, London, 1925, p. 208.47 WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, Rangoon, 1929, pp.18-19.48 THAN TUN, Royal Orders of Burma: A.D. 1598-1885, Vol. 1 (AD 1598-1648), Kyoto University, Kyoto, 1983, (30 May 1635) pp. 243-244; (24 July 1638) p. 384; (12 January 1639) pp. 416-417; Vol 2 (A.D. 1649-1750) 1985, (19 December 1666) p, 155.49 Ibid., Vol. 2, 1985, (31 May 1679) pp. 186, 188, 191.50 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ ပထမတဲွ၊ ရာမပည့်စာအုပ်တုိက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၁၅၆-၁၅၇။ ကုိပရှေသိမ်းမင်း၊ အပလာင်းမင်းတရားအပရးပတာ်ပံုကျမ်း၊ ပန်းပရှေမပည်စာအုပ်တုိက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၇၊ စာ ၁၉၆-၁၉၇။51 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ ပထမတဲွ၊ ရာမပည့်စာအုပ်တုိက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၁၃၁၊ ၁၃၆၊ ၂၀၅။52 WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, Rangoon, 1929, p. 169.53 HUDSON, B., A Royal Collection of Bronze Model Boats and Soldiers from Eighteenth-Century Burma, in The Journal of Burma Studies, Vol. 15. No. 1 (2011), pp. 157-167; Ref., ASI. 1902-1936 – Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India: Manager of Publication, Delhi.54 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ ပထမတဲွ၊ ရာမပည့်စာအုပ်တုိက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၃၇၆၊ ၃၈၁၊ ၃၈၈၊ ၃၉၀။55 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ ဒုတိယတဲွ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၆၆။56 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ ပထမတဲွ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၃၉၈။57 BIGANDET, P. A., An Outline of the History of the Catholic Burmese Mission., Rangoon, 1887, p. 71; MAUNG KAUNG, The Beginnings of Christian Missionary Education in Burma (1600-1824), in Journal of Burma Research Society (JBRS), XX(1920)ii, pp. 67-68.58 THAN TUN, Royal Orders of Burma: A.D. 1598-1885, Vol. 8 (A.D. 1819-1853), 1988, (25 April 1822), p. 384.59 THAN TUN, Royal Orders of Burma, Vol. 8, 1988, (25 April 1837), p. 627-628.60 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ ဒုတိယတဲွ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၃၄၅။61 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ တတိယတဲွ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၂၂၂။ 22 Dec 1857, from King Mindon to Pope Pius IX in Scritture riferite nei Congressi Indie Orientali, v. 16 [1857-
54 1858], Archive of Propaganda Fide, Rome, p. 666; VIVIAN BA, Some Papal Correspondence with the Kings of Burma, in Journal of Burma Research Society (JBRS), L (1967) I, p. 18.62 WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, Rangoon, Government Printing Press, 1929, p. 169.63 THAN TUN, Royal Orders of Burma, Vol. 9 (A.D. 1853-1885) 1989, (31 January 1872) pp. 779-781.64 BIGANDET, P. A., An Outline of the History of the Catholic Burmese Mission., Rangoon, 1887, p. 71.65 SNODRASS, M., Narrative of the Burmese War, London, 1827, pp. 94-95.66 ဦးပမာင်ပမာင်တင်၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ဆက်မဟာရာေဝင်ပတာ်က းီ၊ ဒုတိယတဲွ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၄၊ စာ ၃၂၁-၃၂၂။67 VIVIAN BA, The Early Catholic Missionaries in Burma, in The Guardian, May 1963, p. 23.68 သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ နယ်လ့ဲှရာေဝင်၊ ၃တဲွပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ စိတ်ကူးြျ ိုြျ ိုစာပပ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၆၊ စာ ၃၃၅၊ ၃၄၄၊ ၃၅၆။69 SCOTT, J. G., Gazetteer of Upper Burma and Shan State, Part I, Vol. 2, Government Printing Press, Rangoon, 1900, pp. 500-501; Cf., DUROISELLE, C., Pageant of King Mindon Leaving His Palace on a Visit to the Kyauktawgyi Buddha Image at Mandalay (1865), Calcutta, Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1925, pp. i-iii, 1-2, plate I.70 The Voice Catholic Monthly Magazine, December 1924, p. 285; October 1925, pp. 241-242.71 WILLIAMSON, A., Gazetteer of Shwebo, Rangoon, Government Printing Press, 1929, p. 166; TINT, Daw., the great granddaughter of U Cho, Mandalay, personal interview recorded on 18.7.1996 in TINT LWIN, The Portuguese Descendants in the Mu Valley (1635-1945), Mandalay University, 1997, pp. 50-51.72 BIGANDET, P. A., An Outline of the History of the Catholic Burmese Mission., Rangoon, 1887, pp. 3, 13; https://www.bbc.com/burmese/in-depth-55686282 (18.1.21)73 တင်နုိင်တုိး၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ပြတ်ကမ န်မာပညာပတာ်သင်တ့ုိအပက ာင်း၊ ယံုက ည်ြျက်စာပပ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၆။ ကင်းဝန်မင်းက းီ မပင်သစ်နုိင်ငံသွား ပန့စဉ်မှတ်တမ်း၊ ရာမပည့်စာအုပ်တုိက်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၀၈၊ စာ ၆၂၊ ၈၈၊ ၁၆၇။74 Archives des Missions Etrangeres, vol. 935, Birmanie Septentrionale, fol: 310, Msgr. Bourdon a Pean, 12 juin 1884; သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ နယ်လ့ဲှရာေဝင်၊ ၃တဲွပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၆၊ စာ ၅၃၀။75 သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ နယ်လ့ဲှရာေဝင်၊ ၃တဲွပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၆၊ စာ ၈၈။76 မျ ိုးသန့်တင်,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ပြတ်မ န်မာသိပ္ပပံညာရှင်များ၊ လှိုင်းပရှေတိမ်ပတာင်စာပပ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၁၉၈၄၊ စာ ၂၇၂-၂၇၅၊ ၃၄၁၊ ၃၄၈၊ ၃၅၆၊ ၄၀၉-၄၁၀။77 ြင်မ က ူ,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ပြတ်မပင်သစ်မ န်မာဆက်ဆံပရးသမုိင်း၊ စာပပဗိမာန်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၁၉၇၆၊ စာ ၁၃၅။ သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ နယ်လ့ဲှရာေဝင်၊ ၃တဲွပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၆၊ စာ ၄၆၁-၄၆၄။ မျ ိုးသန့်တင်,ပဒါက်တာ၊ ကုန်းပဘာင်ပြတ်မ န်မာသိပ္ပပံညာရှင်များ၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၁၉၈၄၊ စာ ၃၉၉-၄၀၂။ TOKE GALE, King Thibaw’s last state scholar, in The Guardian, v. 27, n. 5, May 1980, pp. 31-36.78 သန်းထွန်း,ပဒါက်တာ၊ နယ်လ့ဲှရာေဝင်၊ ၃တဲွပပါင်းြျုပ်၊ ရန်ကုန်၊ ၂၀၁၆၊ စာ ၄၉၂။ An Envoy in Paris, London Times, 8th December 1885.79 CHO, U., (Nabet), Unpublished personal research records, 1960, in TINT LWIN, The Portuguese Descendants in the Mu Valley (1635-1945), Mandalay University, 1997, pp. 51-52.80 CHO, U., (Nabet), Unpublished personal research records, 1960, in TINT LWIN, ibid., p. 52.
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P. 60 Anna Daw May YinP. 61 Paul U Maung WaiP. 62 Ester and Bridgit Ma Aye Aye NaingP. 63 Oscar Ko Zar Ni Aung, Stephen Nay Thit MaungP. 64 Joseph Maung Wanna AungP. 65 Rosa Ma Zin Mar MyintP. 66 Andriano U Htun YiP. 67 Agnes Ma Htet Htet HtunP. 68 Benedett Daw Than AyeJosephine Ma Win MarJoanna Daw SanFlora Daw Zar Zar PyoneP. 69 Maria Daw Mar Mar OoJudith Daw Juu MaJoanna Daw Khin WinBridgit Daw Htay San OoP. 70 Regina Aye Su YieP. 71 Eugene U Myint AungP. 72 Josephine Ma Khaing Zin ThawP. 73 Josephine Ma Khaing Hnin WaiP. 74 Sister Josephine KyiP. 75 Sister Maria Ma Tint TintP. 76 Simon Myo Min ThantP. 77 Gilbert Maung Naing Lin AungP. 78-79 Regina Khaing Zin Htwe, Maria Sapae MoeP. 80 Joseph U Maung HtunP. 81 Noel U Maung HtunP. 82 Joachim U Khin Maung TheinP. 83 Simon U Aung SanP. 84 Joseph U Maung NaingP. 85 Lucia Daw Khin Thu AyeP. 86 Victoria Daw Than AyeP. 87 Francisco Min Htet Naung,Francis Chit Oo Zaw,Francis Moe Khant ZawP. 87 Theresa Zar Chi Moe, Clare Theint Theint WinP. 89 Philip U Htun LinP. 90 John U Myint Kyaw, Rita Daw San Shwin and Maltida HnninP. 91 Clare Daw Khin Thein MyintP. 92 Maria Daw GyiP. 93 Helen Daw Myint KyiP. 94 James Myint SweP. 95 Cecilia Daw Than Than LwinP. 96 Andrew Maung Htun Naing LinP. 97 Peter Maung Chit Ko KoP. 98 Joseph Maung Min Khant AungP. 99 Maria Ma Kyawt San PaeP. 100 Paul U PaulusP. 101 Margaret Daw Than PuP. 102 Helen Ma Thida HtayP. 103 Joseph U Ba HtayP. 104 Charles Maung Min Htet ZawP. 105 Helena Soe Sandar AungP. 106-107 John Paul Maung Kyaw Zin LinAssumpta Ma Moe Yu HlaingVeronica Ma Noe Noe MyintP. 108 Mark Maung Myo HtunP. 109 Maria Daw Sein TintP. 110 Joseph U Sein WinP. 111 Rebecca Ma Zar Zar MoeP. 112 Elizabeth Ma Cho Cho LwinElizabeth Ma Zar Ni WinP. 113 Maria Ma Khin Lin OoAnn Mary Hnin Wit Yi HtunP. 114 Gabriel U Aung HtayWilliam U Win TintP. 115 Lucas Maung Kyaw San AungJimmy Maung Nay Lin AungP. 116 Martha Ma Khaing Zin Kyaw, Agnes Daw Htay KyiP. 117 Martha Ma Khaing Zin Kyaw118
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Nota do autorA identidade inesquecível de uma comunidadeA publicação deste álbum parece tornar-se mais pertinente agora que, desde 1 de Fevereiro de 2021, se assiste a uma nova tomada do poder pelas Forças Armadas, à detenção da presidente Aung San Suu Kyi, bem como de outros membros do governo. As minorias e comunidades católicas ficam numa posição de extrema fragilidade, tal como no passado o estiveram. Depois de 1962, em resultado do anterior golpe militar, muitas restrições e proibições ocorreram, desde a expulsão de missionários estrangeiros do país, à nacionalização de escolas, ou a interdição de construção de novas igrejas e ainda à entrada de birmaneses residentes no exterior. A partir de 2010, com um go-verno Civil instalado, houve uma progressiva abertura e diálogo com as comunidades católicas do país. O texto escrito pelo Padre Peter Sein Hlaing Oo, chegou-nos à caixa de correio elec-trónico justo na véspera do bloqueio de acesso à internet. A sua resenha histórica dá-nos conta das vicissitudes dos portugueses e luso-descendentes que ficaram prisioneiros neste país desde o início do Séc. XVII, logo após a conquista do forte de Sirião à guarda de Filipe de Brito e Nicote. Como indica o autor, uma parte dos elementos cativos foram assimilados pelos exércitos ao longo dos séculos, enquanto outros seguiram o caminho como missionários e alguns chegaram a ser intérpretes da corte gozando de uma posi-ção privilegiada junto dos reis birmaneses.É uma história de guerreiros, tanto no sentido restrito como no da mais resiliente con-dição humana1. Depois de terem resistido a todos os sobressaltos relatados, os Bayingyis habitam actualmente o mesmo território para o qual foram levados há quatrocentos anos. Este fenómeno histórico despertou-nos a curiosidade, de certa forma quase an-1 A jornada dos prisioneiros portugueses e luso-descendentes para o norte do país, depois do assassinato de Filipe de Brito e Nicote, é-nos também relatada de forma empolgante por James Myint Swe, no seu livro “Cannon Soldiers of Burma”. Este autor birmanês e luso-descendente é um dos retratados neste livro 121
122 tropológica. Em 2017, visitámos algumas destas aldeias, designadamente Chantha Yua, Mon Hla e Chaung Yoe. A circunstância da continuidade e capacidade de superar as adversidades poderá ser justificada pelos seguintes factores: identidade, tolerância, religião e geografia. O vale do Mu fica situado na zona norte da região central do país, no interior, por isso menos propícia a interferências exteriores. É um território com solo fértil onde desde o primeiro momento os portugueses se ocuparam da actividade agrícola, da pecuária e da pesca no rio Mu, um dos afluentes do grande Irrauádi. Apesar da condição de cati-vos, foram-lhes dadas terras para cultivo, aspecto que se tem vindo a alterar nas últimas décadas, uma vez que alguns proprietários, ao cederem-nas a troco de uma maquia (medida entretanto proibida pelo governo) levou a que os donos não as recuperassem. Os portugueses teriam já a noção de comunidade antes da chegada ao vale do rio Mu, quando haviam estacionado no Sirião. Uma vez ali chegados, foram dispersos por várias aldeias para evitar uma rebelião.2 Assim, da condição de nómadas guerrei-ros, passaram a um estado de permanência e paradoxal segurança, pois a tolerância dos reis budistas na aceitação destas comunidades, que incluíam padres católicos, era uma forma de controlo e um recurso para os seus exércitos. Por outro lado, conferia um efeito pacificador no espírito de homens habituados à guerra e fora do controlo imperial (Charney, 2013). A língua portuguesa e cultura trazidas seriam já elementos identitários da comunidade. Embora a língua se tenha extinguido, presume-se que terá permanecido até finais do Séc. XIX ou mesmo início do Séc. XX.3 Para tal, terão valido as ordens dominicanas e jesuítas ao longo dos Séc. XVII e XVIII4 e, depois, os esforços dos barnabitas italianos que ensinaram português e latim entre 1770 e 1830. Em seguida, vieram os padres italianos Oblatos da Virgem Maria permanecendo por pouco tempo e abandonando a missão no início da ocupação inglesa.Note-se que o Estado da Índia se esforçou por libertar estes portugueses nas dé-cadas seguintes ao seu cativeiro (Teixeira, 1983; Guedes, 1994). Contudo, o resgate nunca chegaria a ser consumado. O título Filhos esquecidos do Império, de Joaquim 2 Depoimento de Alphonse U Than Aung, Arcebispo de Mandalay em Bayingyi, the Hidden Face of Burma.3 Depoimento ao autor deste texto do padre Augustine Win Myint da igreja Chaung Yoe que afirmou ter conhecido uma senhora centenária que sabia umas palavras de português ou crioulo. Janeiro de 20174 Estes padres eram voluntários para acompanhar os portugueses e não para a função de propagação da fé católica. Também não pertenciam às Missões do Estado da Índia, uma vez que a missionação foi sobretudo em zonas litorais.
123Magalhães de Castro, ilustra bem este fenómeno. A identidade não ficou, porém, es-quecida, ocasiões havendo em que a população terá ocultado a verdadeira origem, como forma de evitar perseguições; perseverou, todavia, a consciência dessas raízes portuguesas e guerreiras. Do mesmo modo, vários indivíduos tiveram dificuldade em obter os seus bilhetes de identidade, uma vez que as suas faces não se assemelhavam à dos birmaneses5. O reconhecimento oficial acabou por legitimar os luso-descendentes como cidadãos birmaneses, acontecimento determinante para a identidade social, por oposição a semelhantes disputas com finais adversos como o caso dos Rohingya ou de outras minorias étnicas ainda não reconhecidas e com frequência oprimidas. Se estes factores poderão ter contribuído para o desvanecimento da língua portu-guesa, a religião católica, por oposição, irá determinar a essência da comunidade. As sucessivas missões católicas já mencionadas, não obstante as interrupções, asseguraram a permanência de um padre e respectivo local de culto em cada aldeia. Deste modo, a igreja realiza a sua função através das acções pastorais; a celebração do calendário litúrgico como o Natal, a Páscoa, a festividade religiosa identificada com cada aldeia e ainda procissões, tais como, a do Corpo de Cristo ou o dia de finados. Da mesma forma, a função litúrgica através dos seus sacramentos como o baptismo, o matrimónio, mas sobretudo a eucaristia, desempenham um papel congregador. A missa constitui ainda hoje o momento mais solene. O véu feminino, prática tradicional do cristianismo não caiu em desuso nesta sociedade. Tal como acontece em algumas aldeias em Por-tugal, as Janeiras também são cantadas: um grupo vai de casa em casa anunciando o nascimento do menino Jesus onde os votos são retribuídos com alimentos (Castro, 2014). Outras manifestações da fé são visíveis através dos seus símbolos um pouco por todo o lado, desde os crucifixos ao peito na maioria das pessoas, tatuagens no corpo e também a proliferação de imagens de Cristo e estátuas de Nossa Senhora ou do Santo António no interior das casas. Por último, a actividade pastoral ainda se encarrega de orientação da comunidade. Aqui refira-se a presença das Missionárias Franciscanas de Maria6 na aldeia de Chantha Ywa que desempenham um papel na educação, nos cui-dados de saúde a crianças e idosos, entre outros serviços de cariz social.Ao salientarmos alguns aspectos da identidade desta comunidade, observamos pa-drões comuns com outras comunidades luso-asiáticas, mas com particularidades dife-rentes das restantes. No expansionismo português, a miscigenação tinha origem num contexto de supremacia, mas neste particular caso advém do aprisionamento dos ho-5 A lei da de 1948 foi o primeiro passo para o reconhecimento da cidadania, revisto em 1982 e, de novo, em 2008. 6 Instituição fundada 1877 em Roma, começou a operar no país em 1898.
124 mens. Poder-se-á falar de uma Lusotropicologia7 ao contrário, em que resultados seme-lhantes são obtidos de formas diferentes.Não nos cabe aqui fazer um registo etnográfico, porém, Joaquim Magalhães de Cas-tro descreve-nos várias características culturais deste grupo social. Este autor revela certos pormenores da herança lusa na culinária, nos jogos e nas tradições, elementos que mere-ceriam um estudo mais aprofundado sobre os saberes, as práticas e os comportamentos.Enquanto a fé católica foi, como vimos, o polo unificador que conservou a identida-de espiritual, os traços do rosto humano são prova evidente e a característica inviolável dessa personalidade aliada ao seu passado. De modo espontâneo, fomos levados a percorrer estas remotas aldeias de casa em casa para conhecer os “portuguis” que, amistosamente, nos convidavam para entrar. Sugeriu-se uma fotografia e de pronto, a mulher desaparece para dar um retoque rápido no cabelo. Ao longo dos dias, desem-penhámos a figura do fotógrafo de retratos de aldeia. Fomo-nos deparando com faces que, embora birmanesas, nos remetem para algum nível de familiaridade. Não sabemos descrever com exactidão o fenótipo, onde se encontram essas diferenças fisionómicas, pois a relação entre portugueses e mulheres birmanesas ao longo de quatro séculos levou, naturalmente, a uma certa diluição dos traços principais dos portugueses. Com mais atenção detectamos algumas particularidades: o cabelo mais encaracolado ou ondulado em algumas mulheres ou as sobrancelhas mais carregadas em alguns homens não parecem corresponder ao padrão típico do sudeste asiático. A calvície em certos homens não se revê na experiência histórica dos asiáticos que têm a menor incidência de perda de cabelo. No seu cômputo observámos o formato da cabeça, as faces mais oblongas que ovais, por vezes narizes proeminentes ou a pele e olhos mais claros. Fo-mos, por fim, aprendendo a discernir e a reconhecer essas diferenças. Deparámo-nos, também com indivíduos de tipo mais indiano e lembrámo-nos que, de acordo com al-gumas descrições, teriam vindo com os portugueses alguns malabares e luso-indianos. De súbito, encontrámos indivíduos que não deixam grande margem para dúvidas sobre as suas remotas raízes, explicadas hipoteticamente pelo aparecimento súbito de genes adormecidos com atributos que vinham de trás. Julgamos que terá contribuído para um não apagamento completo destes contornos o facto de a vida nas aldeias ter permane-cido relativamente isolada do exterior e os casamentos se efectuarem, sobretudo, entre membros da comunidade católica.Neste álbum desejámos fotografar a essência física desta comunidade que os livros de história não assinalam, mas nos conduz a uma viagem que remonta ao Séc. XVI. Os 7 Gilberto Freyre em 1951 defendia o lusotropicalismo como um tipo de civilização lusitana, expressão da aventura ultramarina dos portugueses e sua predisposição para a miscigenação.
125rostos que aqui vemos são a memória dessa identidade, um arquivo vivo que carrega os seus ethnos e genes.Com este registo fica também algo que poderá ser usado por outros, sobretudo no campo da antropologia biológica. Encontra-se também aberto o caminho para uma análise genética dos genótipos existentes no ADN desta população8. Seria interessante averiguar, com método científico, as linhagens portuguesas e luso-indianas, tanto ma-ternas como paternas, possibilitando a leitura dos efeitos da miscigenação.Este álbum é dedicado à comunidade Bayingyi, povo hospitaleiro de olhos doces e inocentes, sorrisos sinceros e nostálgicos.8 Aqui saliente-se que nos foi transmitido que esta população tem uma tendência genética para diabetes. A falta de tratamento tem provocado problemas oculares. Fotografámos pessoas em idade avançada com o cristalino esbranquiçado.
126 Bibliografia Charney, M. W. (2013). ’Priests, Portuguese, and Religious Change on the Periphery of Western Mainland Southeast Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Em Intercultural Exchange in Southeast Asia: History and Society in the Early Modern World (Alberts, Tara and Irving, pp. 59–83). I.B. Tauris.Castro, J. M. de. (2014). Os filhos esquecidos do Império (1a. edição). Parsifal.Guedes, M. A. de B. S. M. (1994). Interferência e integração dos portugueses na Birmânia: Ca. 1580-1630. Fundação Oriente.Guedes, M. A. M. (2002). Intérpretes de Português na Birmânia. Anais de História de Além-Mar, III, 333–351.Pereira, L., & Ribeiro, F. M. (2009). O património genético português: A história humana preservada nos genes (1. ed). Gradiva Publicações.Ribeiro, L; Castro J, (2002, September 13). Bayingyi, The Hidden Face of Burma, Youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6HWMj-7DPhgSwe, J. M. (2014). Cannon soldiers of Burma (1st edition).Swe, J. M. (2019). Os artilheiros da Birmânia (Instituto Internacional de Macau, Ed.; F. Carmo, Trad.).Teixeira, M. (1983). Portugal na Birmânia (Imprensa Nacional). Macau: Imprensa Nacional.
131References Charney, M. W. (2013). ’Priests, Portuguese, and Religious Change on the Periphery of Western Mainland Southeast Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Em Intercultural Exchange in Southeast Asia: History and Society in the Early Modern World (Alberts, Tara and Irving, pp. 59–83). I.B. Tauris.Castro, J. M. de. (2014). Os filhos esquecidos do Império (1a. edição). Parsifal.Guedes, M. A. de B. S. M. (1994). Interferência e integração dos portugueses na Birmânia: Ca. 1580-1630. Fundação Oriente.Guedes, M. A. M. (2002). Intérpretes de Português na Birmânia. Anais de História de Além-Mar, III, 333–351.Pereira, L., & Ribeiro, F. M. (2009). O património genético português: A história humana preservada nos genes (1. ed). Gradiva Publicações.Ribeiro, L; Castro J, (2002, September 13). Bayingyi, The Hidden Face of Burma, Youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6HWMj-7DPhgSwe, J. M. (2014). Cannon soldiers of Burma (1st edition).Swe, J. M. (2019). Os artilheiros da Birmânia (Instituto Internacional de Macau, Ed.; F. Carmo, Trad.).Teixeira, M. (1983). Portugal na Birmânia (Imprensa Nacional). Macau: Imprensa Nacional.
133Notes from the authorThe unforgettable identity of a communityThe road to democracy came to an abrupt end when the newly elected civilian party leader of Myanmar, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and other leaders, were arrested by the military on February 1st, 2021, the eve of the opening session of the new Parliament. At present, all ethnic minorities especially the Catholic communities isolated in rural areas are in a precarious position, just as they have been in the past. The current situation of this beautiful country makes it even more relevant at the time for publication of this album. After 1962, as a result of the previous military coup, many restrictions and pro-hibitions occurred, with the expulsion of foreign missionaries from the country to the na-tionalization of schools, or the building ban on new churches and on the entry of Burmese overseas residents. From 2010, with the new civil government, there was a progressive opening and dialogue with the Catholic communities in the country. The historical review of this book, by Father Peter Sein Hlaing Oo, reached us by e-mail exactly on the eve of the blocking of access to Internet in this country. He gives us an ac-count of the incidents of the Portuguese and the Portuguese-descendants who were held prisoner in this country, since the beginning of the 17th century, shortly after the conquest of the Syriam fort that was under the guard of Filipe de Brito e Nicote. As mentioned by the author, part of the captive elements have been assimilated over the centuries by the armies, while others followed the path as missionaries and some even became court inter-preters enjoying a privileged position with the Burmese kings. It is a story of warriors, both in the narrow sense as in the most resilient human condi-tion1. After having resisted all the reported assaults, the Bayingyis still remain in the same 1 The journey of Portuguese prisoners and Portuguese descendants to the north of the country, after the murder of Filipe de Brito e Nicote, is also described in an epic way by James Myint Swe, in his book “Cannon Soldiers of Burma”. The author, Burmese and descendant of Portuguese, is one of those portrayed in this book.
134 territory which they were taken to four hundred years ago. This historical phenomenon aroused our curiosity, in an almost anthropological way. In 2017, we visited some of these villages, namely Chantha Yua, Mon Hla and Chaung Yoe. The circumstance of continuity and ability to overcome adversities can be justified by the following factors: identity, tolerance, religion and geography.The Mu valley is located in the northern area of the central region of the country, making it less prone to outside interferences. It is a territory with fertile soil where, from the first moment, the Portuguese occupied themselves with agricultural activity, livestock breeding and fishing on the Mu River, one of the tributaries of the great Irrawaddy. Despite the condition of captives, they were given land for cultivation, one of the aspects that has suffered changes in the last decades, since some owners, when yielding in exchange for a consideration (measure meanwhile prohibited by the government), meant that they would not recover them. The Portuguese already would had the notion of community building before arriving at the valley of the Mu River, when they stationed in Syriam. Upon arrival, they were dispersed to several villages to avoid a rebellion.2 Thus, being nomadic warriors, they went on to en-joy a state of permanence and paradoxical security as a vibrant community which included churches and Catholic priests. The Burmese Buddhist kings tolerated to accept them as main recruits with weaponry skills, for his armies. On the other hand, it conferred a paci-fying effect on the spirit of men adapted to war and out of the imperial control (Charney, 2013). The Portuguese culture and language they brought in were already part of the com-munity’s identity. Although the language has become extinct, it is assumed that it has been used until the end of the 19th century or even the beginning of the 20th century.3 For such, the Dominican and Jesuit orders were instrumental during the 17th and 18th centuries4 and later on, the efforts of the Italian Barnabites who taught Portuguese and Latin between 1770 and 1830. Then came the Italian Oblate priests of the Virgin Mary, who remained for a short period but abandoned the mission at the beginning of the English occupation. 2 Testimony by Alphonse U Than Aung, Archbishop of Mandalay in Bayingyi, the Hidden Face of Burma.3 Testimony to the author of this text by Father Augustine Win Myint of Chaung Yoe Church, claiming to have met a centenary lady who know of some words in Portuguese or Creole. January 2017.4 These priests were volunteers as companions to the Portuguese and not for the purpose of spreading the Catholic faith. They did not belong to the Missions of the State of India, since their missionary work was mainly in coastal areas.
135It is noted that the State of India endeavored to free these Portuguese in the decades following their captivity (Teixeira, 1983; Guedes, 1994). However, the ransom was never consummated. The title Filhos esquecidos do Império (Forgotten Sons of the Empire), by Joaquim Magalhães de Castro, portraits well this phenomenon. However, the identity was not forgotten. In many occasions, the population have hidden the true origin, to avoid any persecu-tion; therefore, the awareness of the Portuguese and warriors’ roots persevered through time. Likewise, several individuals had difficulty obtaining their identity cards, as their faces did not resemble those of the Burmese5. The official recognition ended up legitimizing the Portuguese descendants as Burmese citizens, a determining event for the social identity opposed to similar disputes with adverse endings such as the case of the Rohingya or other ethnic minorities who were not yet recognized and often oppressed.If these factors may have contributed to the fading of the Portuguese language, the Catholic religion by opposition will determine the essence of the community. The suc-cessive Catholic missions already mentioned, despite the interruptions, have ensured the permanence of a priest and his place of worship in each village. In this way, the church performs its function through pastoral actions; the celebration of the liturgical calendar such as Christmas, Easter, and the religious festival identified with each village, includ-ing processions, such as the Body of Christ’s or the All Souls’ Day. In the same way, the liturgical function through its sacraments such as baptism, marriage, but above all the Eucharist, plays a congregating role. The mass is still considered the most solemn moment nowadays. The female veil, a traditional practice of Christianity, has not been forsaken in this society. Like some villages in Portugal, the singing “As Janeiras” (Singing of the Kings) is still in practice: a group of people makes a house-to-house visit announcing the birth of the baby Jesus when the wishing’s are returned with food (Castro, 2014). Other type of demonstrations of faith are visible through symbols, scattered a little everywhere, with cru-cifixes on most people, body tattoos and the proliferation of images of Christ and statues of Our Lady or Saint Anthony in the houses. Finally, a pastoral activity remains in charge of the community’s guidance. Here we refer to the presence of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary6 in the village of Chantha Ywa who play a role in the education, health care for the elderly and children, among other services of social nature. 5 The 1948 law was the first step towards the citizenship recognition, revised in 1982 and, again, in 2008.6 Institution founded in 1877 in Rome, which began operating in the country in 1898.
136 When we stress some aspects of the identity of this community, we notice common patterns with other Luso-Asian communities, although with some particular differences. In Portuguese expansionism, the miscegenation had origin within a context of supremacy, but in this particular case, it results from the imprisonment of Men. We could speak of a “Lusotropicology7” on the contrary, in which similar results are obtained in different ways.It is not our intention to make here an ethnographic record, however, Joaquim Magal-hães de Castro described several cultural characteristics of this social group. This author reveals certain details of the Portuguese heritage in cuisine, games and traditions, ele-ments that should deserve a deeper study about knowledges, practices and behaviors. While the Catholic faith was, as we have seen, the unifying pole that preserved the spiritual identity, the features of human faces are the proof and the inviolable characteris-tics of that personality combined with their past. We were spontaneously taken to visit these remote villages house-to-house to meet the “portuguis” who, in a friendly manner, invited us to enter their home. A photograph was suggested and readily the woman disappears to give her hair a quick retouch. Over the days, we played the role of the early portrait photographers in the village. We were confronted with faces that, although Burmese, gave us some level of familiarity. We do not know how to accurately describe the phenotype of these physiognomic differences, since the relations between Portuguese men and Burmese women have naturally led to a certain dilution of the main characteristics of the Portuguese over four centuries. If we look in detail, we detect some peculiarities: more curly or wavy hair in some women or stronger eyebrows in some men, which do not seem to correspond to the typical pattern of Southeast Asian people. Baldness in certain men is not seen in the historical experience of Asians who have the lowest incidence of hair loss. We also see the shape of the head, oblong faces (rather than oval), sometimes prominent noses or brighter skin and eyes. Finally, we learned to discern and recognize these differences. We also found individuals of a more Indian type and we remembered that, according to descriptions, some Malabars and Luso-Indians should have arrived in the past with the Portuguese. Suddenly, we found individuals who leave not much doubt about their remote roots, hypothetically explained by the sudden appearance of dormant genes, with proper-ties from the past. We reckon the fact that life in these villages was relatively isolated from the outside world, alongside the fact that the marriages were mainly between members of the Catholic community, ended up ultimately contributing to a non-complete erasure of these traits.7 In 1951, Gilberto Freyre defended “lusotropicalism” as a kind of Lusitanian civilization, expression of the Portuguese overseas adventure and its predisposition for miscegenation.
137In this album we wanted to portray the physical essence of this community which is not shown in history books and it takes us back to a journey into the 16th century. The faces we see here are the memory of the aforementioned identity, a living archive bearing with their ethnos and genes. This record features also some of the fieldwork that can be used by others, especially in the field of the biological anthropology. At the same time, a path is open for the genetic analysis of DNA genotypes in this population8. It would be interesting to carry out a sci-entific research of the Portuguese and Luso-Indian lineages, both maternal and paternal, that would allow to identify the effects of miscegenation. This album is dedicated to the Bayingyi community, friendly and humble people with their sweet and innocent eyes, portraying sincere and nostalgic smiles.8 We were told that this population has a genetic tendency towards diabetes. The lack of treatment has caused eye problems. We took pictures of the elderly people with whitish lenses.
138 References Charney, M. W. (2013). ’Priests, Portuguese, and Religious Change on the Periphery of Western Mainland Southeast Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Em Intercultural Exchange in Southeast Asia: History and Society in the Early Modern World (Alberts, Tara and Irving, pp. 59–83). I.B. Tauris.Castro, J. M. de. (2014). Os filhos esquecidos do Império (1a. edição). Parsifal.Guedes, M. A. de B. S. M. (1994). Interferência e integração dos portugueses na Birmânia: Ca. 1580-1630. Fundação Oriente.Guedes, M. A. M. (2002). Intérpretes de Português na Birmânia. Anais de História de Além-Mar, III, 333–351.Pereira, L., & Ribeiro, F. M. (2009). O património genético português: A história humana preservada nos genes (1. ed). Gradiva Publicações.Ribeiro, L; Castro J, (2002, September 13). Bayingyi, The Hidden Face of Burma, Youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6HWMj-7DPhgSwe, J. M. (2014). Cannon soldiers of Burma (1st edition).Swe, J. M. (2019). Os artilheiros da Birmânia (Instituto Internacional de Macau, Ed.; F. Carmo, Trad.).Teixeira, M. (1983). Portugal na Birmânia (Imprensa Nacional). Macau: Imprensa Nacional.
Retratos de Luso-Asiáticos do Myanmar မြန်ြာမြည်ဖွားပြါ်တူဂီနွယ်ြျား Portraits of Luso-Asians of MyanmarJoão Palla Martins ဂျွန်ပါလာမာတင်း Patrocínio / ထုတ်ပေသူ / Sponsor
