Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

SONS AND DAUGHTERS OF THE SOILTHE FIRST DECADEOF LUSO CHINESE DIPLOMACYAna Maria Amaro

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Title Sons and Daughters of the Soil The First Decade of Chinese Diplomacy Author Prof. Ana Maria Amaro Editor International Institute of Macau Editorial Coordination Rufino Ramos Photographs Ieong Man Leng Design B.D. Designer House Printing Tipografia Macau Hung Heng Ltda. Sponsorship Fundação Macau and Cultural Affairs Bureau of Macau Reprint by kind permission of Cultural Affairs Bureau of Macau Based on a translation by Zoe Copeland Print run 1,000 copies Macau, August 2011 ISBN 978-99937-45-46-4Painting of previous pages – Nhonha with dó in a modest Macanese household – Watercolour reproduction of the Comd. Filipe Emílio de Paiva’s album – 1902/1903 – from the Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa’s Library Collection.

TABLE OF CONTENTPreface ....................................................................................................................... 7Prologue ..................................................................................................................... 9 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 11 1. Historical data ...................................................................................................... 172. Anthropobiological data ………......................................................................... 47- Data collected by António de Almeida .................................................... 52- Data collected by Almerindo Lessa .......................................................... 533. Ethnographic data ............................................................................................... 58 - The Dialect of Macau .................................................................................. 58- Hypocorisms …………………………………………………………..…. 63- Cuisine …………………………………………..………………………... 64- Specialities of the carnival ……………….……………………………… 66- Soups ……………………………………….……………………….…….. 67- Shell fish and seafood …………………..…….………….……….……… 68- Fish …………………………………………….……………………........... 69- Meat …………………………………………………….………………... 70- Rice ……………………………………………………..………………… 71- Desserts ………………...………………………………...……………….. 72- Sundries ………………………………………………..…………………. 74- Attire …………………………………………………..………………….. 75- Games and pastimes ……………..…………………...…………………. 80- Chonca ………………………………………………..…………………... 80- Handiwork ……………...……………………………..…………………. 82Conclusions ……………………..………………..............……...……………….. 85Summary ………………………………………….......................……………..…. 89Appendix …........................…………………......................................……….…... 91Bibliography …………………………………………..................………….……. 955

Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

PREFACEMany books have been written in Portuguese about Macau. But few were done in English, nevertheless about Anthropology and the Macanese people. Prof. Ana Maria Amaro was one of the few who had the passion to make research about the origins, customs and lifestyle of this group of people that made Macau a unique multicultural place. She even published quite a good number of books and papers, in her native Portuguese language.This book, under the title “Os Filhos da Terra”, was first published in Portuguese language, in 1988, by the Cultural Affairs Bureau of Macau (ICM). Then in 1994, an English translation reprint was featured in the Review of Culture (2nd Series, no.20).The IIM has now undertaken its revision, reproducing this research work which contains many information of interest about the Macanese, with the kind permission and support of the ICM. We hope the academia worldwide and the Macanese Community will treasure this book as many practices herein accounted are fading away.Prof. Amaro first came to Macau to teach at the Government High School – Lyceum – and became interested by topics related to Macau. She later got her Ph.D. from the New University of Lisbon with her thesis on “Folks’ Medicine of Macau” - Medicina Popular de Macau, in 1988. She is Professor Emeritus at the Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Politicas, Technical University of Lisbon, where she became director of the Chinese Studies Center. Currently she is president of the Portuguese Institute of Sinology and Director of the Portuguese Review of Chinese Studies.Macau, August 2011.International Institute of Macau7

Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

PROLOGUE“The married men of this city are eight hundred and fifty Portugales and their children who are far better disposed than anyone else in this Orient.”António BocarroLivro das Fortalezas da Índia (1635)[Book of the Fortresses of India]The social structure of the Macanese filos da terra (Lat.: terrae filii; Port.: filhos da terra; or: sons and daughters of the soil), has a truly original stamp that can only be understood within the confines of a study integrating the different variables that acted as real stimulus for their identification as a group.Who are the Macanese from an anthropobiological and cultural point of view? How was this group organized and how did it isolate itself throughout four centuries of Macanese history?To what kind of biophysical and socio-cultural environment did this group have to adapt itself and how did it achieve this?9

Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

INTRODUCTIONIn India as well as China, the Portuguese civilizing and integrating penetration of the autochthonous populations took a different form from that in Africa. In the latter regard there was a greater parallel with experience in Malaysia, because the Portuguese rulers pertained to a culture whose norms and techniques were more elaborate than those of the natives. On account of this, hybridization was notably easier, whilst in India it was only possible among inferior castes, and in the China of the Mandarins even more difficult, since China pertained to a culture based on a domestic ethic, strictly formalized, that hailed from a two millennia history and more.A model for explaining the formation of Luso-Tropical Macanese society cannot be sought in the Brazilian phenomenon, even though the form taken by Pacific penetration, dependent on slave labor, could to a degree allow for comparison. Nervetheless, we must not overlook a fundamental difference between the Chinese and the Amerindians as regards socio-cultural structures. If native Brazilians could be compared within limits to Malays, they could never be compared to the Chinese, not even the least well-off, along with the groups of outlaws that constituted the bands of pirates. All these were proud of their millenarian Civilization, which was devoid of racial bias but had deeply ingrained preconceptions of a cultural nature. All foreigners were ‘barbarians’ to the Chinese, and relations between one and the other could not extend beyond trading matters save in exceptional cases. Yet the Portuguese who went in search of Macau found wives for themselves and managed to establish a new type of Eurasian, distinct from the Luso-Chinese mestizo that some authors have indiscriminately and erroneously seen in the Macanese or filhos da terra throughout the centuries.Today Macau inhabited by three well-differentiated groups, groups that in the course of time remained separate and scarcely underwent any interpenetration until the first decades of the twentieth century. These groups (1. Portuguese-Europeans, 2. Macanese or Macau Portuguese and 3. Chinese) 11- Introduction -

demonstrate very specific anthropobiological and cultural characteristics that bestow upon them an ingrained individuality. Of these three groups, it is without doubt the Macanese that merits most interest, a new group, the fruits of a most fecund polyhybridism.Much has been written about the origin and evolution of the Macanese group, which soon differentiated itself in local society. As a result of the dearth of hard facts, whether historical or anthropobiological, its origin is a moot point. Besides, in ours days, such data is not easily studied in such a way as to permit valid conclusions1.How did the Macanese or filhos da terra come into being and why did they isolate themselves from the others?For Bento da França (1897),2 in the Macanese type what predominates are “general Mongoloid traits, but it also participates in the features of Europeans, Malays, Kanarese […] and is the product of a great admixture of races and sub-races, resulting from repeated crossings, that came about by chance.”For Álvaro de Melo Machado (1913),3 the Macanese are the fruit of crossings with Japanese women and with women from Malacca, and at least recently, with Chinese women as well.For Francisco de Carvalho e Rêgo (1950),4 the Macanese are not of Sino-Portuguese extraction:“[…] Macanese is the native of Macau, whilst it must be taken into account that there are some Macanese who are offspring of Europeans; those Macanese who are born of the crossings of Europeans with other races of the ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________1 The difficulty resides in the smallness of the available sample.2 FRANÇA, Bento de, Macau e os seus habitantes, relações com Timor, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1897, p.197.3 MACHADO, Álvaro de Mello Machado, Coisas de Macau, Lisboa, Livraria Ferreira, 1913, p.6514 RÊGO, Francisco de Carvalho e, Macau, Macau, Imprensa Nacional de Macau, 1950, pp.31-38Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

East and Chinese Macanese.” According to the same author, however, when we refer to the Macanese, we are referring to people who “[…] are descended from the first Portuguese who settled in Macau and from those who later established families there.”Eduardo Brazão (1957)5, says that “the Macanese must have had infrequent miscegenation with Indians. Judging from their present-day characteristics, the majority of Macanese must be descended from crossings with the Malay race, only few with the Indian race, and in a rather larger number accentuated characteristics of the Chinese race are to be found.”Carlos Estorninho6 denies the miscegenation of the first Macanese with the Chinese, at least for three centuries, due to “the autarchic and xenophobic character of China.”Fr. Manuel Teixeira (1965),7 based on the opinions of various authors and on research in the Arquivos Paroquiais (Parish Archives) of Macau8, defends the thesis that the Macanese originate from marriages between Portuguese men and Chinese women.Without the backing of a serological or anthropometric study rationally based on carefully selected samples, such controversial opinions render it difficult to definitively affirm anything that avoids the pitfalls of hypothesis, however well-founded.Our thesis, however, is somewhat different from the theses outlined above.___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________5 BRASÃO, Eduardo, Macau Cidade do Nome de Deus na China — Não há outra mais Leal, Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1957, p.71 n.50. 6 ESTORNINHO, Carlos Augusto Gonçalves, Macau e os Macaenses, (Divagações e Achegas Históricas), in: “Boletim do Rotary Clube de Lisboa”, Lisboa, 168 Março [March] 1962.7 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Os Macaenses, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1965.8 The Arquivo Paroquial de Sto. António (Parish Archive of St. Anthony), on account of having been burnt, cannot provide us with the decisive data needed for clarifying this matter, although it was the first Parish in Macau. The few Records of the remaining Parishes are also recent, the oldest being from the eighteenth century.13- Introduction -

We lived among many Macanese for fifteen years, and studied historical sources and reports of travelers; we consulted what rare and inconclusive anthropobiological studies were available, and paramountly, we drew on the Arquivos Paroquiais and traced the family trees of twenty long-standing Macanese families. On the basis of a comparative analysis of all this data, we defend the following opinion: it is Eurasian women who would have been for the most part the mothers of the Macanese, offspring of the first stable families based in Macau9.Analyzing the opinions of the authors quoted above who studied the extraction of the Macanese group, we hold that it is Bento da França who most nearly approximates the truth. Carvalho e Rêgo denies the Chinese extraction of the Macanese. Fr. Manuel Teixeira affirms precisely the opposite. Such radically divergent opinions seem to us indefensible, since from the earliest times, above and beyond Chinese women, many women of various ethnic groups accompanied Portuguese men, or were betrothed to them. The historical sources point towards Malay and Indian women as the earliest companions of the first Portuguese settlers in Macau; in the function of slaves, however. It is clear that Chinese women were indeed the concubines of these settlers, and even sporadically, their lawfully wedded wives, such women principally being sold by their parents or accompanying Chinese pirates with whom many Portuguese rubbed shoulders. The same could be said with respect to Japanese women. However, no author to this day has dealt with the uncharted fortunes of the daughters of these unions. What was, in effect, the destiny of these Eurasian women, some of them evidently as beautiful then as we know them to be today? Did the Portuguese, raised within a long-standing and deeply-rooted Christianism, and in spite of the crude customs of the epoch, accept the infanticide practiced in other periods by the Chinese as an empirical cultural ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________9 GODINHO Vitorino Magalhães, Oriente, in: SERRÃO, Joel, ed., “Dicionário de História de Portugal”, 5 vols., Lisboa, Iniciativas Editoriais, vol. 3, pp. 223-224. — The author mentions that Fr. Jerónimo Fernandes, in a brief annotation dated 1561, recorded that the Portuguese in India “preferred mestizas” for wives.Macau certainly cannot have been an exception. It is most likely that some of the Eurasians from Malacca, as they were, went there from Goa in 1641, when that stronghold fell into the hands of the Dutch.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

norm of self-regulating demography? We think not! On the other hand, did the daughters of the slaves, who retained in legal terms the same status as their mothers, satisfy the moral preconceptions of their progenitors? When the female escravas de preço (traded slaves?) from India and Malaysia were expelled from Macau, as related by Fr. Francisco de Sousa, what happened to their daughters? There are ample authors who refer to the Macanese nhons (of direct Portuguese descent); but their female counterparts or nhonhonha appear only in passing in such writings. When Fr. Francisco de Sousa speaks of the betrothal of many orphaned and young girls at the windows during a procession, he is referring, we believe, to these nhonhonha, overlooked by the chroniclers.We consider it only natural that the concubinage system should have given preference to Chinese girls. However, we defend the hypothesis that it was Eurasian women, and not Chinese women, who were the distant grandmothers of the Macanese, as they continued to be until very recently, among the most well-to-do classes at least.To support our thesis, we had recourse to three types of data: historical, anthropobiological, and ethnographic.15- Introduction -

1. HISTORICAL DATAFernão Mendes Pinto affirms that in Liampó, a stronghold predating Macau, “there were […] three-hundred men married to Portuguese and mestizo women.” According to Br. José de Jesus Maria, there also lived in Chincheo as many as six-hundred men with good houses, families and slaves.What was the destiny of daughters born of these marriages? If the Crown prohibited women from boarding ships bound for the East except in very special cases, to whom can Fernão Mendes Pinto have been referring when he speaks of Portuguese womenfolk? Given the instability of the settlements and the fact that life there was somewhat perilous, we doubt European women who disembarked in Goa, or who were born there, were taken to China by their husbands. Furthermore, European brides were necessarily scarce, and in the case of the ‘órfãs d’el-rei’ (lit.: ‘Orphans of the King’), their betrothals were ordained by Royal Decree to selected men, and not adventurers, ‘soldiers of fortune’. As for girls born in Goa, daughters of European mothers, they for the most part were richly dowered on account of the system of preferential marriages, and therefore their betrothals would not have been to men of this ilk either. Moreover, many of them, daughters of Portuguese, took the veil, perhaps because their parents did not find a suitable husband for them.According to historical sources, in the earliest days of Macau most men in the port had temporary residence. From the reports of the inhabitants made by Dom Francisco Mascarenhas, in 1625, it is known that in a head count of eight-hundred-and-fifty-three residents, there were seventy-five transients, two-hundred-and-twenty-seven men ‘of the soil’, and five-hundred-and-fifty-one neighbours. This information suggests that the number of men resident on land was variable, as is also borne out by a letter of the Governor, dated the same year, in which it is recorded:“The number of Portuguese presently on land is close to eight-hundred.”171 - HISTORICAL DATA

It is our conviction that the Portuguese women to whom Fernão Mendes Pinto refers are, in their majority if not their totality, non-Mongoloid Eurasian women in anthroposomatic terms, with the mestizas probably referring to the Sino-Portuguese and the Luso-Nipponic, if not the Luso-African women.It is notable that Fernão Mendes Pinto makes no reference to marriages between Portuguese men and Chinese women, something which would have been most unlikely given the cultural isolation of these people, moreover. Furthermore, unions between the ‘barbarians’ of the West and the women of the Middle Kingdom, purchased and enslaved, were one of the ancient causes of tension between the Portuguese and the Chinese.The women who accompanied the first Portuguese men to go in search of China, which Nations did they come from?As already stated, the [Portuguese] Crown did not permit womenfolk to embark with the soldiers, “because it increased the number of people of no use in war […] and distracted the men.”When it became clear that some womenfolk were still embarking clandestinely, laws were passed instituting severe punishment for such recklessness. A notable exception did occur in 1505, when Dom Francisco de Almeida, the first Viceroy [of the Portuguese State of India], left for India in a fleet of twenty-two sails, laden with one-thousand-five-hundred men of arms, amongst whom traveled many noblemen whose womenfolk were indeed allowed to embark, something that subsequently occurred in similar circumstances. Yet few women went aboard since the majority of men dared not submit their wives and daughters to the many risks that arose on such a long crossing.Although slaves of both sexes were frequently transported on trade voyages, the level of abuse was such that in 1607 this activity was forbidden for the female sex unless traveling with a lady authorized to embark.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

This prohibition was proclaimed throughout the Asiatic strongholds, including Macau, but the fact is that trade in japõas (Japonese girls), in muitsai or muichai, and later in timoras (girls from Timor), and most likely women of other castes, continued for a long time to come, perhaps until the definitive abolition of slavery at the end of the nineteenth century. Further, this can be confirmed by consulting the various dispositions of the Crown or the Bishopric aimed at repressing this trade.According to Fr. Gabriel de Matos, one of the things that shocked the Mandarins, and not without reason, was seeing the Portuguese “kidnap Chinese girls, buying and selling them outside the land: […] at times […] ships laden with boys and girls left port for other Kingdoms.”In 1617, the Guangzhou aitão (General of the Sea) published the Decree of the Wanli Emperor (r. 1573 - 1620), whereby the Portuguese were prohibited from “purchasing any subject in the Chinese Empire.”However, owing to the bribing of the Mandarins of Héong Sán [Huang Shang], this Decree was never more than a dead letter.Diogo do Couto, referring to traders who went from Macau to Manila and Goa, recorded that they went “laden with pretty white girls with whom they have been cohabiting for many years.” It is possible that in this case the reference is equally to the muisai and the Eurasians, both light skinned.From the markets of Arab Countries to the famous market of Goa, the Portuguese could purchase slaves in a wide range of locations, whether Africa or Asia, which increased this trade in the East to such an extent that the Crown was galvanized into declaring a number of provisions aimed at impeding this unchecked traffic. In 1520, King Dom Manuel I prohibited slaves of any caste from being brought to Europe. Subsequently, in March of 1571, King Dom Sebastião prohibited the purchase of Japanese slaves. As a consequence of complaints from the Chinese Authorities against Portuguese who robbed or bought girls from their Country as maids and exported them as slaves, 191 - HISTORICAL DATA

sanctions were established in 1595 to put an end to these abuses: a fine of one-thousand cruzados and a two year confinement to Daman. Nevertheless, in spite of sanctions instituted, this trade prevailed, as can be deduced from the Law of 1624 promulgated at the prompting of the Jesuit Fathers, doubtless in turn spokesmen for the Mandarins. This Law prohibited the Chinese being made into slaves “under any pretext whatsoever.” Many Portuguese, nevertheless, continued to purchase Chinese girls from their parents who sold them whilst mere children, compelled by poverty, or who robbed them from others as goods for trade under the pretext of saving their souls by converting them to Christianity. If such intentions were genuine in some cases, in others it was rather a question of stifling the call of conscience and providing Church Authorities with a fitting response, the Portuguese being, as they always were in Macau, practicing Christians.Like all other Laws originating in the Crown, this Law of 1624 applying to the purchase of Chinese children remained a dead letter for the inhabitants of Macau. Accustomed to being all but self-governing, sufficiently distanced from the justice of Goa, and having assembled in their Senate a group of men not always beholden to the virtues required of an “homem bom”, (“good man”), they were little influenced by Laws originating in the Crown. Greed and the lure of wealth proved more potent.In 1715, the “Pai dos Christãos” or “Pai dos cristãos” (lit.: “Father of the Christians”, meaning the “Pastoral” Priest for the newly converted) once again prohibited the purchase of slaves, demanding observance of the prohibition against sending muitsai from Macau to Goa or any other location. This proclamation appears to point to the fact that there were continuing complaints from Chinese Authorities about the acquisition of children from that Nation by the Portuguese inhabitants of Macau. Indeed, the Mandarins took a stand against this trade, culminating in a new stone tablet being placed in the Tribunal of the Magistrate of Mong Há, a replica of the one that had been placed in the Senate the previous century (1613 and later in 1617), on which were engraved various Articles of Legislation concerning the Chinese and Portuguese alike. One of the Articles was precisely the prohibition of traffic in muitsai. Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

At this time, commerce in Macau was in decline and the slave trade would have been one of the few sources of revenue. Fear of the Mandarins meant that care had to be taken in the purchase of Chinese girls, and attention turned to Timor. This is what lies behind the new prohibition by the Bishop of Macau, in 1747, against bringing Timorese or other women to the Territory. The Senate, on this occasion, opposed the ecclesiastic proclamation, which could not at the time, as is obvious, find approval among the Chinese Authorities. This demonstrates just how difficult it was for the missionaries in Macau to bring an element of morality to customs there.In 1758, it was to be the Marquis of Pombal, finally, who delivered the most resounding blow to the enslavement of Chinese girls, ordering the emancipation of all those in captivity within twenty-four hours. Paradoxically, this new prohibition culminated in complaints from the Parish priests in Macau about the low number of Chinese children baptized between 1763 and 1774, when a memorandum was sent to the Crown that reads:“The priests of Sé (Cathedral) and of St. António (St. Anthony) say that very few Chinese children have been baptized after the Decree of His Majesty, by which is given to understand […] that none want to purchase them.”The priest of S. Lourenço (St. Lawrence) refers more specifically to girls. The most well-to-do Portuguese lived in that Parish, from which it can be deduced that they would own the greatest number criações (lit.: breeding, meaning: servants). The decline in the acquisition of Chinese children demonstrates the extent to which the philanthropic interests were pretexts. Children would have been born as a result of the more or less unlawful unions of the Portuguese and their female slaves from the furthest parts of Asia. Bocarro refers to these children as “the most robust of them all,” and in many instances they would have been accepted and baptized by their fathers, and if girls, probably dowered for future marriage with the father’s companions or sons of the latter.211 - HISTORICAL DATA

In 1563, Fr. Francisco de Sousa, describing a procession in Macau, states that: “there were girls by the windows with garlands in their hair and silvers salvers in their hands full of roses and flasks with rose water which they scattered above the canopy and the passing crowd, […] ” as was also the custom at the time in Goa. These girls were certainly the daughters of the Portuguese, those self-same Eurasian girls who were to become the ladies of the principal Portuguese families in Macau. On the same theme, the Father adds that: “many orphan girls and Christians of the land were married after living for some time in sin. More than four-hundred-and-fifty escravas de preço (Port. expl.: female traded slaves) embarked, the most dangerous and difficult for taking abroad and this was one of the greatest glories done to God […] the Portuguese purchase this rabble in various Provinces of the East such as China and Bengal under the pretext of making them Christians and later they bring them to our ports where they are of scant benefit to their masters’ pockets and perhaps of even greater injury to their souls.” On the basis of this text it seems possible to conclude that once female slaves were banned from Macau, lawful wedlock was contracted, “marrying orphan girls” whom we deem in that to be the Eurasian daughters of the Portuguese. In the meantime, in Macau as in Goa and Malacca, the Portuguese, even married Portuguese, had any number of slaves at home. Joseph Wick states that in the sixteenth century, it was common to hear talk of wedded men in Malacca, from whence St. Francisc Xavier departed without being able to bear “much fruit among its citizens,” men who, in addition to being married, had three or four young concubines, and many, half-a-dozen.There were women aboard the ships on the Goa to Macau route also, apart from female slaves carried for commercial ends, since it was a custom among Eastern sailors to bring along their women-folk and concubines.In addition to these female slaves who accompanied, as custom had it in the East, the menfolk on the ships, many marriages took place in the conquered locations, some of which were even encouraged by the Official Bodies. In Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

India, prior to the conquest of Goa by Afonso de Albuquerque, some men were already married to Asiatic women in the fortress of Cochin. Among these women there would be Indians, as well as others hailing from different ports of Africa and Asia.Moreover, marriages between Portuguese men and indigenous women were encouraged by Afonso de Albuquerque as part of his policy of rapidly populating the land and putting down roots there. In this manner, many “portugueses limpos e de bem” (“pure and well bred Portuguese”) were married to “mouras alvas de bom parecer” (“light skinned and pretty Moorish women”), probably Turkish from the harems of Goa and also Brahmin women, excluding Indians of low status. Indeed, “the sons and daughters of such an admixture will not meet the good breeding of their fathers and mothers.”According to Frederico Diniz de Ayala, Afonso de Albuquerque’s plan was “to maintain and perpetuate the Portuguese family as the best fruit of the soil, which it had labored with its generous blood and that of so many of its esteemed companions.”A reading of the letters of Afonso de Albuquerque appears to suggest that such a procedure corresponded principally to a birth policy aimed at rapidly creating Portuguese soldiers who were natives of the Country in numbers sufficient to defend it.According to Cristóvão Aires, the thinking of Afonso de Albuquerque also centered on establishing Portuguese roots on Indian soil “planting Christian vines and organizing a colonizing nucleus by means of a population drive and marriages.”According to J. J. Campos, Afonso de Albuquerque’s approach is comparable with that of the Alexander the Great, because in the same manner it was only permissible for men of distinction to marry Indian women of local nobility. This opinion is shared by J. F. Ferreira Martins as well. By dint of marriage to captive Moorish women, Afonso de Albuquerque’s best soldiers 231 - HISTORICAL DATA

were granted the lands and houses of the dead or fugitive husbands of their new wives. The distribution of these lands among the married menfolk of Goa is registered in the Royal Letter of grants and favours from King Dom Manuel I, dated the 15th of March 1518. In order to encourage these voluntary marriages, such concessions granted to the Portuguese and their descendants were exempt from all contributions save the tithe levied by the Church.However, the policy of favouring unions with native people commenced prior to this Royal Letter, since in 1509 the Order went out that wedding dowries be paid to Luso-Indian married couples.It is widely accepted by historians that the first levy of orphan girls to be married in India was sent between 1544 and 1546. It is known, moreover, that in the seventeenth century almost three thousand girls were dispatched to Goa, daughters of noblemen or of commoners in the service of the King who had died in overseas strongholds. These girls, on account of sheer numbers, became a source of grave worry to the Misericórdias (Misericordies, i.e.: alm houses) and other institutions of the Crown. At the same time, in addition to the orphans, it came to pass that Goa had to accept the sending of marginals, vagrants and even criminals, some convicted of sexual crimes, others bigamists, in an attempt to remove from the Crown those elements considered unfitting or poorly suited to adaptation. There is no doubt that these men were the perpetrators of many an outrage in the strongholds where they remained as inhabitants, and more than a few passed from Goa to China, fleeing local justice.It was not always easy to marry off all the girls hailing from the Crown, given the presence of these men, for whom betrothal to the ‘órfãs d’el-rei’ was inadvisable, and also given the competition from many richly dowered Eurasian girls.The Crown was requested to grant equal privileges to the ‘órfãs de terra’ (‘orphan girls of soil’ [Macau]). This was because there were many orphan girls in India, daughters of Portuguese, who were born there and whom in many cases were not seen as eligible since they lacked dowries. There was a substantial Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

number of these girls, as yet unmarried, whose fathers had nevertheless died in the strongholds of India in the service of the Motherland.As it transpired, however, the dowries that were provided for the marriage of orphans girls consisted principally of the granting of honours and favours, which made veritable scandals of certain marriages.The tale of João Caeiro, of the Algarve, was legendary. On dying, he left the sum of thirteen or fourteen-thousand pardaus. This man had a son and a daughter, his own and from a slave, and he had declared them his heirs and heirs to each other. The son died, however, in which event the fortune reverted to the girl. With a dowry like that she could marry even a nobleman, as one of the executors of the will, Simão Botelho, was to point out. However, in the absence of the latter, a Portuguese man had inspired the girl to marry a “tafull desbragado” (“n’er-do-well dandy”), his cousin. As a result of cases like this, and also because the Fazenda (Royal Exchequer) in Goa had to shoulder all the overheads of these orphan girls, the girls themselves were ultimately never sent anywhere. Meanwhile, from those girls of the Crown who did marry there issued genuine Portuguese families, whose offspring married by personal preference among their own kind, thus maintaining at least a few family lines which would at the most join with mestizo girls who had ample dowries. These families were for most part titled nobility who hailed from the last quarter of the seventeenth century.What came to pass in Goa also came to pass in Macau, but in the case of the latter, preferential marriages were to Luso-Asiatic girls with ample dowries. An example drawn from history refers to the family of Lopo Sarmento de Carvalho, who lived in Macau in the seventeenth century. 251 - HISTORICAL DATA

Chart of Preferental Weddings Between Portuguese Men and Euro-Asian Women According to Historical SourcesFamilies Lopo Sarmento de Carvalho and António Fialho FerreiraFrom this it can be inferred that preferential marriages of the Portuguese in the East were to richly dowered girls, irrespective of ethnic origin. Moreover, it is known that men went to Macau in search of these high dowries, since by the middle of the seventeenth-century very prosperous traders lived in that City.The Royal Charter of 9th of March 1575 regulated the granting of nuptial favors that cast such a hue around the ‘órfãs d’el-rei’, and likewise other young Portuguese ladies and Luso-descendants, and even widows eligible for marriage. Up to 1695, many other Charters and Royal Letters were issued increasing the quantity and volume of these dowries, and this appears to confirm the difficulty encountered in trying to find suitors for girls whose dowries were not sufficiently attractive. Simultaneously, the grants made to men who married Indian women during the times of Afonso de Albuquerque were maintained. Thus, although untitled Portuguese men or those of lesser Europeansdaughter of the soilson of the soil‘Voz Pública’[vax populi]in MacaoCatarina NunesCatarina Cerqueira(Euro-Asian)Maria Pires(Euro-Asian)(Macao)António Fialho Ferreira(from Sesimbra)*[last quarter of the sixteen century]Jorge Cerqueira(from Lamego)Mateus Pires(from Pinhel)Maria Cerqueira(Euro-Asian)Lopo Sarmento de Carvalho(from Bragança)Inácio Sarmento de CarvalhoJosé Domingos Teresa de S. José(religious sister)‘láscara’(lascaria)New Christian of Moorish descentSons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

means were indeed permitted to aspire to the hand of a Portuguese woman with a dowry, they preferred betrothal to a native girl in order to take advantage of these old grants, which predominantly took the form of lands. Christophe Pawlowski, in a letter from Goa dated 20th of November 1596, made the following comment:“[…] although the womenfolk here are very dark, the Portuguese marry them.” In such instances, Asiatic customs generally prevailed and each house was a veritable harem.In Goa, hence, a very clear social boundary was established: one line of Portuguese from the Crown, usually with forebears of high nobility, and another line of the less well-to-do, who married native women. On the other hand, the Eurasians who had preferential marriages to Europeans and their descendants gave rise to the Luso-Indians, amongst whom there were girls of immense beauty.In our opinion, what took place in Goa must have been very similar to events in other Eastern strongholds. When the City of Macau was established, many men had families in Goa or Malacca, and their wives would perhaps be of corresponding ethnic origin, whether Europeans or Eurasians, since there would have been a fair number of inhabitants hailing from marriages or unlawful unions in Indian strongholds. When the City was able to offer guarantees of greater stability, these families came from Goa, many of them possibly already including daughters of marriageable age.In our opinion, born into lawfully wedded families, the mothers of the Macanese would have been these Eurasian women, who must have been quite numerous by the time the City of Macau was founded. These were the only women there who could have offered ample dowries. There is to all intents and purposes no doubt that the Indian, Japanese, Malay and Chinese female slaves continued to dwell in the houses of the Portuguese in high numbers, 271 - HISTORICAL DATA

and to cause scandal among the missionaries who managed to obtain their expulsion in many cases. One has only to compare, for example, the number of slaves living in Macau in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with the total number of families resident there, in order to recognize that for a long time the lifestyle of the Portuguese in that City was far from virtuous. Further, according to various contemporary documents, the Goa of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was scarcely given to considerations of a moral kind either. However, the Church and Civil Authorities alike had much greater leverage in that city due to the notoriously severe Laws of the Inquisition in Goa, whilst in Macau, where the Senate was governed by men elected by the residents, some base and lacking scruples, such Political and Judicial leverage was held in check. These men were much more lenient in judging their fellow countrymen, often in defense of their own interests. The Civil Authorities and the Ecclesiastic ones, the latter devoid of the powers they had in Goa, often opposed each other in internal battles that brought scant advantage on the social level. In addition, stationed above these two sources of Authority was the Mandarin representing Chinese Political and Judicial power, who in the final count held the trade reins in Macau but who was scarcely interested in social problems among foreigners.No doubt there were good men, religious and of great virtue. Such men, if traders and of means, would certainly marry the daughters of their Portuguese neighbours, whether from Macau or Goa, where many would frequently disembark during trade journeys. These men, who could provide their daughters with dowries ample enough to attract suitors, would never allow their daughters to enter into unions with men of dissolute customs. This perhaps explains the high number of girls taking the veil, so high in fact that the Viceroy Count of Ericeira was moved to demand a reduction in the number of women taking the vows in order to increase the Portuguese population in Macau. It is evident that the term ‘Portuguese’ would denote those recognized by the latter as such, but not necessarily their offspring.In Macau, the dowries of orphan girls were also the object of important bequests on the part of rich men, with the aim of procuring for them good marriages within the matrimonial standards of the epoch. Some wealthy men, Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

bachelors, bequeathed their assets to criações or their godchildren (maybe their own children or those of their slaves), others to the children of friends with whose care they were entrusted. There were also those like the rich trader Manuel Favacho, who bequeathed part of his fortune to twenty orphan girls without further qualification. At the time, when the risks of the sea were many, owing not only to typhoons but also to pirates, there must have been many orphans who would never marry without the help of rich inhabitants and the Misericórdia. These bequests were frequent in the eighteenth century, as the examples transcribed below demonstrate.Traslado de verba do testamento do defunto Gaspar Martins, que faleceo em 13 de Dezembro de 1718 annos tirado do seo proprio testamento que fica no seo inventario no Juizo dos Orpão [sic]. “Mando que o remanescente da minha terça fique na Santa Caza da Mizericordia para dar a ganhos do mar com aquellas fianças e seguranças como he uzo e costume fazer a dita Santa Caza e os ganhos que tiver fará em três, partes, hua para se esmolar na meza e outras duas dará hua ao meo criolo Manoel e outra ao meo criolo Joze, e dado cazo que faleça algum deles, o outro logrará de ambas, e falecendo ambos essas duas partes cada anno se dirão em missas por minha alma e dos ditos meos criolos Manoel e Joze: Sobreescripta por mim Francisco de Mendonça Furtado Escrivam desta Santa Caza da Mizericórdia e me assignei. Fr.co de Mend.ça Furt.o”(Copy of the words of the will of the deceased Gaspar Martins, who passed away on the 13th of December 1718, taken from his own last will which is found in his inventory in the Juizo dos Orpão [sic].“I declare that the remains of my estate be entrusted to the Santa Caza da Mizericordia for investment in sea trade and sureties as is wont to happen in the said Santa Caza and that the profit arising thereof be divided in three parts, one for alms at the communion altar and a further two to be given half to my manservant Manoel and half to my manservant Joze, and in the event that 291 - HISTORICAL DATA

either of these die, the other be given both, and if both die these two parts be given each year for masses said for my soul and those of my said manservants; inscribed by me, Francisco de Mendonça Furtado, Notary of this Santa Caza da Mizericordia, and signed.Francisco de Mendonça Furtado. ”).(ASCMM: Legados [Bequests], 1592-1849, Cod. no15, fol.73vo.)Traslado da verba do testamento do defunto Francisco Rangel que faleceo nesta Cidade de Macao em 20 de Mayo de 1724 cujo testamento esta em poder do seo genro João da Silva Magalhães.“Item peço ao Ilustrissimo Senhor Provedor da Santa Caza da Mizericordia que acompanhe o meo corpo com a sua tumba e bandeira athe a minha sepultura de que deixo de esmola trezentos taeis para se dizer em missas pela minha alma na dita Santa Caza. Item deixo mais duzentos taeis em a dita Santa Caza da Mizericordia para as missas pela minha alma. Item declaro que em uma das clauzulas deste meo testamento que acima declara, que de quinhentos taeis que deixo de missas para minha alma applico mais outros quinhentos taeis que por tudo fazem mil taeis para andarem a risco do mar para aos ganhos se fazer tres quinhões hum para a meza esmolar, outro um para as missas pela minha alma, e outro para esmolar para órfãas e viuvas, e quando haja a guma perda deste dinheiro se não fará sufrágio sem primeiro fazer outra vez o proprio.”(Copy of the words of the will of the deceased Francisco Rangel who passed away in this City of Macau on the 20th of May 1724, whose last will is in the possession of his son-in-law João da Silva Magalhães.“I further implore that the Illustrious Senhor Provedor of the Santa Caza da Mizericordia accompany my body with its cask and flag to my tomb in light of which I leave three-hundred taéis in alms to say masses for my soul in the said Santa Caza. I further leave two-hundred taéis, more in the said Santa Caza da Mizericordia for masses said for my soul. I further declare that in one of the clauses of this my last will as I declared above that to the five-hundred taéis that I leave for masses for my soul I apply another five-hundred taéis which Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

makes the sum of one-thousand taéis to invest in the sea trade, three portions of which be made for communion altar alms, and another for the masses for my soul, and another for alms for the orphan girls and widows, and in the case of loss of this money there be no almsgiving without doing once again what is appropriate.”).(ASCMM: Legados [Bequests], 1592-1849, Cod. no15, fol.75vo.)Traslado da verba do testamento do defunto Roque Gonsalves de Lima, que faleceo nesta Cidade em 12 de Março de 1725 annos.“Item deixo em Santa Caza da Mizericordia trezentos taeis os quais peco ao Senhor Provedor, e aos Senhores Irmãos da meza os queirão receber para os disporem na forma seguinte, os quais se darão a responder a ganhos do mar e da dita respondencia de cada anno se fará tres partes. A primeira para as despezas da Santa Caza a 2.a para se esmolar por órfãas e viuvas e pelos pobres mais dezemparados e a 3.a parte para se dizer em missas pela minha alma e pela alma de meo Pay e de minha May, e se acazo nos annos futuros houver alguma falta nas respondencias mando que sessem as ditas esmolas e missas athe se prefazer o capital. Sobreescritas por mym Francisco de Medonça Furtado Escrivão desta Santa Caza de Mizericordia as verbas acima, e me assinei. Fr.co de Mend.ça Furt.o”(Copy of the words of the will of the deceased Roque Gonsalves of Lima, who passed away in this City [of Macau] on the 12th of March 1725. “I further leave the Santa Caza da Mizericordia three-hundred taéis, of which I implore that the President of the Board of Guardians and the Illustrious Brothers of the altar receive for disposal in the following manner, which will arise from sea profits and from said respondencia (bottomry) each year to be made in three parts. The first is for the costs of the Santa Caza da Mizericordia, the second for alms for the orphan girls and widows and for the most indigent poor, and the third part to say masses for my soul and for the souls of my 311 - HISTORICAL DATA

Father and my Mother, and if in future years there be some short-fall in the respondencia, I order that such alms and masses cease in order to refinance the capital. Inscribed by me, Francisco de Medonça Furtado, Notary of this Santa Caza da Mizericordia the above words,[signed] Francisco de Mendonça Furtado.”).(ASCMM: Legados [Bequests], 1592-1849, codex no15, fol.75vo.)From this point on, a social stratification similar to that of Goa developed: families of Portuguese background whose daughters married European men by preference and whose sons married Eurasian girls, and men of lesser means who married Chinese girls, preferring them perhaps to the undowried Eurasians on account of the “many virtues that adorned” the former. Were these Chinese girls the daughters of the free Christians who inhabited the City? We are inclined to this hypothesis, inasmuch as these Chinese would be in the main prosperous men, such is the business acumen of the sons of the Celestial Empire. It is a shame so little is known about these Chinese, with the exception of the odd one here and there, for example, the ancient founder of the Remédios family. A dearth of knowledge which results from the fact that they received Portuguese names from their godparents, including the surname, and this led to them being taken for reinóis (European-born Portuguese) or their offsprings. In the seventeenth century, in 1614 and 1636, many Christian Japanese and Portuguese based in Japan took refuge in Macau after the persecution of the Christian religion in Japan. Amongst them came prominent Japanese families with young people of both sexes. Naturally, in such times marriages came about between the Portuguese of Macau or their offspring and the Japanese or Luso-Japanese. Previously, under the union of the two Crowns [Spanish and Portuguese], a few men married in Manila arrived in Macau with their offspring. Men from Hormuz and Cochin are recorded as Portuguese from Macau in the reports of the Japan martyrs, probably offspring of Portuguese men and women of the former Nations. At the close of the eighteenth century, many Christians from Cochin-China sought refuge in Macau, and they probably belonged to the most prosperous families who would have had to leave the Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Country owing to the Toycon Revolt and the consequent persecutions against the Church. At this time some Portuguese men in Macau were betrothed to women from Cochin-China, as can be culled from an analysis of the Parish Archives of Macau, from 1785 to 1793.The Chinese population grew in the nineteenth century, and many foreigners settled in Macau, where they married and left illegitimate children. In our opinion, the situation of the first Portuguese men would have been as follows: preferential marriage to Portuguese women from Goa or Eurasian women with ample dowries, as well as unions with female slaves of various ethnic origins, from which children — the criações — were born who sometimes became their father’s heirs.Peter Mundy reached port in Macau on 5th of July 1637 and remained there for six months, putting up at the house of António de Oliveira Aranha (Captain-Major of the 1629 ‘Japan voyage’, and based in Macau). In his famous narrative of the journey, he claimed that the house was similar to others in terms of furniture, holidays, etc., “differing in this thatt wee were here served with weomen maides, Chineses of his owne household, boughtt by him.” According to the same author, each Macanese head of family had many of these girls, which were seen as utensils or part of the property of the house. He also emphasized that he had heard tell that there were virtually no women born in Portugal in the City, and the wives were either Chinese or mestizas of the same race previously married to Portuguese.In his 1638 description of the City of Macau, Marco d’ Avalo was also of the opinion that when founded, the City was governed in the manner of a Republic, that is, by the oldest advisors, and that the Portuguese married Chinese women, in turn leading to the gradual formation of a population there.Descriptions such as these prompted many historians to infer that the Macanese are Luso-Chinese mestizos. However, on analysis, we have to consider such writings hypothetical and contrary to proven historical fact, such as we presented above. In 1641, with the fall of Malacca, Malay blood renewed 331 - HISTORICAL DATA

the Macanese genetic pool, and not only through native women, but also their Luso-Malay daughters.It is only natural that description of the type furnished by d’ Avalo should be seen as true in the eyes of the fleeting observer passing through a foreign land, where Chinese Christian women dressed like their Portuguese counterparts, and where there was no distinction in attire between women of different social class (apart from the quality of the cloth) as they walked down the street clad in their saraças.In the light of what was established above, it is absolutely inconceivable, however, that the Macanese women were all, or in their majority, Chinese or Luso-Chineses, because as shown beyond a shadow of a doubt in documentation, such was not even the case during the nineteenth century when the former socio-cultural barriers had begun to collapse.Other travelers such as La Pérouse, who himself described Macau, in 1787, are also of a different opinion. La Pérouse, for example, recorded that among twenty-thousand inhabitants of the Colony, barely one-hundred were Portuguese by birth whilst there were “two-thousand mestizos or Indian-Portuguese” and an equal number of slaves who functioned as servants. These statistics point towards a total of fifteen-thousand Chinese residents in Macau, these being approximate calculations only, as is clear. What stands out in this description is that the Macanese seemed to La Pérouse like Portuguese from India and not Chinese, which would be a most unlikely conclusion if the prevailing hybridism was with Chinese women. La Pérouse would never confuse mongoloid features with those of the Indo-Aryans. He might take Luso-Malays for Luso-Indians but never the latter for Luso-Chinese, unless the somatic characteristics were greatly diluted from being the fruit of sporadic unions rather than systematic ones as we suppose. If the Portuguese mestizos seemed to him like Indians, the young women of Macau, daughters and wives of the Portuguese, could never be in their majority Chinese or Luso-Chinese. It is only natural that among the fifteen-thousand Chinese, whether Christians or gentiles, La Pérouse should have included some mestizos, perhaps Macanese Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

of the less wealthy classes, given that in our own day such confusion is frequent among the Europeans, to whom the Oriental physiognomy is foreign.The most trustworthy descriptions by foreigners who visited Macau are those of the Chinese Mandarins, who were ordered to relocate there in the eighteenth century. These Mandarins recorded that Portuguese women from Macau fell into two categories: “as brancas” (“the white women”) and “as pretas” (“the black women”), respectively, the ladies of the house and female slaves. It seems possible to conclude from this affirmation that girls from Malaysia and Timor, and the Kaffirs, were in a subaltern position in Macau, with the Eurasians being the legitimate wives of the Portuguese as well as the occasional woman from the Crown. There might have been some Luso-Chinese women amongst the white wives, but had the majority of them been so and especially had they been of pure Chinese extraction we could surmise that the Magistrates would have emphasized the fact, somewhat redundantly, as they did regarding the betrothal of Portuguese women to Chinese men. At the time, owing to the deplorable state of the City, it is possible that this came to pass, but we do believe that it happened with the daughters of the best Macanese families, unless intermittently and with great uproar.It is also notable that the list of deceased secular people buried in the Church of the Colégio da Madre de Deus (College of the Holy Mother of God, or St. Paul’s) up to 1742 features Japanese women married to Portuguese men, but we have no account of Chinese women. In the eighteenth century, moreover, Juan Baptista, the Factor of Manila, recorded that all Portuguese men had Chinese women at home, but as slaves.Conclusions drawn from the analysis of Parish Records are not overly precise nor do they provide exact data about the early years of the City’s foundation, since the books that have come down to us are very recent, the oldest dating from the eighteenth century, a period in which Macau was impoverished and when poverty, moral as well as material, was “supreme”, in the words of the Parish priests themselves.351 - HISTORICAL DATA

Nevertheless, we can draw various inferences from studying them: in the Parish of the Sé, between the years 1802 to 1831, out of seventy baptized children only twelve are the maternal granddaughters of Chinese and the paternal granddaughters of Portuguese or Christian Chinese, to judge by their surnames. Many of the names seem to us, moreover, to belong to families that were miscegenated with Chinese as of the seventeenth century, and in some cases they were descendants of richly dowered children, such as the Xavier, Noronha Remédios and Rosário families.It is notable that these Archives contain not a single name of an old Macanese family of the most socially elevated strata. Moreover, the statistic of seventy births in twenty-nine years recorded for a Parish as populous as that of Sé, corresponding to two-and-a-half a year, seems to us far too low a number, and could be the result of a low fertility rate or, equally, a reduced number of marriages.With respect to the Book of Marriages referring to the same Parish, between 1777 and 1784 exactly the same is apparent on the question of family names. In 1778, for example, out of a total of thirteen marriages, only three denote the betrothal of men of the Crown to young women of non-Chinese extraction, which is a percentage of 23%. Of those thirteen marriages, six denote the betrothal of Portuguese men without close Chinese ancestry to girls who were indeed descendants of gentile Chinese but almost always on the female side, and to girls belonging the Rosário and the Xavier families, however. It would be interesting to establish whether these latter-mentioned Portuguese men lacked fortune, titles or remunerative posts, as we assume. In any event, the fact remains that not a single name of an old Macanese family is to be found, we repeat, in the betrothal statistic which refers to couples in which one of the spouse had close Chinese ancestry.With regard to the Parish of S. Lourenço, where the most socially elevated families resided in the nineteenth century, to judge by the high level of education and the reduced correspondence between the number of fires and the number of homes, these is also a total of thirteen betrothals of daughters of Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

the soil to European men between 1782 and 1787, and only one betrothal of a European man to a Chinese woman. Oddly enough, there is also a Record of the betrothal of a slave woman from Timor to a Kaffir slave, on the 19th of May 1786, which contradicts the notion, widely accepted and held by some authors, that marriage between slaves in Macau was forbidden.A wider analysis of the Parish Archives gives ground for suggesting that the marriages of daughters of the soil were either homogamous or preferential to European men. […].In the nineteenth century, when Macanese society was showing signs of greater rapport with Chinese society, a number of marriages to women of that origin begin to appear in the Record Books, some of these women perhaps being Creoles, mestizas who were not adopted, or Chinese women acquired by purchase. It is notable, nevertheless, that the surnames Remédios and Rosário continued to prevail among the betrothed, added to the surname Xavier whenever the bridegroom was a son from Macau. A perusal of the Archives of the Parish of S. Lourenço from the years 1822 to 1870 demonstrates that in almost fifty years only thirty-three betrothals of Portuguese men of the Crown in Macau to women of Chinese origin took place. It must nevertheless be pointed out that in none of the Parishes of Macau is there a male member of the Basto, Marques, Melo, Miranda, Paiva, or Pereira da Silveira families included in the statistics for men married to Chinese girls or girls of Chinese descent, unless by exception. In fact, in the restricted society of Macau, marriage to Chinese girls was the target of criticism and was looked down upon. When a son of the legal scrivener Francisco António Pereira da Silveira, belonging to the ‘cream’ of the Colony, married a young woman from the old Remédios family of Chinese descent in the middle of the nineteenth century, a lampoon was immediately published in the City, a copy of which was later sent by a relative to João Feliciano Marques Pereira.371 - HISTORICAL DATA

“PASQUIM DE 2 DE DEZEMBRO1º.No tumulo de Dião MirandaExallou um forte ay Por cazar seu sobrinhoCom neta do seu Atay2º.Não esta primeiraQue orgulho ficou calcado Desse Almoxarife Inglez Desse nariz bem curvado3º.No Grão Céa dessas BodaNão encontrava cordonizPara senão encontrar no PápoA Chinita sem nariz”(“LAMPOON OF DECEMBER 21st.From the tomb of Dião MirandaThere came a loud alasFor the marriage of his nephewTo a granddaughter, Atay’s lassSons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

2nd.Not this the firstBefore pride to be disjointedOf that English clerkOf that nose finely pointed3rd.In the Grand Wedding Supper Was to be found not a quailUnless finding a Chinese girlWithout nose in its entrails”)With data culled from the Parish Archives and furnished by various works referring to the genealogy of the main Macanese families, we drew up twenty family trees, the analysis of which can provide a number of conclusions that support our hypothesis about the origin of the Macanese as a polyhybrid and partially isolated group in Macanese society, clearly separated from Chinese society.It would be interesting to consult more closely the available Parish Archives and quantify in percentages the marriages of filhos da terra to descendants of Chinese families on the one hand, and to individuals from Europe, India and other locations more or less distanced from Macau, on the other. Such was not possible on account of the difficulties in obtaining microfilms of the relevant documents, some much the worse for wear and tear and in a poor state of conservation, for which reason, beyond doubt, they were not made available to us. However, on the basis of the data we have at our disposal, it is possible to corroborate the ingrained homogamy of the Macanese, and further, to corroborate the authenticity of the saying, habitual among them, that tudo sã 391 - HISTORICAL DATA

primo-prima (lit.: all are male cousin-female cousin, or, they are all cousins) in Macau. We can draw further conclusions, such as: — the restricted rapport with Chinese society, such that when marriage to people of that nation took place, the individuals were Creoles raised in Portuguese family circles;— the richest families by preference married their children off amongst their own kind and their daughters off to Europeans, these being chosen from officials of the Army or Navy, doctors and high-ranking civil servants;— the widowed regularly remarried, and in the case of widowers, often to their sisters-in-law. Rich widows frequently married European men who had no fortune or position of high rank granted to them. Given the number of women in Macau was disproportionately higher than the number of men, the frequent remarriage of widows is conceivable only on the grounds of immense attractiveness, one of the most esteemed attractions in Macau being, as ever, money.— the Macanese family was traditionally an extended one, with patrilocal residence. However, in the case of marriage to Europeans, residence was often taken up in the house of the wife or a separate home was established. The latter instance, however, that is, the establishment of a separate home, became a common occurrence only after the ‘Victorian revolution’;— in contrast to what came to pass and continues to do so, marriages after the birth of the first child were rare in Macau;— the most frequent marrying age was fifteen to nineteen for girls and post-twenty for men, and there was almost always a considerable age difference between husband and wife, which seems to indicate the vestiges of an old Indian influence;Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

— the Creoles always received the surname of the godmother or the godfather, being thus distinguished from female slaves, who were only attributed a first name;— among individuals of Chinese descent, the names Inácio/Inácia prevailed, and also Boaventura (given to both sexes), or António. The surname Rosário is also very frequent, which brings to mind the earlier baptism of New Christians under the influence of the missionary Fathers;— evident is the custom of giving the newborn or children of baptized gentiles, under the influence of the Portuguese of Macau, the name of the Saint corresponding to the day of birth or to the day of baptism. When both dates were known, it was even the case that both names were used;— another interesting custom among the Portuguese of Macau was the bestowing of the proper name of the grandfather on the first son of the first born of each generation;— of late another custom has been adopted, that of giving all sons names that begin with the same letter, that is, the first letter of the father’s first name.In summary: the filhos da terra married amongst their own kind, mainly as far as regards the highest class, in which event it was often a preferential marriage to family members four times removed or even three times removed. In like manner, daughters of the soil were preferentially married to Europeans or foreigners, the same being the case with the nhons, although less frequently. Marriage to Indian or Timorese men, or even Cochin-Chinese when Macau began to trade in that land, was contracted principally by women of more modest means, some of them mestizas directly descended from Chinese or from people of other ethnic origins. Such cross-marriages were even contracted both Portuguese or Macanese men, in which event they married Philippine, 411 - HISTORICAL DATA

Cochin-Chinese and Chinese women who were generally the offspring of rich families.The data provided by the reverend Fr. Manuel Teixeira in reference to various Macanese ecclesiastics and the marriages of Macanese men to Chinese women, reinforces what has been stated above. The said data confirms two things:1. criações on the spear side and perhaps on the distaff side were often bound for the religious life;2. in the event of marriage, it was more common for such criações and their descendants to take Chinese girls or the daughters of Chinese women as wives than it was for the descendants of Portuguese of the Crown or of old Macanese families to do so, not unlike the Luso-descendants of Goa.Another fact not to be overlooked is that if there were no reservations on the part of the highest classes about the remarriage of the widowed, such was not the case, by contrast, for daughters of unknown fathers. In our sample, which covered marriages that took place in Macau across nearly two centuries, we found hardly a single Macanese, son of gentiles, with a Portuguese name, married to a daughter of Macau of unknown father.In the middle of the eighteenth century, marriages took place between Macanese men and the granddaughters of Chinese women. Such brides were second generation, however, and thus by that point were probably granddaughters of Christians or daughters of Creoles from wealthy families, who not uncommonly received ample dowries, as already stated.Another point to make refers to the average number of children per married couple: between two and six among the Macanese, twins being very rare. Women often died in childbirth or shortly afterwards and there was a considerable number of still-births and a high rate of infant mortality. Judging by the study of the twenty families for whom family trees were drawn up, all of Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

high and mid-level socio-economic status, one can assume that such statistics would probably be far higher for families of lesser economic status. A higher fertility rate is to be found among Chinese Christian couples, Creoles or their descendants, with each couple reaching a statistic as high as sixteen children, the average being seven or eight per couple, which is not uncommon among the Chinese population, however. Some Macanese families of high social standing also had many descendants, reaching ten or twelve children per couple. The fact is, however, that many of these children did not live to reproductive age. In support of our hypothesis comes the following table, published in the “Boletim da Província” (“Bulletin of the Province”) of 1887, on page 121. STATISTIC OF BIRTHS AND MARRIAGES (1881-1885)OF THE CHRISTIAN POPULATION OF MACAOExtract from the registers of the Parishes of Sé, S. Lourenço, St.º António and S. LázaroA. BIRTHS Years Europeans Macanese Hindus Macanese and Macanese and Chinese Europeans other races 1881 5 62 3 24 12 61 1882 4 47 1 23 6 71 1883 3 53 1 22 5 47 1884 6 38 1 24 4 66 1885 3 42 - 29 8 81B. MARRIAGES 1881 1 21 - 19 6 9 1882 - 18 - 11 3 16 1883 - 7 - 9 2 5 1884 1 19 - 9 1 8 1885 - 14 - 11 1 13Reprint from: “Boletim da Província de Macau” (1887. p.121). 431 - HISTORICAL DATA

An analysis of this table suggests that even in the closing years of the nineteenth century, the Macanese by preference married amongst themselves or to Europeans, and that lawful unions with persons of other ethnic groups were rare. In Macau, for the years 1881 to 1885, there was a total of seventy-six betrothals amongst the Macanese (51%), fifty-nine between Macanese and Europeans (39.1%) and thirteen between Macanese and individuals of other races (8.7%).From what has been established above, it easily follows that the Macanese, mainly those in the best economic conditions, maintained traditions that were jealously guarded and kept proudly separate from the customs of the Western adventurers and also from the Chinese gentiles who had been the servants and builders of the City. By the same token, Chinese families of noble lineage would never seek to place their children in unions with the ‘barbarians’ of the West, and only those who were Christians or very poor would permit such crossings, or even a shared life, in the role of servants. Therein the isolation of the filhos da terra, bearers of a tradition of wealth, of noble lineage and of refined upbringing that was not the patrimony of either the Chinese of lowest social standing or, in their time, of the rough and ready soldiers and sailors of Portugal, Macaístas [lit.: woman ox] and other races.It was only much later, after the inception of steam ship lines and towards the end of the nineteenth century, that European women began venturing into Macau with greater frequency, accompanying their husbands and relatives when the latter went to take up high Official Posts. It was perhaps at this time that the concept of ngau pó came to the fore, in line with the greater separation of social classes in Macau: the ngau pó, a fat, dark, ugly, big nosed female figure, made a mockery of the pale, small, slim and muffled up Macanese women, as well as the latter’s speech patterns or falar da terra, which the former failed to understand. In order to maintain the appearance of social status, the Macanese of the highest social classes attempted to imitate the ngau pó and their European mannerisms; however, women of less wealthy classes grew increasingly isolated from the European group. Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

The main socio-ecological characteristics of the populace of Macau were always largely influenced by the value judgments and behaviour of the groups dominant there across the centuries. As a result, class stratification, characteristic of this society at the beginning of the twentieth century, represents an important aspect of its ecology.The notions and value judgments that prevailed in Macau across the centuries were mainly the following:1. The prerogative of ancient lineage based on family ties (descendants with an ancestor in common), a system perhaps as prevalent in the old Portuguese villages as it was in those of China. As is only natural, in Macau, a center of Christianity and refuge for numerous Chinese, this system based on clan hierarchy necessarily tended to fade away once distanced from populated nuclei, such as the old village of Mong Há, where old traditions held strong. However, amongst the Macanese, the pedigree of the ancestor’s name and lineage succeeded in prevailing down the centuries.2. The other direction of the hierarchical structure of Chinese society was Confucionist in nature, based on distinction in academic levels independent of genetic inheritance. Nonetheless, the Chinese of Macau belong to families or clans left behind in inland China at a more or less late date. In our day, one must consider those of them who have grown prosperous and who occupy prominent positions in local society, those who occupy positions in the Police Force or in Public Administration and, of more modest means, the large mass of the working populace, in addition to the coastal population, which from both the cultural and biogenetic point of view is a group apart. The ancestral notion of clan that virtually always governed the choice of spouse naturally faded away with the Empire of the Mandarins, whilst the prerogative of financial background came to don importance in Macau among Portuguese and Chinese alike. Thus it was that the system of matrimony came to rest on these two pillars amongst both Chinese and Portuguese. More recently, marriages between filhos da terra and 452 - ANTHROPOBIOLOGICAL DATA

Chinese women increased as the Chinese of Macau gradually lost their links with ancient traditions, always eroded by urban living, sometimes absolutely, and in inverse proportion to the steady decrease in descendants of the oldest families in the Colony, who preserved pride in their lineage.In our day, it has reached the stage where daughters of the soil marry Chinese men, with little ado even from the elderly ladies.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

2. ANTHROPOBIOLOGICAL DATAThe correspondence between a given geographical area and the biotic communities that populate it is at its most evident among restricted biotypes. The more restrictive the environmental factors are, the more urgent selection becomes and more uniform, the more characteristic and reduced in species is the biocoenosis. Thus in Macau, restrictive factors such as water shortages, the isolated nature of the Colony — almost an island — and the high summer temperatures alternating with the low temperatures of the cold season: all these condition the natural resources in the autochthonous zoocoenosis and phytocoenosis, and further, the acclimatization of many species from the West. The latter was on occasion empirically attempted, obliging the European men who originally settled in the Colony to avail themselves of what they found in the environment and neighbouring lands in order to survive.With respect to the living world, the human population included, the equilibrium was reached in Macau as previously established. Whereas in the early phases mortality was high among the Europeans, before long their children, Eurasians, encountered improved conditions of adaptation from the morpho-physiological point of view by dint of natural selection at infancy. Further, throughout the centuries they simultaneously developed cultural forms of survival, many of them unique. The biological as well as cultural forms underwent environmental selection and the Macanese were born, along with their unique culture, vestiges of which survive to this day in Macau.The group closed in on itself. This phenomenon does not necessarily have a biological basis, although one could point such bases out: the new genomes, for example, hydric, with a new phenotype, parallel to the creation of new psychological patterns and new value judgments. Examples of this are the acumen, parsimony and taste for ostentation inherent to the Eastern world, and further, a new concept of beauty, which in relation to women could be one of the motives behind the choice of spouse and hence provide a selective standard, in the long term, of a local morpho-anthropological type.472 - ANTHROPOBIOLOGICAL DATA

With regard to this point, whilst the prototype of beauty in Portugal last century was the fat woman with a waspish waist and pale clear skin, whose ankles were slim and who had light hair across the upper lip, this type of femininity was ridiculed in Macau. Further, fei-pó (pop.: a fat, big nosed, big footed... hairy, moustached and above all, presumptuous woman) was a term used by local elderly ladies to refer to the ngau-pó (lit.: woman ox; pop.: ox’s wife) or a Portuguese woman from Portugal. […]With regard to the partial isolation that characterized the Macanese group throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when group consciousness became more marked in parallel with social stratification and the arrival of the women of the Crown, in Macau, one explanation can be sought in the homogamy that prevailed in the society of the time, at least among the oldest and most powerful families.An analysis of the family constellations we studied allows us to draw conclusions that reach beyond what might immediately strike the eye with regard to this phenomenon. On the one hand, the Chinese withdrew into their own group; on the other, it was opened by the Macanese only for marriage to Europeans, in the main soldiers of high rank or high level civil servants.As far as homogamy is concerned, there are two fundamental types to consider: positive homogamy that results in phenotypical similarities in descendants, and negative homogamy, corresponding to the systematic formation of dissimilar couples.The first case corresponds to marriages amongst Macanese themselves, for which reason they are almost all of similar appearance, whilst the second corresponds to the preference of the Macanese for blond women with clear eyes, insofar as marriage outside the group to European or Eurasian women is concerned.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Indeed, there is always a slight tendency towards homogamy in any human population, mainly with respect to quantitative traits, a tendency which did not escape the Macanese group. Such is the case with height, for example. A short man seldom marries a taller woman. Another factor is of a psychosocial nature, particularly sensitive among mestizos. From the qualitative point of view, the genetic consequences resulting from preferential endogamy are the same as those from consanguineous unions. In Macau, the spatial restrictions of the Colony and the fact that only a limited number of families pertained to the highest social class particularly enhanced such consanguinity, a fruit of preferential crossings arising from the isolated sectors (without geographic frontiers, merely psychosocial ones) that developed in the Colony.As is known, homogamy and endogamy equally tend to reduce the frequency of the heterozygous genotype, which presents little phenotypical expression among polyhybrid populations, unless it leads to the establishment of certain traits. This phenomenon, however, would require many successive generations within a closed group.A Mendelian population, in which crossings are wrought preferentially among individuals sharing one trait or another, tends towards a stationary state, with genotypical frequencies different from the panmythic values. As far as we know, these frequencies were never calculated for the Macanese group. With regard to the Macanese, no serious study has been undertaken from the anthropobiological, seroanthropological, somatometric and even ostiometric points of view. Some travelers passing through did make brief records of the anthropobiological character of the population of Macau. The following note serves as an example:“With the exception of certain families whose Lusitanian blood is not mixed, the population is mestizo, Indian from Goa and blacks […]. ” (Laplace, op. cit., p.234).Some recent authors have attempted to study the serology of the inhabitants of Macau, but the fact remains that no-one so far has undertaken 492 - ANTHROPOBIOLOGICAL DATA

such research using selective samples or significant markers, nor using Macanese and Chinese with Portuguese names in the same sample. Indeed, it is our own conviction that it would now be rather difficult to create such a sample, since the typical Macanese are no longer numerous enough in the Territory to provide samples of any validity, the typical Macanese having been isolated through homogamy probably since the beginning of the eighteenth century, which was when the names of families settled there began to appear with some degree of continuity.Indeed, as of the mid nineteenth century, there was a steady flow of successive generations of filhos da terra who married Europeans and in some cases, Chinese. At the same time, heterosis was seen to increase in the wake of the migratory waves of the middle of the nineteenth century, and further, of the post-Great War [First World War] period and thirdly, shortly before the War in the Pacific [Second World War].Furthermore, the wedding circle (the average number of people whom an individual can marry) is rather limited in Macau among the Portuguese population on account of the disproportionately low number of men, as already stated, compared with the number of women.The evolution of a mestizo group is an historic phenomenon, whilst the return to kin type always constitutes an exception. If the percentage of crossing-over is 1%, one-hundred generations will be required to bring about full genetic integration, whilst six generations may be sufficient, according to Beroist, for integration into a common genetic pool.Phenotypical homogamy, that is, the preferential choice of spouse, is especially marked among the Macanese.Although in past centuries such a choice was based on phenotypical similarity, opting for a European or marrying within the group, it nevertheless cannot be denied that on the part of resident Europeans this might often have been a choice founded on economic interests.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Descendants of old families with ingrained homogamy, the Macanese manifest anthroposomatic and serological traits that run in accordance with the correlations established by Hulse for the descendants of endogamous and consanguineous marriages. Many of them even have pretty blue eyes, although blond hair may be an exception.Even in a small sample, beyond the tendency for increased brachycephaly, we found the following correlations among the filhos de terra.LITERACY IN THE AREA OF MACAUBY PARISH AND QUARTERS - 1896 It is worth noting that there is a low incidence of twins among Macanese families, both presently and in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, to judge by the sample we used to draw up the family constellations; therein the difficulty in confirming or denying the correspondence of the last of Hulse’s correlations.Regarding the serology of the Macanese, one would expect to find a high incidence of the “O” group in cases of consanguinity, since the phenotypical appearance of recessive traits is its fundamental characteristic.020406080100HM H M HM H M HM H M HM H M HM H M HM H M HM HSE S. LOURENÇO Sº ANTÓNIO S. LAZARO BAZAR MONG-HÁ PATANEMPOPULATION(%)Source: Recenseament geral da população de Macau (S. de Estatística de Macau)Chinese quartersILITERATE POPULATIONLITERATE POPULATION512 - ANTHROPOBIOLOGICAL DATA

According to Scheider, the prevailing blood group in endogamic populations would be “A” and “O”, which would indeed serve as a genetic marker, if not a very significant one.In the event of there being a prolonged crossing-over among the Portuguese and the children of the Celestial Empire, as some authors maintain, one would expect the most frequent blood group among the Macanese to be “B Rh” and “O Rh”, in addition to “AB Rh”, since it is know that the first two are those which prevail among the Chinese.We cannot draw definitive conclusions to support our hypothesis from the studies of Professors Dr. António de Almeida and Dr. Almerindo Lessa, owing to the lack of selectivity in the samples, as previously stated; however, we shall proceed to analyze them since they are the only ones we have at our disposal:2.1. Data Collectedby António De AlmeidaA Macanese is described as a Southern Chinese, and thus the traits pertaining are as follows: above average height, light body weight, straight hair, mesocephaly, mesorrhinia, medium thickness of lips, obliqueness of palpebral aperture, with examples of mongoloid folding in some, scarcely outlined in others.As far as the negative “Rh” factor is concerned, it appears in the group at an insignificant rate:Rh + 99.0% ± 1.07% Rh - 1.0% ± 1.07% which is indeed inherent to Chinese of the South and agrees with studies by other authors.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

As far as the blood groups “A”, “B” and “O” are concerned, the same author presents us with following data for the Chinese of the South:SOUTHERN CHINESE Blood O A B AB Groups No. % No. % No. % No. % 59 23 38.98 13 32,20 17 28,81 -- --This data appears to contradict that presented by Alice Brues for the Chinese (dominance of groups “B” and “C”). How is this data to be interpreted? Was the sample made up of Macanese or very hybrid Chinese individuals?2.2. Data Collectedby Almerindo Lessa.This author drew up a bio-anthropological chart of the population of Macau, based on a sample one-thousand-three-hundred-and-fourteen individuals, distributed as follows:Pure Chinese………………………………………………........….. 1038Macanese Mestizos (Portuguese/ Chinese) …………...………….200Portuguese from Europe………………………………………….....115Blacks from Mozambique (Landins)..…………………………........161Despite our not knowing how the sample was chosen, the conclusions reached by departing a priori from a simple Portuguese/ Chinese mestizo group could never coincide with the conclusions that a differential analysis would be able to determine regarding the demarcation of the Chinese population.532 - ANTHROPOBIOLOGICAL DATA

GROUPS No. of Years O A B AB No. % No. % No. % No. % Chinese 40,17 25 28 -- -- Mestizo 93 39 27 27 Portuguese 42,6 42,6 In regard to factor MN, what follows are the statistical findings for the MN hybrid character:Chinese.…………..... 69%Mestizo.……………. 70%Portuguese ………... 59%The analysis of the “Gm” system does present more significant frequencies, foregrounding for the mestizo group another hybridization above and beyond the simple crossing-over Portuguese x Chinese. Almerindo Lessa allows for a hypothetical Negroid influence. Our question is: why not Timorese or Indo-Malay?Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

X2 TEST CHINESE / MESTIZOS COMPARATION A B O Not Significant Rh Significant to 1% M N Not Significant P Significant to 1% Gm Significant to 1% X2 TEST PORTUGUESE / MESTIZOS COMPARATION A B O Significant to 1% Rh Significant to 1% M N Not Significant P Significant to 1% Gm Significant to 1%Finally, after subjecting the results to the X2 test, the conclusion reached was that establishing comparisons with data from research by other authors on South-East Asia, Almerindo Lessa reached the conclusion that the Macanese are serologically distanced from the Chinese of the North, but that they are in some way close to certain Vietnamese, Thai and Malay groups. At the same time, he considers the Indo-Malay influence to be felt in the Chinese of the South and in particular, in the population of Macau.We presume that this genetic similarity between the Chinese of the South and other groups of South Asia has a long history and is particularly marked in areas where a degree of geographical or sociocultural isolation was found.553 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

If so, it is not surprising that, athough miscegenated with local Chinese, the genetic pool of the filhos da terra should have remained largely Indo-Malay, rendering it a very stable group.After 1966, in the wake of the disturbances caused by the Chinese Red Guards, some of the oldest families who had remained resident in the Province abandoned Macau.In 1977, a new migratory wave of filhos da terra began to be felt in Australia, the United States of America, Canada and Brazil, owing to the blockade of posts in Public Administration, and also perhaps, to a certain unease about the future of Macau.In our day, a mere glance at a Pacheco, a Basto, a Estorninho, a Garcia, a Melo, a Nolasco, a Senna, for example, brings to mind Eurasian forebears but not Chinese ones, at least close ones. The anthropobiological traits are very different: absence of accentuated dolichocephaly, average thoracic indices, height medium to tall, tawny skin colouring, sometimes copper; prominent noses, eyes often lacking mongoloid folding, and not infrequently, blue or dark iris. In these traits we meet characteristics pertaining to the Brahmins, Malays, Timorese and Europeans, characteristics that in other families are combined with Chinese characteristics such as prominent cheek-bones, and almond shaped eyes, generally without Mongoloid folding. Observing the Luso-descendants of Portuguese settlement in Malacca, oddly enough what stands out is the gamut of anthroposomatic traits similar to those of the Macanese. At first blush, the most notable difference is a much darker skin colouring, due, no doubt, to frequent renovation of European blood and scant miscegenation with the Chinese, contrary to that which came to pass in Macau. What can be observed in Malacca fully supports the observations by Francisco de Carvalho e Rêgo in 1950:“Whoever has, like us, traveled through many Eastern lands, will easily reach the conclusion that the Macanese is not in general of Chinese descent. In Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

India, Japan, Siam, Cochin-China, Malacca, Timor, the Philippines and even in Honolulu, types very similar to many of the Macanese we know are to be found.”In fact, there must have been a very rich genetic mix in all the locations of the East through which the Portuguese passed. They brought with them the Portuguese-Iberian genetic pool, in itself profoundly hybrid, and with their Luso-Asiatic children, they brought genes from the most farflung corners of the Asiatic continent. Therein demonstrating their astonishing polymorphism and their extraordinary capacity for adaptation.573 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

3. ETHNOGRAPHIC DATAThe Macanese group retains some cultural patterns clearly differentiated from those of the Chinese and also those of the Metropolis, fruits of an acculturation of the multiple ‘ethnic’ groups that converged on the diminutive Colony, predominantly via the feminine element, throughout the first centuries of its history. These patterns must originally have had strong links in order to be preserved, which suggests a maternal tradition, and also represented the adaptive measures achieved. If the mothers of the first Macanese were Chinese and miscegenation with women of this ‘ethnic’ group had prevailed through the centuries, the Indo-Malay patterns that characterize the group would never have survived down to our own day. And truth be told, we still encounter some of these patterns alive and well amongst the elderly daughters of the soil that we know from the Macau of the Sixties and Seventies. Amongst those patterns we could cite patoá or papiar (etim.: papiá), the local idiom (or the former Macaísta [ie.: Macanese Language]), hypocorisms (‘pet’ names or ‘home’ names), cuisine, local dress, games and pastimes, and homemade remedies, in addition to a poorly disguised contempt for the Chinese, and further, for Kaffirs, former servants of the most well-off families.3 .1. The Dialect Of MacauThe former senhoras (ladies) of the most important Macanese families and their Creole daughters expressed themselves poorly in Chinese, making something of a virtue of this, and when speaking among themselves used the characteristic patoá of other times, something that underwent modification when women began to receive an education last century.Combining old terminology lost to modern Portuguese and words from different groups, mainly Asiatic ones, this speech pattern seems to have been born when the Portuguese Language became the lingua franca of the East. In fact, even today, vestiges of an old patoá resembling that of Macau and to a certain Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

extent also the Cape Verdian Creole have been studied by various authors from different parts of Asia. Such is the case in Malacca, Ceylon, Indonesia (Flores) and even Nagasaki, where certain Portuguese words survived. As an interesting aside, a traditional specialty could be cited, a type of sponge cake known there as castila and which is very similar to the one made in Macau, bearing the name bolo castelhano (Castilian cake).An Eastern influence that also characterized Medieval Europe, the traditional seclusion of women, meant that the feminine element did not begin enjoying a degree of freedom and attending school until much later, a ‘boys only’ privilege hailing from the founding moments of the City, when the Jesuit Fathers established their famous Colégio de S. Paulo do Monte (College of Saint Paul of the Mount). It was on account of this seclusion that, whilst Macau men later lost their command of old patoá, women retained theirs virtually to this day, especially among the less well-off classes and among those groups who remained most isolated in Shanghai and Hong Kong.We can confirm the real existence of a wealth of vestiges of cultural convergence by an analysis of the studies made of the Language of Macau by João Feliciano Marques Pereira, Danilo Barreiros, José dos Santos Ferreira and, most of all, by the philologist Graciete Batalha.According to Graciete Batalha, the idiom left by the Portuguese in various corners of Asia had already become more widespread than the lingua franca by the time the Portuguese settled in Macau, accompanied by indigenous people of various origins. Their means of communication was “an idiom matured to a degree, broadened by vocabular contingents and having already reached a certain state of phonetic, morphological and syntactical stability that managed to prevail for three-hundred years, [… until it began to wane in the last century].The founding of the Hong Kong Colony in the middle of the last century must have seen an increased influence of English on the speech patterns of 593 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

the Portuguese of Macau, as well as on the Chinese population itself. Oddly enough, and most certainly by dint of the insularity of the group, the Macau idiom preserved archaic Portuguese terms which even today frequently find their way into the Language of some elderly ladies. These would be, for example, words such as ade (Port.: pato salgado; or: salted duck), azinha or asinha (Port.: depressa; or: quickly), botica (Port.: loja; or: shop), bredos (etim.: bredo; Port.: legumes, hortaliça; or: vegetables), dó (head scarf, female attire), pateca (etim.: pateca; Port.: melância; or: watermelon), persulana (crockery), sombrelo or sombreiro (Port.: guarda-sol, guarda-chuva; or: parasol, umbrela), and tai-siu or talú (etim.: tái-siu; Port. expl.: jogo de dados local; or: a local game of dice), in addition to other less frequent terms.With regard to words of Indian, Malay and other origins, one might cite, for example: achar (etim.: achar; Port. expl.: conserva de legumes; or; pickled vegetables) and bazar (etim.: bazar; Port. expl.: bairro comercial; or: bazaar, shopping area) — from the Persian; chamiça (wild reed?) and garbo (adorned?) — from the Hebrew; adufa (Port.: ventanas, persiana; or: window shutters), afião (etim.: afium; Port.: ópio; or: opium), chale (etim.: tçãl; Port.: travessa, beco; or: alleyway) and tufão (etim.: táifong, or, tuffon, tuffon, touffon; or: typhoon) — from the Arabic; areca (Port.: ariqueira [sic], foufel [sic]; or: areca palm), baniane (etim.: baniana; Port. expl.: camisola interior, casaco de pano; or: banyan, home jacket), cacada (etim.: cacad; Port.: gargalhada; or: laugh), calaím (tin metal?), filaça (cordon?), gargu (etim.: gargó or gargol; Port. expl.: chaleira em barro; or: clay water kettle, recipient for liquids) and jagra (cane sugar?) — from the Indian or Indo-Portuguese; bétele (betel), chiripo (etim.: cherippu; Port.: tamanco; or: clog) and condê (headdress?) — from the Tamil; babá (etim.: baba; Port.: rapazinho, menino; or: child, young boy) — from the Turkish; cate (etim.: kati; Port. expl.: medida de peso para sólidos e líquidos; or: catty) — from the Malay-Javanese; caia or caia nuno (Port.: mosquiteiro; or: mosquito curtain), figo-caque or caqui (etim.: kaki; Port.: dióspiro; or: khaki), miço or missó (etim.: miso; Port. expl.: pasta de feijão de soja e sal; or ‘miso’ paste) and nachi (type of dance?) — from the Japanese; agrom or agron (Port. expl.: doença infantil; or: children’s disease), balechão or balchão (etim.: balachãn or balichâ; Port. expl.: condimento; or: balachan condiment, spicy sauce), jangom (etim.: jagong; or Port.: jangão, milho; or: corn), saraça (etim.: sarásah; Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Port.: mantilha; or: coloured mantel worn by women over the head) and savan (Port. expl.: doença ‘misteriosa’; or: ‘mysterious’ disease) and many others — from Malay; some shared by Timorese and even, bebinca or bebinga (Port. expl.: pudim doce ou salgado; or: a sweet or sower pudin), cincomaz and sarangom or sarangun (Port.: papagaio de papel; or: paper kite) — maybe from Tagalog.Of the four-hundred-and-twenty-six words of Portuguese origin studied in her Glossário do dialecto macaense, Graciete Batalha recorded seventy-five of Chinese origin (17.6%), eighty-six of Indo-Portuguese and Malay-Portuguese origin (20%), thirty-two of English origin (7.5%), eighty-two of various Languages (19.2%) and one-hundred-and-fifty-one of Malay origin (35.4%), and appears to make a case for Malay as the predominant influence on the speech patterns of the Macanese. It is our opinion that the preservation and even enrichment of Macanese speech patterns with Malay terms, in this probably different from the old lingua franca, results from the predominance of the Timorese and Malay slaves, who in the latter centuries served the Macanese families once Chinese slavery was forbidden. An interesting point to note: the non-survival of terms from the African Dialects, despite the high number of black and Kaffir slaves in Macau. We presume that the African slaves, who naturally spoke their own Languages and hailed from rudimentary Civilizations, made themselves understood among themselves and to their owners in Portuguese, such that there was no opportunity for words from their Languages entering local speech since their lot was the most lowly tasks and they never occupied significant positions within Portuguese families. […]To emphasize the issue, we have transcribed a series of quatrains [disparates / nonsense verse], the first line of which corresponds to a composition to be sung, culled from the Papers of the collection of João Feliciano Pereira from Macau. These series of quatrains was sent to him on the 20th of October, 1900, by Emílio Honorato de Aquino, a Macau Portuguese based in Hong Kong, where Creole survived and remained at its purest for the greatest length of time. 613 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

Passarinho verdiRiba de telhadoCapí, capí azaChomá por Nhum AdoLittle green birdPerched over the roofBeats, beats his wingsCalls for Master Eduardo“Little green bird” or ‘green birdy’ (of the present day Macau Christians) seems to be derived from the ‘green parrot’, a form which appears in the following quatrain from Daman:“ papagaio verde sentá sobre lêtêr batê, batê azas, surumbá chamá rapaz solter ”(“ Green parrot. seated on the ground beats, beats his wings for the single boy his song sounds ”)(DELGADO, Mgr. Sebastião, Dialecto Indo-Português de Damão, in: Offprint of “Ta-Ssy-Yang-Kuo”,Lisboa, 1903, p.26).Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

3.2. HypocorismsThe use of ‘home’ names, ‘pet’ names or hypocorisms, is very common in Macau. Hypocorisms are known to have been the names most widely used last century for the filhos da terra, in addition to men only and that sometimes passed from father to son across various generations. Of an old and eminent Macanese family, Francisco António Pereira da Silveira, in his Diário [do macanese Francisco António Pereira da Silveira] (Diary [ of the macanese Francisco António Pereira da Silveira]), always refers to his intimates and other close friends by their ‘home’ names. The source of this custom appears to have been the black housekeepers, as was the case in Cape Verde and Brazil, according to Gilberto Freire, and in Macau perhaps housekeepers of other ethnic origins also. These affectionate diminutives correspond, moreover, to the form of address current among the Chinese of Macau. According to professor Jin Guó Ping, the form of address that commences with the expletive “Á”, such as Á Má, Á Mui, Á Fong, etc., corresponds to the diminutive, i.e. respectively: a mãezinha (lit.: little mother), a irmãzinha mais nova (youngest sister), Fonguesinho (lit.: pequeno Fong; Port. expl.: jovem Fong; or: little Fong, meaning, young Fong) — Fong being in this case the first name.Well documented for the nineteenth century, this usage is rather older in Macau and Bocage brings us tidings of it in the eighteenth century in his sonnet A Beba (a diminutive of Genoveva). In polite address, ladies of high standing were known at other times in Macau as siaras, and their respective husbands as sium, whilst individuals of lower social standing were addressed as nhi or nhim (Port.: menina; or: little girl) or nhonha (Port. expl.: rapariga solteira, senhora casada ainda jovem; or: single girl, young married lady, miss, mademoiselle) and nhum or nhom, or nhon (Port.: mancebo, homem novo; or young man, young master, sir) in the case of the female or masculine gender respectively. The word nhon appears in various documents of the eighteenth century, and Bocage also employs it; the term nhonha survived in day to day Language until the beginning of the twentieth century. It is interesting to note that the word nona denotes in Javanese the spinster daughter of a European; in the Creole of Malacca, the oldest daughter 63

within the family circle; and in Timor, the indigenous concubine of a European. This term seems to have been spread by the Portuguese, and in Zambesia the name nhanha stands for native woman married to a white man. Some authors see in these designations a distant Portuguese etymology: senhora.Comparing modern hypocorisms with older ones and with those frequent in Goa and in Cape Verde, it transpires that in Goa the diminutive ending is the letter “u” — Forçu (Francisco), Salu (Salvador) — whilst in Cape Verde the endings are much closer to those used in Macau even though some of them lack total correspondence. Such is the case, for example, with Beba (Genoveva), Beto (Alberto and Roberto), Bina (Etelvina), Chencho (Inocência), Tino (Faustino), Fina (Josefina), Ia (Maria), Nico (Manuel), Dado (Eduardo), etc.It is not our intention here to make a comparative study of the hypocorisms of the various Creoles of Portuguese. The intention is only to demonstrate that the nominhos (Port.: ‘nomes’ de casa hipocorísticos; or: ‘home’ names, ‘pet’ names, hypocorisms) cannot have been created by the Chinese amás, as some authors suppose, taking a cue from their disyllabic form; they must have an older origin. […] 3.3. CuisineOne of the most characteristic aspects of the culture of Macau is definitely the cuisine. Local custom excels in hospitality, and the chá gordo (lit.: fat tea, meaning; tea party) is a hybrid product of a very rich repertoire of recipes, a vestige of the ancient Portuguese tradition and of the Eastern penchant for a sumptuously spread table.The Macanese senhoras would take great pride in the preparation of the chá gordo, an afternoon meal, which corresponds in a certain way to our copo d’ água (lit.: glass of water, meaning: a wedding banquet). It gave them Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

an opportunity to display their artistic talents and also their mastery of the culinary arts and sweet making, accomplishments that a girl of marriageable age and prospective mistress of the house could not afford to neglect. Twenty or thirty savoury and sweet specialty dishes might appear in the chá gordo, which were beautifully decorated with silk trimmings, some very ornate and all styled according to the degree of creativity of whoever was handing them. Many recipes for the Macanese specialty dishes varied from family to family on the finer points, constituting in certain cases genuine secrets jealously guarded and passed down from generation to generation. In the recipes we consulted, there are specialities of the most diverse inspiration, interestingly enough less of Chinese origin than of old Portuguese and Indo-Malay traditions.Considering the most characteristic alone, these specialties can be analyzed under different classifications: those related to certain festivals and those related to the characteristic dish of different ethnic groups.Let us first analyze the specialties pertaining to the Macanese Christmas period. In this setting, the aluar, coscorões and fartes, respectively considered the mattress, blanket and pillow of the Baby Jesus, could never be overlooked, and nor could the empada, fish pie, perhaps related to the former practice of abstinence, as is the custom in many hamlets of Portugal and among the Chinese on the occasion of their New Year.Aluar or aluá is a sweet dish based on almonds, and in Macau it is said to be of Indian origin. However, the aluar is a specialty from the Arab world which entered the Iberian Peninsula a very long time ago and gave rise to the Portuguese alféola, a traditional syrup dish mentioned in various ancient documents. The traditional recipe in Macau, used at least until the middle of the last century, is the following:“Take three kilos of glutinous rice flour, add water and leave to settle until the following day, the excess water being discarded. Take five coconuts, finely grind the flesh, and blanch with boiling water as needed. Keep this 653 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

infusion and the remaining pulp apart. Take one kilo of sugar, one kilo of lard, a generous amount of sweet almonds, and if desired, a generous amount of nuts. Mix everything except the lard with the liquid of the coconut infusion, and place it in a metal (brass) bowl directly over the flame. Leave to cook a little, folding with a wooden spoon, gradually adding the lard. Cooking is complete when the lard is evenly blended with the dough. Empty it onto a stone surface greased with butter, roil it out to an even thickness. When cold, cut into squares or whatever shape desired. In the latter case, an appropriate emporte pièce should be used to make the desired shapes, similar to those used in chemists to cut tablets. Store before long. It keeps for a long time without going off, but it is best eaten fresh. In Macau, it is usual to designate the best aluar by the qualification of Mascate.”It is possible that aluar was imported from India to Macau, although its origin may have been Arabic.Manta or lençol, coscorões [the colchão do Menino Jesus (lit.: bedding of Baby Jesus)] are fritters fried in peanut oil, with the batter being flipped in a frying pan with chopsticks in the middle, which creates an effect similar to the pancakes of the Upper Alentejo, which are made in the same way except the handle of a wooden spoon is used to flip the batter instead of the chopsticks.Fartes are little cakes of flour, eggs and honey, in Macau replaced by sugar, to which coconut is added, similar (although with a more elaborate recipe) to those used in certain festivities in Portugal since the Middle Ages.3.3.1. Specialities Of The CarnivalMade to entice, according to sources, it was Macanese custom in bygone days to make bebinca de nabos, barba, and ladu for the Festa de Quarentoras (Forty Hour Feast).Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Bebinca de nabos is a pudding made of cooked turnip and glutinous rice, which is prepared in a bain-marie, very similar to the lou pá kou of Chinese cuisine.Barba is a dessert made of pulled sugar, difficult and time consuming to prepare, and looks like long white beards.Ladu is also a dessert made with glutinous rice flour, toasted pine nuts and toasted ground white beans, which is quickly served sprinkled with bean flour.Yet to be undertaken is a comparative study of Macanese cuisine establishing the possible origins of certain dishes or the authentic originality of others. There are, however, some fairly valid contributions by sons and daughters of the soil, on the basis of which some conclusions can be drawn. It was also possible for us to consult, through kind deference, manuscript notebooks of recipes, some dating from at least the last century. On the basis of this data, we can affirm that seventeenth century convent recipes were prepared in Macau, such as manjar real (royal tidbits), manjar branco (blancmange) and other dishes both sweet and savory of clearly Portuguese origin. Some dishes seem to be based on Indian and Malay recipes, heavily seasoned, in contrast to the classical preferences of the Chinese. The strongest dividing line between Macanese cuisine and classical Chinese cuisine, very refined, lies possibly in this preponderance of the use of spices and spicey flavourings.From those dishes and desserts most characteristic of Macau, we have chosen the following, which seem to us the most significant ones:3.3.2. SoupsLacassá or lá-cá-sá (etim.: laksa; or: vermicelli) soup is of Chinese inspiration and is made with rice noodles and shrimp broth.673 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

3.3.3. Shell Fish And SeafoodBalichão caranguejo-bispo (crab in spicey sauce), caranguejo com flores de papaia (crab with papaya flowers) and casquinha are three favourite dishes of Macanese housewifes.It is balichão that merits special mention among these dishes. It is a sauce of small shrimps ground with salt and chilies and cured in the sun. It was kept for a long time in jars and frequently used as seasoning. This sauce is seemingly of Malay origin, but in Macau the recipe differed in details from family to family. The Chinese have been making their own version of this conserve for a long time for commercial ends. However, the homemade sauce prepared by the old Macanese senhoras is of far superior quality. These Macanese senhoras say that the most tasty was flavored with bay leaves, and for this reason was called folhas-balichão (‘leafy’ balichão).3.3.4 FowlO pato de cabidela (cabidela duck), galinha verniz (basted chicken), and galinha-chau-chau-parida (chicken for nursing mothers) are three dishes that the Macanese senhoras are a dab hand at making.In the first, pato (duck) as the most choice bird in Chinese cooking is adapted to the Iberian cabidela whilst the latter two are obviously of Chinese influence.The galinha-chau-chau-parida is a ‘hearty dish’, prepared with eggs and ginger (the latter to get rid of ‘wind’), and the housekeepers or Chinese relatives used to give it to Macanese mothers as the first meal after childbirth. It is also very similar to the chicken soup with rice that was given to new mothers for the first thirty days after childbirth in Northern Portugal.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

3.3.5 VegetablesVegetable dishes that stand out are the bebinca de nabos, already dealt with; the margoso-lorcha, prepared with the fruit of balsa mapples (Momordica charantia) sambal de margoso, a ground pork forcemeat preparation of Indian origin, made with the same vegetable, and the bredo raba-raba, a combination of garden vegetables: cancong (Ipomea aquatica Forsk), Chinese cabbage, green papaya, and leaves of mustard greens (Brasaica juncea Coss), balichão sauce, flowers of the papaya fruit, all slowly casseroled and spiced with miçó cristão or missó cristão: a mixture of boiled bean paste, minced pork meat, saffron and other condiments.3.3.6 FishIn addition to the fish pies (empadas) cooked in the oven on individual plates and stuffed with shredded or minced fish and saffron, other preparations meriting mention are the fish chutney, of Indian origin, with a roux of onion, saffron and grated coconut, very spicey, which is especially flavoursome with the fish sold in the local markets under the name of cabus (from the Portuguese caboz fish). In our own day, cod chutney is also prepared. Peixe molho Francisco (fish in Francis sauce) and peixe têmpra are two recipes that are apparently very old in Macau, and which were either lost across time or we simply failed to find anyone who knew them in detail, although various interviewees referred to them as very old and tasty dishes. It is possible that the peixe têmpra is related to the Japanese tempura.693 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

3.3.7. MeatMacanese cuisine abounds in meat dishes, of which one might cite the porco balichão tamarindo (pork marinated in tamarind sauce) and the minchi, which seems to be of English origin, its name perhaps a corruption of “minced beef” or “minced meat”. It is not known in Macau from when this dish dates, but it seems to be Sino-European, and the first migratory wave of Macanese in the direction of Hong Kong in the year 1840 saw its establishment there, and it subsequently underwent a number of variations.In addition to these, we must not overlook the porco bafássá (the roast pork bafá style). This dish is possibly of local origin, and can be made with both pork and beef. The spices used (pepper, saffron, bay leaf and crushed garlic) suggest adaptation from an old Portuguese recipe. The originality of the Macau dish arises from the fact that the meat is first braised and then fried in lard to brown it.O porco chau chau com cincomaz, a ‘hearty’ pork dish is another regional meal that is always welcome. To prepare it, the root of the fan cot (Pachyrhisus erosus), mushrooms, cuttlefish and pork strips are braised together. Pork spiced with sutate (Port.: molho de soja; or: soy sauce), seems to be of Chinese influence.By contrast, the so-called capella is an ancient dish from Macau prepared with pork in its rind, partly ground and partly cut into strips. The name appears to stem from the top layer or covering on the food to be cooked. This layer or covering is made up of barding fat sprinkled with breadcrumbs. Chauchaupele is a local regional dish considered to be the cozido à macaense (hearty broth Macau style). It is prepared with chicken, Chinese sausage, dried smoked meat, pork crackling, ham, pig’s trotter, salt meat, two types of cabbage, mushrooms and turnip, all cooked together after the meats have been braised in lard. The word chau-chau in current Macau usage does not mean precisely the action of mixing or deep-frying, as it does in Chinese.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Cria-cria is a dish in which all kinds of cold meat can be used. The meat is mixed together, ground very finely, with Chinese cooked ham, rice flour, grated cheese and egg yolks, and the mixture is formed into rings which are deep-fried.Furusu is also a dish made with cold meats spiced with ginger, chilies, sutate mustard and mint. If the name suggests a remote Japanese origin, the fact remains that mint is a typically Lusitanian ingredient.The diabo (lit.: devil) is perhaps the most well-known and well-liked dish in Macanese cuisine. It provides a way to make use of leftover meats, which always remained after the sumptuous banquets that became famous in the oral tradition of Macau. In essence, it is a casserole of tomatoes and onions combined with various meats, spiced with mustard, salt and pepper, occasionally with chili peppers as well, if it is preferred very spicy. In the latter instance the name becomes diabo furioso (lit.: furious devil). Although it is considered a Macanese creation, the truth is that in the Victorian period, diabo was a very spicey sauce of which the English were much enamored.To draw to a conclusion to this demonstration of the multiplicity of sources that inspired Macanese cuisine, it suffices to make a reference to the vaca cabab, whose very name is of Arab origin.3.3.8. RiceArroz carregado com balichão tamarindo is a flavoured rice dish, which is used to be consumed at picnics as a cold dish, is not considered easily digestible and yet is very popular in Macau. It is prepared with two or three ounces of lard for every pound of rice. When it about to be served, it is spiced with balichão and tamarind.713 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

Arroz gordo is a substantial dish with a base of tomato rice, served with large sausages, Chinese ham, chicken, raisins, boiled eggs, potatoes and fried bread.Arroz lap mei is considered full of goodness and is usually served in winter because it is a ‘hot’ dish. It is prepared with glutinous rice cooked with Chinese meat, pork sausage, liver sausage, bacon and cuttlefish. It is cooked in a bain-marie.Lá-pá seems to be an ancient dish the recipe of which we were not able to trace the origins and yet which some of our interviewees deemed to be an adaptation with variations of the lap mei rice.3.3.9. DessertsThe desserts of Macau are for the most part adaptations (with local ingredients) of ancient Portuguese recipes, to judge by the sheer quantity of eggs included in their composition. Some desserts, however, seem to be of another inspiration, and even to be local creations.To wit, the various specialties that ornamented the tronos enfeitados (lit.: decorated thrones) or bolos vestidos (lit.: dressed cakes) that were never omitted in the big feasts.Among these desserts, the beijinhos were characteristic, a sort of candy made with eggs, as were the comfits.The laranjinhas de pagode, which were crystallized oranges whose skins were decorated with torneados incisions made by a special metal instrument. Not to be missed out are the ‘famous’ traditional comfits of Portuguese sixteenth century desserts.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Amongst the other desserts that could be considered characteristic of Macau, one should cite: the aluar, already described; baji, made with glutinous rice, grated coconut, sugar and milk; batatada, a pudding made with sweet potato, grated coconut and egg; bebinca de leite, the name of which recalls the bebinca cooked in leaves or an outer wrapping, characteristic of Goa, although the former is similar only in name, since it is a kind of milky cream made with coconut milk and subsequently caramelized by using hot coals and a tin plate; bicho-bicho, which are fried cookies whose name stems from the long shape caused by the effect of twisting the dough two or three times round a fine cylinder the span of a palm, at minimum; bolo amante, a very popular cake which has a long history in Macau. This particular cake, like such cakes as entena podre (Port. expl.: bolo de massa muito quebradiça; or: cake of very light pastry), bolo leque and bolo pinhão (cake flavoured with minced pine kernnels), is adapted from a Portuguese recipe with numerous variants that the confectioners keep very secret.The bolo castelhano or castela merits a special reference because it is a kind of sponge cake also found in Nagasaki (castila), as already stated. Bolo mamune is a cake containing raisins and seems to us to be of English origin. Would mamune correspond to Mammon, the god of wealth? However, the favorite among Macanese sweet cakes, and that which could be considered the emblem of Macanese confectionery, is the bolo menino, deemed a specialty of local inspiration. Celicário is the name given to the cakes prepared with a dozen egg yolks and four whites, fresh milk and melted açúcar pedra (rock sugar), which is cooked in a bain-marie in containers sealed with a lid on which hot coals are placed in order to toast the top. It is considered one of the most ancient desserts of Macau. Chá-chá is a sweet broth, made of coconut, green beans, sago and yams. Dodol is a dessert of pears in syrup. 733 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

Fula-fula are small cakes prepared with glutinous rice, cane sugar, toasted almonds and strips of crystallized coconut. The mixture is placed on a tray and the cakes are later cut into rectangular forms. Favinhas de mel are small cakes for which we did not locate a recipe. Ladu is a steamed cake the base of which is made of toasted glutinous ground rice, cane sugar, toasted ground pine nuts, grated coconut, white beans also toasted and ground, and powdered pepper. After the squares have been cut, they are sprinkled with sifted bean flour. Marcazote seems to hail from an ancient Portuguese recipe for small confectioners cakes made with eggs, sugar and corn flour, cooked in small buns.Muchi are small cakes the name of which seems to be of Japanese origin. It consists of little dumplings made with glutinous rice flour and white beans toasted and ground, with a filling of cane sugar, grated coconut, beans and toasted sesame seeds. These dumplings are cooked in boiling water and stuffed after being fried. In Macau they also go by the name apa-muchi.Onde-onde is similar to muchi but more simplified. Saransurave is another Macanese specialty with a long history. Dona Maria Magarida Gomes relates a poetic legend about the origin of this cake, which is nothing more than a sponge cake with sixteen eggs cooked in a bain-marie. 3.3.10. SundriesBetele vestido are strips of areca palm and betel leaves in shapely silk paper wrappings, which was custom to offer the guests whenever there was a reception in Macau. Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Chile miçó is a red pepper sauce corresponding to the lat chiu chéong of the Chinese, analogous to the miçó cristão referred to above.The xarope de folhas de figueira is prepared with rock sugar and fig leaves, a tree which is nevertheless very rare in Macau, since it grows badly there. This xarope (syrup) is an imitation of (mixer syrup) capilé with the advantage of being considered ‘refreshing’. It is therefore an exception in Macanese cuisine, which generally transforms imported recipes in line with the possibilities of local ingredients.Pão de casa is the name some people in Macau give to the sponge cake of the Portuguese. 3.4. AttireThe Macanese or filhos da terra all dress according to European fashions nowadays, and only in Winter do some prefer the minape (etim.: min náp; Port.: cabaia acolchoada; or: a padded Chinese jacket) to the cumbersome overcoats of the West.The ladies also occasionally wear a cabaia (etim.: cabaya; Port. expl.: casaco curto, túnica comprida; or: short Chinese jacket or long tunic) tailored in good silk or brocade, almost always heavily embroidered, although such attire is normally reserved for trips to foreign soil. In fact, both the minape and a pretty cabaia are formal clothes, cool and very elegant, and they do suit the delicate Macanese frame.In earlier times, both the reinóis (Portuguese, born in Portugal), and their descendants, dressed in European fashion, which was not convenient in the climate of Macau. According to Linschoten, the Portuguese of Goa dressed as they did in Portugal, but dispensed with socks and wore boots with a lower 753 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

legging. To judge by a comparison of the figures that decorate the namban screens, which can be seen in the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga (National Museum of Ancient Art), in Lisbon, and by the rare portrait representations of men in Macau, it is to be believed that dress styles were the same in both cities. Whereas the men continued to wear the same type of suit, probably of lighter and more expensive cloth than that used in Portugal, the women and daughters, whether Asiatic or Eurasians, by contrast soon began to wear a new style of clothing, created in Portuguese strongholds, perhaps in Goa, and inspired by the dress style of Indo-Malay women. This new style had in turn undergone an Islamic influence, and was curiously similar to the clothes worn by Iberian women at the time.Cool and convenient in the hot Asiatic monsoon summers, this new attire went by the name baju or saraça-baju, (Port.: casaquinho, blusa or: jacket, coat, outer garnment) akin to the pano bajú (Port.: túnica; or: tunic) or saraça-quimão worn by Christian women in Goa, and which remained in use in the East until the beginning of the twentieth century. The saraça-bajú is composed of three items: a piece of cloth that, wrapped around the waist, served as a skirt, like the Malay sarong; a short blouse, cut like a kimono from very fine fabric, without slits; and a third piece of cloth similar to the first, which women placed on their heads when they went out, in the manner of a veil or shawl. It is this latter piece of cloth that is known in Macau as the saraça, and the term originally derived from the Malay word sarasah, denoting the cloth that was tied around the waist and used by women of the widest ethnic range. Printed cotton was one of the most sought-after fabrics, imported from Malaysia or Manila, as well as the painted silks purchased in the various ports of India and to which Duarte Barbosa refers in detail in his book.The condê was fixed beneath the saraça and was a piece of cardboard or stiff paper attached to a white cloth that was tied at the neck beneath the hair knot, since hair was worn drawn back from the face and secured at the back. This condê appears to correspond to the somewhat complicated headdress worn by women in the Islamic world, attached to a kerchief, usually white. It served to raise the veil and hold it in place. It is interesting to note that throughout the Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Malay archipelago and in some parts of India, condê denotes the knot of hair in the form of a bun tied by married women at the nape of the neck. It is a word whose etymology appear to be Tamil, pertaining also to Timorese Dialect under the same meaning.In Macau, chiquia refers to the bun that local married women wore. It is our conviction that the word chiquia is a corruption of chechia, which corresponds to the above mentioned headdress worn by women of the Islamic world, which would indicate an exchange of words or concepts.Subsequently, and as came to pass in Goa among married women, who imitated women of the Crown by using a veil or black head scarf whereas single women used a coloured one, the saraça preta, the (black saraça) made an entry in Macau, mainly after this long-standing article of clothing had been condemned by Bp. St. Hilário de Santa Rosa at the end of the eighteenth century, provoking uproar and outrage in the Colony. Naturally, the saraça preta was used before this by women in mourning, not unlike custom in the Crown. The hybrid black kerchief combined with the old saraça to produce the dó or mourning dress of the nhononha or ladies of Macau.The dó was a head scarf of sorts that women donned when leaving the house, mainly to go to mass, with their faces chastely concealed behind. This dó consisted of two yards of seda sura (silk with tassels) or seda cordão (silk without tassels), inside of which was placed what became of the former condê: a rectangular piece of stiff paper or cardboard with two bands at the side fastened behind the chiquia. This interior rectangle, only small, gave shape to the head scarf that in some cases had a fine wire stitched into its edging to facilitate its being shaped. Beneath the dó many women wore a toque, which might be black but preferably white, in order to protect the silk of the dó against the bandolina (Port.: brilhantina; or: hair lotion) with which they used to smooth out their lovely abundant black hair, and make it shine.The dó was made with four yards of silk cut in half. The two halves were joined lengthwise in order to obtain the desired length. When the owner of 77

the dó passed away, the dó was once again cut in half to be used a shroud, “surrounding her as if she was Saint Rita of Cassia,” in the words of the elderly ladies of Macau. This explains the disappearance of the old dós with the last Macanese to have used them.This wardrobe was completed by a silk or brocade dress to be worn on ceremonious occasions, or among the less well-to-do classes, the skirt and blouse worn by Iberian women, the bajú fino gave way to the cabaia-chacha, tailored in the form of a kimono and worn as underwear by the older ladies, a custom that prevailed down to the beginning of the century. It was cut from white pano elefante (a fabric with an elephant brand), imported from India, or from another strong cloth, generally ribbed. This cabaia did not have slits in either the neck or the armpits, and recalled a short kimono that did up at the front with a filigreed broach and gold buttons, or even diamonds, according to the wealth of the owner.As for men, as already stated the reinóis sported European attire, and whereas their sons at least, or the nhons, dressed like their fathers in the world at large, in the privacy of their own homes they donned calça moura (Moorish trousers) and baniane (etim.: baniana; or: Port. expl.: casaco de pano de trazer por casa; or: a white dolman with golden buttons) as worn in Goa. Further, apparel of this type constituted the Summer and Winter wardrobe of the young boys in orphan homes, as can be confirmed in the public list of the “Boletim Official” (“Official Bulletin”) of the Colony.Inventory of clothing for children at the Santa Casa da Misericórdia (Holy House of mercy, of Macau).“No Inverno baneanes de ganga-pelio quinzenas de panno ou casemira calças da mesma fazenda calções na mesma ganga Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

[...]. ”(“In the Winter brushed cotton vest jacket in cotton or cashmere trousers of the same fabric trunks in the same cotton [...].”).“ No Verão quinzena branca ou assucarada ou kaki calças da mesma fazenda camizas brancas ou de cores baneanes brancos calções brancos [...].”(“ In the summer jacket either white or off white or khaki trousers of the same fabric white or coloured shirts white vests white trunks [...].”).(“Boletim Oficial”, Macau, (12) 1907.).793 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

As a sign of distinction, in the past, the Portuguese of Macau, reinóis as well as their descendants, made a point of always carrying a cane, or they hung a beautiful sword from the waist, an emblem of prestige they could not forego. Later, some substituted these adornments for a walking stick, as came to pass in Europe.3.5. Games And PastimesThe Indo-Malay influence is also evident amongst the Macanese by virtue of other of their cultural patterns such as games and pastimes.Of the games and pastimes that passed down to our own day and that reflect a clearly non-Chinese Eastern influence, one might cite amongst others the following: chonca, some common riddles, and the very idiosyncratic bater saia (lit.: beating skirts) for making fancy party decorations.3.5.1. ChoncaChonca is the tradicional mancala or African chess considered the national game in Malacca prior to the prohibition of games of chance by the present government. It was called chong kak by the Malays and was known as such by the Christian Luso-descendants of Malacca. The Macanese name seems to be a clear adaptation of the Malay one. Oddly enough, the rules of the game, which varied from one interviewee to another, reflect not only the Malay influence but also that of Timor and of the blacks of West Africa.Nowadays in Macau the seeds (‘stones’) of the longane (etim.: lông ngán; Port. expl.: tipo de lichia; or: fruit of the Euphoria longana Steud) or of the margoseira (Port.: amargoseira; or: fruit of the Melia azedarach) are used, whereas in former Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

times cauris were used, that is, shells which served as counters and lent the game its local tittle jogo das conchinhas (game of the little shells). The simplicity of its rules meant that it was essentially a feminine game, as in the Islamic world, and grandmothers would frequently entertain their grandchildren playing it during the typhoon days when it was impossible to leave the house. When women began to receive an education, this game was relegated to elderly women, whilst other women preferred more complicated games such as má chéok, of Chinese origin. Má chéok was a natural substitute for bafá, a game adapted from the Chinese, a genuine Macanese creation.Other pastimes are linked to music and dance. There are very few testimonies of the songs and dances idiosyncratic of Macau. However, what can be cited is the nana that some believe to be an old lullaby, but which we believe to be an adaptation of the popular nona of Malacca, which we heard intoned with verses there, often improvised, sung on a challenge and whose quatrains virtually all begin with the line: “Ó nona, mia nona” (“Oh sweetheart, my sweetheart”), nona being a word attributed to young women. Other musical compositions were recorded in Macau, such as the famed Canção de Cathrina (Song of Catherine), which, however, does appear to us to be much more recent.As regards dance, the chotiça (Port.: chotiz; or: schottische) seems to have been danced in Macau, in the same way as the mandó in Goa, with much swaying of the body. A souvenir of it remains in a quatrain of the above mentioned Canção da Cathrina and in the Collection of João Feliciano Marques Pereira.Also, the Macau Yearning’s first quatrain is similar to the form registered in Daman: “Cega foi amar (“Blind it was to love A tua belleza Your beauty Ingrato e tyranno Wretched and tyrannical Que não tem firmeza”. That has no constancy.”). (DALGADO, Mgr. Sebastião R., op. cit., p.24).813 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

3.6. Handiwork In their traditional seclusion, the women of Macau dedicated themselves to needlework chores, embroidery with mutre or mutri (etim.: mutra; Port.: missangas; or: beads) and carrachada (Port.: lantejoulas; or: sequins) and more recently, to multicolored embroidery, in a clearly hybrid style of both Portuguese and Chinese techniques.Another hybrid technique is the batê saia (Port. lit.: bater saia; or lit.: beating skirts), the art of paper tailoring, of lay and monastic inspiration, and probably also drawing on Oriental sources.In addition to baskets and doll’s dresses, the Macanese senhoras also made trimmed and folded decorations in silk paper for adorning the wooden constructions or cake stands on which sweets and cakes, very often secret specialities, were displayed, and the traditional crystallized fruit of the Chinese New Year. It was from the folds of paper covering these constructions, like true lace-trimmed skirts, that the local name for this art of modeling paper, batê saia, took its title.These decorated cakes, enriched with sweet specialities, were generally offered on three-tier constructions, called the tronos (lit.: thrones) by which they became known in Macanese vernacular. Where did it spring from, the inspiration for making these constructions, usually three-tiered as they were, so popular in Macau for more than a century, to go by indications in the oral tradition? It is our supposition that the festive cakes of Malay weddings were the inspiration for decorating these first Macau cakes, as well as the festive cake stands for the large cakes so popular in Portuguese villages.The Macanese tronos were of different types, and can be classified in three distinct groups.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

1. With a square cross section, of the pagoda type, in some cases as high as a meter and a half, with five tiers on top of each other.2. With a circular cross section, also one on top of another.3. With three or five tiers, small and circular, spaced out on different levels, with the construction itself being made of cane, wood or even iron.These tiers were very much the vogue for the Lunar New Year, an offering made by the Portuguese population to their Chinese friends in return for the gifts sent by the latter at Christmas time. However, such tiers have ceased to be as common today as they used to be, owing to the high price of the raw materials and also, a reduction in the number of senhoras who still know how to make them properly.It is, however, in the field of popular medicine and of magic that Macanese culture reaches its highest level of polyhybridism. As in its vocabulary, in the field of medicine, conserved by the populace, Portuguese Medieval practices arose, and practices from sixteenth century erudite medicine, as well as Chinese remedies, greatly transformed and Malay, Indian and Chinese symbolic concepts, in addition to the popular magical practices still so very frequent in the villages and even in the outskirts of the cities of Portugal. 833 - ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

CONCLUSIONSIn the East, Portuguese men miscegenated with women of the widest-ranging ‘ethnic’ groups. At first, the concubinage system would have preceded that of marriage. It is known that mestizo children, if male, were soon the object of their parent’s protection; little is known about the daughters however. There is no data definitively indicating they were always dowered for marriage purposes, nor categorically disproving that in some cases, given the mentality of the epoch, they were simply relegated to the status of slaves, like their mothers.However, on the basis of certain data presented in this article, it is to be believed that in the majority of cases, Eurasian girls were chosen as companions for Portuguese men or their sons, given their natural linguistic affinity, their close biological make-up, the possibility of dowries or inheritances, and also, their frequent great beauty. Also, throughout the seventeenth century, many of these women would have flocked to the convents in Macau or Sta. Mónica in Goa, since between taking the veil and marrying into a society where debauchery reigned supreme, many parents preferred the former for their daughters.Judging by what can be deduced from various coeval depositions, Malay women were the most malleable and those who best lent themselves to their companions. From this, one might conclude that both Malay and Luso-Malay women won the favour of Portuguese men after the conquest of that stronghold, and that Portuguese took to bringing them along in their vessels, something these women accepted more willingly than other Asiatic women on account of their dedication to the man to whom they belonged. In our opinion, their female descendants, as well as Luso-Indian girls, would have been the lawfully wedded wives of Portuguese men when the City of Macau became, with its charter, the recipient of privileges that made its commerce boom. Some of its inhabitants grew rich, which then attracted other men of Goa who settled there with their respective families. When the Japanese, Cochin-Chinese and 85CONCLUSIONS

Timorese entered the genetic pool of the Macanese, already very rich, it can only have become richer. With the fall of Malacca and the arrival in Macau of many families from that stronghold, Malay blood and its respective customs would once again have assumed the principal role in the city, something which the Timorese slave girls were later able to preserve.Meanwhile, various social strata became differentiated: that of the most well-to-do Macanese, in some cases descendants of the ancient nobility of the Crown; that of the less well-to-do Macanese, amongst whom the Portuguese blood line was nevertheless renewed; and that of the least well-off, constituted by Creoles or children without dowries, Mestizos of black, Kanarese, Timorese and Chinese stock, and even perhaps, Chinese Christians themselves. The two former groups preferred betrothal to Macanese nhonhonha, richly dowered Eurasian girls, on account of which many a consanguineous marriage took place between cousins in order to shore up fortunes or avoid the destruction of a family line. As far as the girls were concerned, preference was for the European male. Among the less well-to-do social groups, into which criminal elements on the run from Goan justice were readily integrated, adventurers and men of few means would most easily contract marriage with Chinese or gentile women, Creole women, daughters of slaves or mestizo women with close Chinese blood ties, women whom the privileged would never seek to marry, on account of social mores.Like other native women from other parts of Asia and Timor and even Africa, Chinese women, as slaves, would largely serve their owners in the guise of concubines. Akin to custom among the great Lords of the East, posessing numerous slave girls who were concubines was a sign of prestige or signal of wealth in the original Settlement of Macau. These unions naturally engendered offspring, and therein the bequests, sometimes voluminous, left in the form of inheritances to Creoles without surnames, and the sale or dowering of women slaves immediately after the death of the householder by their respective widows. Hence, jealously guarding the honours of ancestry, the Macanese would have isolated themselves in both anthropological and social terms until its group developed a greater rapport with Chinese society at the turn of the previous century.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

In the Sixties, we still know women in Macau in the seventy eighty age range who did not know how to speak Cantonese correctly and prided themselves on the fact. They looked down on both Chinese and Portuguese Europeans if they were soldiers or civilians of low social standing. And this is because Eastern women, from time immemorial, maintained standards of courtesy and hygiene very superior to the men of the West who went in search of their land. In many cases, therefore, acculturation came about in the East-West direction. This fact is patently obvious among the patterns characteristic of Macanese culture specifically: a particular lexical usage; a dress style more suited to the rigours of the climate; very valid notions of prophylaxis and diet; very unique culinary and artistic finery; and a vast repertoire of home-made remedies, many of which were fully differentiated from those of both China and Europe. All this is being eroded in our own day and will soon be lost owing to the increased openness on the part of the Macanese towards Western patterns and those of the Chinese of all social classes.In answer to the question of whether or not the Macanese are descendants of Portuguese and Chinese, we shall reply that, in our opinion, once the Portuguese had put down roots in China, such there always were. However, the Macanese as a group formed by a number of families of high social standing, that these, are not. The fact is that those families whose forebears, whether noble or prospering, had settled in Macau, did not marry Chinese women systematically, but on occasion only. Subsequently, homogamous marriages, or marriages to reinóis, led to the weakening of this miscegenation. As for more modest families, they were also proud of their European forebears and whenever possible would always have imitated the higher classes in respect to homogamy and preferential marriages. In these Macanese families, children of unions with Chinese women acquired the status of Creoles, individuals who were integrated but not part of the family. The rapid miscegenation between Portuguese and Chinese in Macau dates mainly from the end of last century and the beginning of this, commencing namely among the economically less favoured social groups. Many Macanese women married high-ranking Military men or educated civil servants even if they did have Chinese forebears or forebears from other parts of Asia, since they had acquired a higher social 87CONCLUSIONS

status. This fact proves that the isolation of the Macanese can never have been the consequence of racial preconceptions, but rather of deeply ingrained social preconceptions.Many of the examples we have just pointed out were made known to us during our stay in Macau. In times past it is only natural that these preconceptions were the same and, naturally, more defined.At the end of the twentieth century, what path will Macanese society take and to what extent will the Macanese preserve their ancient hybrid cultural patterns?Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

SUMMARYThe filhos da terra or the sons and daughters of the soil constitute a sui generis group that was isolated in Macau, the fruit of pressures both social and economic.From the anthropobiological point of view, the filhos da terra constitute a Luso-Asiatic group with a very rich genetic pool, and no scientific study with a representative sample was ever undertaken; a study which, however, would today be difficult if not impossible to carry out owing to the wide-scale rapport with Chinese society, already in its early stages at the end of the last century.However, from the cultural point of view, as an example typical of the meeting of cultures, the filhos da terra group continues to maintain hybrid or expressly original patterns that confer on it an ingrained originality. Such would be the traditional cuisine, the local Dialect, the needlework and batê saia, certain pastimes and the sweet nominhos of home that Bocage immortalized in his sonnet to Beba.To consider Macau without considering the sons and daughters of the soil, Portuguese of the East, at times so unjustly unacknowledged, is to forget not only the four centuries of social history of the Territory, but also the most noble inheritance and the most valuable jewel that the Portuguese across these five-hundred years left as a legacy for those yet to come.89SUMMARY

Appendix HYPOCORISMSAmong the Papers of the Estate of João Feliciano Marques Pereira held at the Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (Library of the Geography Society of Lisbon) and as yet uncatalogued, there is a list of hypocorisms used in Macau last century. Combining these with ones we collected in Macau and/or which are frequent in our own day, we drew up the following listing:Adelaide…………………………...... LaidaAgostinho.…………………....……... ChinhoAlberto…………………………......... BetoAna……………….............….........… Anita, NitaAngela………………………….....… AlicaAngélica…………………………..… Angica, Eca, LicaAngelina…………………………...... AchaiAntónia………………………….…... Ica, Tona, TonicaAntónio…………………………….... Ico, Toco, Tone, Toninho, Toneco, TonicoBárbara……………………………… Barbita, BitaBartolomeu………………….………. MuncoBeatriz………………………………. BettyBelarmina…………………………… NinaBoaventura………………………….. Tula91Appendix hypocorisms

Carlos……………………………….. LitosCatarina……………………………... Cate, CattyClara………………………………… CacaClaúdia……………………………… AdaClaúdio……………………………… AdoConceição…………………………… Conchita, SãoDeolinda…………………………….. LindaEdite………………………………… DidiEduarda……………………………... Ata, DadoEduardo……………………………... Ata, DadoEmerenciana………………………… ChanaEmília……………………………….. MillyErmelinda…………………………… LindaErnestina…………………………….. TinaEsmeralda…………………………… DadaEvaristo……………………………… ItoFaustina……………………………... TinaFaustino……………………………... TinoFernando……………………………. Nando, NanoFilipe………………………………... IpiFilomena………………………….…. Mena, MenicaFilomeno…………………………….. Menico, MenoSons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

Florência…………………………….. ChonchaFlorêncio…………………………….. ChenchoFrancisca…………………………….. ChicaFrancisco…………………………….. Chico, QuicoFrederico…………………………….. DubiGabriela……………………………... GabyGenoveva……………………………. BebaHenrique…………………………….. Quiqui, RiquiHerculano…………………………..... JosicoHumberto……………………………. BetoInácia………………………………... Achinha, Anchinha, Bibi, ParochaInácio………………………………... AchoIsabel………………………………… Bela, Danda, Isa, ZabelJoão………………………………….. JanjanJoaquim……………………………… QuimJorge…………………………………. JimiJosé…………………………………... Jejico, Jesico, ZinhoJosefa……………………………….... EpaJosefina………………………………. FinaLeonel………………………………... NecoLetícia………………………………... Letty, TíciaLuís…………………………………... Ichi, Lulu93Appendix hypocorisms

Lourença……………………………... ChenchaLourenço……………………………... ChenchoLudovico……………………………... LuluMalvina………………………………. NitaManuel……………………………….. Mané, Manico, NénéMaria…………………………………. Ia, Mari, Mary MimiMariana………………………………. Nana, NaninaMatilde……………………………….. TideNatália………………………………... TatáNatércia……………………………..... Nati, NettyOlinda……………………………….... LindaOlívia…………………………………. OllyPascoela………………………………. PanchaRobertina……………………………... TinaTeodora……………………………..... DoraVicência……………………………… ChenchaVicente……………………………….. Chencho, ChenteSons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

BIBLIOGRAPHYALMEIDA, António de: ALMEIDA, Maria Emília Castro e – “Contribuição para o estudo antropológico dos chineses de Macau (Residentes no Timor Português (“ in estudos Científicos oferecidos em homenagem ao Prof. Dr. J. Carrington da Costa (...), 1961-1962, Lisboa, J.I.U., pag. 291-301ALMEIDA, António de: ALMEIDA, Maria Emília de Castro e; VIEIRA, Miguel – “Contribuição para o estudo do sistema ABO em chineses de Macau” in Trabalhos de Antropologia e Emologia, Porto, vol. 21, 1969. 57-68AMARO, Ana Maria – Alguns Aspectos da Sociedade Macaense no Século XIX (in preparation).AMARO, Ana Maria – Jogos, Brinquedos e outras diversões de Macau. Macau. Imprensa Nacional, 1976.AMARO, Ana Maria – Os macaenses como grupo (in preparation).AMARO, Ana Maria – Três Jogos Populars de Macau: Chonca, Talú, Bafá. Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1983.ANDRADE, José Ignacio de – Cartas escriptas da Índia e da China nos anos de 1815 a 1835. Lisboa. MDCCCLVII. Vol. II.BATALHA, Graciete N. – Glossário do Dialecto Macaense, Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade, 1977.BOCARRO, António – “Livro das Plantas de todas as fortalezas, cidades e províncias do Estado da Índia Oriental” (1608- 1699) published and noted by A. B. De Bragança Pereira in Arquivo Português Oriental. Vol. II Tomo IV, Parte II, 1940, pág. 32-52BOXER. C.R. – Fidalgos in the Far East. 150-1770 (…), Haia , 1948.HULSE, F.S. – “Migration and Cultural selection in Human Genetcs “ in The Anthropologist, special volume, Delhi, 1968.95BIBLIOGRAPHY

LAPLACE, M. Voyage autour du Monde sur la corvette La Favorite, pendant les années 1850, 1851 et 1852 (…). Paris, Imprimerie Royale MDCCCXXXIII, Tome II, pág. 227-276LESSA, Almerindo – A História e os Homens da Primeira República Democrática do Oriente. Biologia e Sociologia de uma Ilha Cívica, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1974.LESSA, Almerindo; RUFFIÉ, Jacques – “Le facteur Diego chez les Chinois originaires de la province de Kouangtong” in Bull. et Mém. Soc. Anthrop., Paris 9 (12), 1966, 171-208Manuscritos do Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (several)Manuscritos da Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (several)Manuscritos da Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora (several)Monografia de Macau, Trad. de Luís G. Gomes, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1950.REGO, Francisco Carvalho e – Macau, Imprensa Nacional de Macau, 1950ROPARTZ, C. et coll. – “Intérêt des Groupes de gamma-globuline Gm et Inv. dans L´appréciation du méstissage des populations: études des grupes sérigues dans l´Ouest africain et l´Extrême-Orient” in Rev. Franç. Études Clin. et Biologiques, 8, 1963, 465-472.SCHEIDER, F. – “Consanguinité et Variation biologigues chez l´Homme” in La Recherche, 31(7), 1976.SENNA, Maria Celestina de Mello e – Bons peticos por Celestina, 2ª ed., C.I.T., Macau, 1977.SOUSA, Pe. Francisco de – Oriente Conquistado (...), Lisboa, 1710.TEIXEIRA, Pe. Manuel – Galeria dos Macaenese Ilustres, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1956(?).TEIXEIRA Pe. Manuel – Os Macaenses, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1965VASCONCELOS, Frazão de – “A Aclamação de D. João IV em Macau”, in Bol. da A.G.C. Lisboa, Nº 53, Ano V, 1929.Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy

97BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Sons and Daughters of The SoilThe First Decade of Luso Chinese Diplomacy