Japanese Language Teachingand Learning in Macau,1942
Shinji Ginoza(Centre for Japanese Studies University of Macau)
The Japanese government forced Japanese language education in the countries and areas that Japanese armies occupied during the Pacific War. The students were forced to learn Japanese no matter what their will was.
On the other hand, it is curious that there were Japanese language schools and students in Macau, which kept its neutrality during the War.
This paper deals with Japanese language education in Macau during the 1940s, and also examines it from the side of the learners in due consideration of the fact that the education was not coercive.
By reviewing materials, I try to draw the actual situation of Japanese language teaching and learning at that time in Macau. The paper describes the aims of both the learners and educational institutions and also discusses whether the Japanese government or military engaged in the education.
Introduction
In 1942, Japanese language learning was compulsory in the Philippines and Indonesia under the educational system of the Japanese military administration in these countries.1 The Japanese army also established a military government in Hong Kong, and Japanese education was pushed forward there, too.2 In Guangdong Province, adjacent to Macau, Japanese was a subject on the regular curriculum in schools under the government of Wang Jing-Wei.3
During the Second World War, Portugal kept its neutrality as did the Portu-guese colony of Macau throughout the war. It is curious that there were Japanese language schools and students in Macau even though the Japanese military did not occupy the territory.
What was the situation of Japanese language education in Macau? What kind of institutions were engaging in Japanese language education? What was their purpose? Who were the teachers? What exactly did they teach? What kind of peo-ple learned Japanese at that time in Macau, and why? And did the Japanese gov-ernment or military have anything to do with such education at that time? These are the questions I would like to discuss in this paper, through what material and information are still available.
1. Japanese Language Teaching
When I saw an advertisement for a Japanese language institute on the first page of the Jornal Va Kio of January 24,1942, I realised that such educational insti-tutions did exist in Macau at that time. There was only one advertisement on that day. However, from then until the 5th of October, a dozen institutions advertised in the Jornal. I sometimes found five advertisements from different institutions on the same day. According to my count, there were 362 advertisements all together during a period of about 10 months. But after the 5th of October, at least until the end of the war, there were no further advertisements for Japanese language insti-tutes in the Jornal. I also checked the advertisements as far back as October 1941, but could find no advertisements for such institutions at all.
I will describe these institutions, the course length and class time, teachers and content, below.
1-1. Japanese Language Institutions
Based on the size, frequency and design of the advertisements, some institu-tions were probably quite large while others were likely to have been relatively small in size, offering only private lessons. Some institutions taught only Japa-nese and some taught other languages, English or Chinese. Some institutions also held classes at private Chinese schools. Nan Wan Ri Yu Su Cheng Ke
This school put the first advertisement in the Jornal Va Kio on January 24, headed 'Teaching Japanese (97 2F, Rua da Praia Grande)'. After May 8, they started using the name Nan Wan Re Yu Su Cheng Ke and the design became more sophisti-cated. Until the last entry on October 5, they advertised 177 times, and from Janu-ary 24 to July 8 their advertisement was to be found almost every day, many times on the front or second page. From the size, design, frequency and period of the advertisement, this school was probably the largest in Macau at that time, and it extensively promoted Japanese language education. The site of the school was very close to Xi Nan Ri Bao (103-105, Rua da Praia Grande). Xi Nan Ri Bao was a pro-Japanese newspaper company,4 and there may have been some relationship between them. In terms of commercial profit, the advertising seems to have been far from economical. Qing Hua Xue Xiao
In the advertisement, the Chinese character 'Qing' sometimes becomes the 'Qing' of the Qing Dynasty and sometimes that of 'qing nian' (young people). According to the material from Ao Men Hua Shi Xue Hui'5 the character is the 'qing' of 'qing nian'. In the licence issued by the Macau Government,6 the address is 4 Rua Sacadura Cabral, which intersects He Lan Yuan. People in Macau usually call the intersection He Lan Yuan and that is probably why they identified the location of the school in the advertisement as He Lan Yuan. In the licence it is said that the school was a private primary school teaching in Chinese. Between March 6 and June 21, there were 66 advertisements for this school in the Jornal Va Kio. No men-tion was made of tuition fees in the advertisement, and it is possible that classes were free.
Qi Zhi Xue Xiao
Between January 28 and May 6, there were 33 advertisements for this school. It had no government licence for, according to the material in Hua Shi Xue Hui, it was also a private primary school teaching in Chinese. The tuition fees were 5 yuan for one month and 12 yuan for three months, with four classes a week. Japa-nese education in this school was probably for the purpose of commercial profit simply because the fees were quoted in full -with a discount for three months in advance.
Xin Ya Ying Wen Ye Xiao
The government licence issued in September 1939 states that this was a pri-vate English language school.7 There were 27 advertisements between March 27 and May 13. The entry on March 27 was small and on the fourth page, but the April 24 one was five times larger (2.5 x 15 cm) and on the front page. The former said "Japanese class opened", while the latter said "Japanese class has been estab-lished." Finally, from the advertisement on the 6th of May, it is not clear that the school was teaching English at all. Tuition fees were 3 yuan for a month and 5 yuan for 2 months. As a private school teaching languages, it was probably in-tended as a money-making organisation, so the purpose of Japanese education there was probably no more than commercial profit.
Nan Wan Ri Yu
There were 18 advertisements about this institution between April 17 and July 27,1942. Until June 24, the advertisement says only "A woman(or women) teaches Japanese," but from July 24, the advertisement uses the name Nan Wan Ri Yu. The address of both advertisements is the same, 31 Rua da Praia Grande, so they are probably the same institution. No advertisement mentions the tuition but from the phrase "a woman teaches Japanese", one can assume that this was a for-profit institution.
Guang Zhong Ri Yu
Eleven advertisements between March 24 and April 14, 1942. The advertise-ments say "recruiting students for one basic class with tuition free." From the name of this school, it most probably taught only Japanese. Da Tong Xue Qi Xiao
7 advertisements between April 29 and May 5. There was no licence from the Government and no materials from Hua Shi Xue Hui either.
Zhong Hua Shu Yuan
Only 3 advertisements between July 2 and July 4,1942. The tuition was HK$10 per month. There was no licence from the Government. According to the materi-als of Hua Shi Xue Hui, the name of the school was Zhong Hua Ying Wen Shu Yuan , teaching Chinese and English. From the other advertisements for this school it is also clear that the school was teaching English and Chinese.8 The material from Hua Shi Xue Hui mentions that the school taught lexicology and literature too. The school was a commercial organisation, so the Japanese language education there was presumably for the sake of profit.
There is an advertisement every day from March 29 to April 4. The advertise-ment names Shang Xian Xue Xiao and Rui Yun Xue Xiao as application sites for learning Japanese. Shang Xian was a private primary school teaching in Chinese, according to the material of Hua Shi Xue Hui. Rui Yun is now Xia Huan Fang Zhong Xue Xiao.
Some advertisements have no institution's name, but instead they have the address: 21 2F, Rua de S. Miguel put 7 advertisements in between February 1 and February 28,1942.23 2F, San Miguel advertised every day from March 25 to April 2, 1942. Though these two have different addresses, they are located in the same building. The building is very old, and it has been probably remained unchanged since Japanese was taught there more than 50 years ago.
The advertisement for 88, Min Guo Ma Lu has a Japanese name, Takanuma Junji. There are 7 advertisements all together from April 21 to July 1. The adver-tisement on April 23 says "Teaching Japanese without tuition fees to the person under 18 who comes with a resume", though the advertisement on June 29 men-tions the fees as being 2 yuan per month.
According to Ms Liang Rui-ping, who learned Japanese in Macau in 1943, she studied Japanese at a school which was run by Xi Nan Ri Bao. The school was on the site of Pei Dao Zhong Xue and the existing building is the site where she took classes. Xi Nan Ri Bao was running the school without fees.9
1-2. Course Length and Class Time
According to the advertisements, the quick course of Nan Wan Su Cheng Ke (January 24) and the advanced course of Nan Wan Ri Yu ( April 17) were both one-month courses.
A post-advanced course at Nan Wan Su Cheng Ke (January 24), a morning quick course at Qing Hua (March 6), a quick night course at Qing Hua (March 15), a quick course at Xin Ya (March 29), an advanced night course at Qi Zhi (April 13), a basic night course at Qi Zhi (April 21), and basic, intermediate and advanced courses at Zhong Hua (July 2) all ran for 2 months.
Only Qi Zhi advertised a 3-month course (January 28). Other institutions do not mention course length in their advertisements.
The length of a class was one hour or one and a half hours. Qing Hua, Min Guo Ma Lu and Xin Ya offered classes every day. Qi Zhi had a class (or classes) on Monday, Wednesday, Friday and Saturday. The post-advanced course at Qing Hua had a class on Monday, Wednesday and Friday. Qi Zhi, Xin Ya and Zhong Hua seem to have had night courses only. Other institutions had both day and night classes. Qing Hua had a class from 9 to 10:30 in the morning, from 1:30 to 3 in the afternoon and from 6:30 to 8 in the evening (April 10).
Nan Wan Ri Yu Su Cheng Ke recruited new students every month. The October 1942 course was the tenth. Qi Zhi recruited the third group of students from April 21.
Two-month courses were very common. It is not clear whether the reason for this was commercial or pedagogical. In a chaotic time people are not able to spend much time learning, so they may need quick results. It is not easy to concentrate for more than an hour in the classroom, but considering the energy and time con-sumed going to school the class length should be adequate. For the mastering of new words and sentence patterns, it is very effective to practise every day. Even three times a week, it is possible to make great strides if students make good use of their time. Because classes were offered during the day, it can be assumed there were people who were able to study because they did not have to work during the daytime even in this chaotic period of history.
1-3. Teachers, Teaching Materials, Syllabus Content
The following are descriptions of the teachers in the advertisements.
"Person well versed in Japanese with much experience" (Nan Wan Su Cheng, January 24), "Person having experience of studying in Japan, with much experi-ence as an educator" (Shang Xian, Rui Yun, March 2), "Ren Hui Min, a translator of Xi Nan Ri Bao" (Qing Hua, April 23), "A woman(or Women) teaches Japanese" (Nan Wan Ri Yu, April 17 ), "Inquire for Junji Takanuma" (Min Guo Ma Lu, April 23), "Stayed in Japan for more than 20 years" (Da Tong, April 30), "Male and fe-male teachers who are well versed in Japanese" (Nan Wan Su Cheng, May 8), "Very experienced teacher(s)" (Qing Hua, June 15), "Specialist(s) in the Japanese lan-guage" (Zhong Hua, July 2), "Well versed in Japanese with much experience and having studied in Japan" (Nan Wan Su Cheng, August 23)
Because these are descriptions in advertisements we cannot believe them with-out reservation. But it is safe to say that there were male and female teachers and that people who had studied in Japan were teaching Japanese in Macau. Ren Hui Min of Xi Nan Ri Bao was probably a Chinese teacher and Takanuma Junji was presumably a Japanese teacher.
Concerning teaching materials and content, the following descriptions are found in the advertisements.
"Emphasis on both conversation and reading" (Qi Zhi, March 20), "Distribute a handout when application is made" (Qing Hua, April 3), "Handouts for gram-mar and reading will be distributed" (Qi Zhi, April 13), "Promise of practical use" (Da Tong, April 30), "You can be well versed in conversation" (Xin Ya, May 6), "Teaching materials are for practical use" (Nan Wan Su Cheng, May 8), "Teaching materials are for practical use" (Qing Hua, June 15).
An adequate textbook might not have been available at that time in Macau since handouts were distributed in some institutions.
In section 2-1 of this paper, I will discuss a connotation of the word 'practical' prevalent of that time. In the advertisements it probably means oral communica-tion.
In Qi Zhi, they taught grammar and reading. I will also mention this later, but some people at that time in Macau saw learning Japanese by the Grammar-Trans-lation Method as being more valuable than learning 'practical' Japanese.
The difference between 'basic', 'intermediate', 'advanced', and 'post-advanced' levels is not clear, and varies from institution to institution. In Qing Hua, students who had studied Japanese for more than a month could enter the post-advanced class (April 25), and the advanced class at Qi Zhi was suitable for students who had studied Japanese more than a month (April 13).
The word 'Su Cheng', which is 'Soku Sei' in Japanese and uses the same Chi-nese characters, appeared in many advertisements. This word might have some relation with the 'Soku Sei Ho' (Quick Method) of Ooide Masaatsu. The Quick Method was prevalent in Japanese language education in Manchuria and North China in those days. The method takes note of two aspects of language acquisi-tion, which are to understand the content of a textbook and to master it by using it. At the understanding stage, students with a book of translation and annotation in Chinese prepare by themselves at home; then classroom activities concentrate on conversation in order to improve speaking abilities. The method was devel-oped for Chinese who could read Chinese in order to acquire Japanese for daily use.10 But unfortunately we do not have enough material to conclude anything about the relation between the 'Quick Method' and quick courses at that time in Macau.
2. Japanese Language Learning
So far we have discussed the general situation of Japanese language teaching in Macau. Here we focus on the learner's side.
2-1. Attitudes towards Language Learning
There is an essay entitled "Japanese Language and Language Learning" in Jornal Va Kio for August 26, 1942. The essay is written in Chinese and consists of about 2500 characters. Though the author's name, Xi Lin, can be read as the Japa-nese surname Nishibayashi, according to the content the author is probably a Chi-nese. He (or she) explains Japanese language characteristics, and relations between the Japanese and Chinese languages, briefly but adequately. Further, the author describes how the Japanese learn foreign languages, and suggests that Chinese people should adopt the same attitude towards foreign language learning. This essay must have been written by someone teaching Japanese in Macau at that time, but it is written from the side of a learner. This must be the author's attitude to-wards Japanese learning. Here I give some interesting excerpts and translate freely.
"It is said that China and Japan use the same script, but between Chinese and Japanese scripts, there are differences in shape, reading and meaning.... After the Meiji restoration, Japanese came gradually not to consist of Chinese script. Current Japanese writing consists of Chinese characters and 'Kana' (Japanese let-ters).... The grammar is also based on the spoken language.... Therefore, the Chinese will not be able to learn Japanese well in a short time. However, if we remember that Japan became one of the great powers in the world after the Meiji Restoration and also note the close relationship between the two countries, we should study Japanese language no matter whether the two countries are at war or at peace."11
Though the author says "studying Japanese language", he is probably explain-ing the need to study Japan and the Japanese.
"Japanese scholars think there are two ways of learning foreign languages. One is the common way, aimed at achieving a correct pronunciation. In this way, because you spend a lot of time practising to pronounce like a native speaker, you have to devote yourself to studying simple everyday language. The chief aim of this method is absolutely practical."12
It is not clear whether the method was common in Japan or around the world;but at least it was common in Macau. In using the word 'practical' the author means 'being able to communicate orally'. This will also be clear in the later part of his essay.
"One shortcoming of this method is that you cannot understand a foreign culture deeply, no matter how correctly you pronounce. The Japanese way of lan-guage learning is different and does not have this shortcoming. Its object is to understand grammatical structure and to absorb the quintessence (of writings). It is not important whether the pronunciation is correct or not. This is the tradi-tional Japanese way of foreign language learning."13
Although I have not quoted it, in an earlier section of the essay the author talks about how Japanese previously learned Chinese. The author uses the phrase the 'traditional Japanese way' in connection with this method.
"Most Japanese people do not distinguish between the sounds/L/and/R, /V/ and /B/,/TH/ and /Z/. But they have become aware of the western life style, literature and history through books. Furthermore, they understand the western way of thinking through books.... In Japan learning a foreign language does not mean practising pronunciation nor training listening ability.... It is like Europeans learning ancient Greek, Latin and Sanskrit. But the languages Japanese are learning are not ancient dead languages."14
The author praises the Japanese very highly as if, by their translation method,they learn not only language but everything about the country too.
"A nation has to persist in something in order to keep its independence. When a nation loses vigour and is not able to exist by itself, it has to learn the language of a strong neighbouring country, and will start learning it. In doing so, the nation will abandon its language unconsciously; even though the people become proficient in the language, it will only allow the nation to exist for a time.... Most Japanese probably think this way."15
A nation here means Japan, and something Japan persists in is that the Japa-nese do not think much of spoken foreign languages; nor do they distinguish the difference between the sound /L/ and /R/, /B/ and /V/.
"English schools in Hong Kong worked to produce hirelings for foreign firms. The hirelings were very careful about their accent and served foreigners flatter-ingly. They were ignorant about the general situation of the world, knew little of people and had no use for discussions of the quintessence of western philosophy, religion, politics, law or any other fields of human inquiry. There is a great differ-ence in the attitude towards learning foreign languages between Japanese and these people. The Japanese learned from the West but they have not made fools of them-selves, because they learned the western spirit through books. If they started from learning a spoken language, they would have got an insignificant thing. From the above, we know what we should avoid when we learn a foreign language."16
You can take this essay as an adoration of Japan. But if you take it as a warn-ing to Chinese people learning Japanese in 'common way' in those days, then it is not an uncritical adoration of Japan.
2-2. Learners and Their Purpose
What sort of people were learning Japanese at that time in Macau? So far I have only been able to contact one person, the Ms Liang Rui- ping mentioned in the previous section, who actually learned Japanese in Macau in those days. When she was 12 years old (in 1943), she went to the school which was run by Xi Nan Ri Bao, and learned Japanese for nine months there. As she says, she was the young-est in the class and other students were in their 20s or 30s.
Dr Stanley Ho also learned Japanese in 1942. He appeared on TV talking to Mr Wada (Chairman of Yaohan International) in Japanese and telling him that he learned Japanese for six months at a Japanese language school in Macau.17 In a book, he also says "I worked until 6 or 7 o'clock in the evening then went to an evening school to learn Japanese."18
Some students were probably from rather rich families. As we saw in section 1-2, there were courses in the daytime. People who were able to come to class during the day obviously did not have to work at such times, even during that chaotic period in Macau.
In section 2-1, we noted an essay which suggested a certain attitude towards foreign language learning. What was the purpose of students who were actually learning Japanese at that time?
Dr Stanley Ho carne to Macau at the end of 1941, then worked at a trading com-pany. The company, Lien Chang Gong Si, dealt in food for the whole of Macau. The company took surplus goods, such as small steamers, generators etc, from the Macau government to Canton and brought food back to Macau. He learned Japanese be-cause the waters around Macau were controlled by the Japanese navy, so "If I didn't understand Japanese, I could not do any work."19 Ms Liang also says that she thought if she could understand Japanese she would find a job easily in the future.20
The Japanese military blockaded and controlled the trade of Macau and its neighbouring area. There were nine names of ships in the transport information section of a Macau newspaper in January of 1943. Seven out of the nine had Japa-nese names.21 All the ships with Japanese names were not necessarily owned by Japanese, but this does show a profound Japanese influence in Macau.
Exchange houses in Macau dealt in Japanese military currency, and the Macau government tried to obtain the currency in order to make payment for rationed rice and some trade goods.22 Also, from the fact that one third of the capital of Lien Chang Gong Si was held by Japanese,23 we can see extensive Japanese influence on Macau's economy.
Most students were in their 30s or 20s, so it is possible to think that they were working for companies which in some way or the other related to the Japanese, just as Dr Stanley Ho worked for Lien Chang Gong Si.
From the above we may say that, under the extensive Japanese influence on Macau's economy, meeting the needs of their careers or future careers was one ofthe purposes for learning Japanese language at that time.
2-3 A Teach-yourself Book
A teach-yourself book on Japanese language was on sale in Macau in 1942. This is interesting material for those who wish to know about Japanese learning in those days. The title is Ri Yu Jie Jing and the sales agent in Macau was Da Hua Gong Si (62, Rua do Almirante).24 There is a copy of the book in the Zhong Shan Li-brary in Guangzhou. Because the book was published more than 50 years ago, it is rather worn and has no page for the publishing history. According to the catalogue in the library, the book was published in 1941 by Ri Wei Guangdong Xun Bao She.
The book was written for Cantonese-speaking people to learn Japanese by themselves. It uses the Cantonese pronunciation of Chinese characters to show a Japanese pronunciation. Kojiki, the oldest history book in Japan, completed in 712, also borrowed the sound of Chinese characters to write Japanese words.
The size of the book is the same as a Japanese paperback, and is written in vertical script. At the top, the meaning of the word is written in Chinese, then Japanese letters with Kanji, and at the bottom the pronunciation in Chinese char-acters. In appendix 1, I give some examples in horizontal lines, and include the pronunciation of Cantonese according to Guang Zhou In Zi Dian.25
In order to show the sounds Cantonese does not have, the book uses Manda-rin sounds, and it also uses the marks -- (long sound), *(short sound),↑ (high tone), ↓(low tone) etc, in order to make the sound similar to the Japanese.
When I asked a native Cantonese-speaker to read the words and phrases, I could understand quite well though I noticed the variations of sound and tone.
The sale of this book in Macau suggests something of a Japanese language boom in 1942. It also shows the relationship between Macau and Canton with re-spect to Japanese language learning.
Conclusion
The Japanese occupation of Hong Kong (in December 1941) brought about a short Japanese language boom in Macau in 1942. Chinese private schools and peo-ple who had studied in Japan started Japanese language education. They were then followed by language schools which taught English or Chinese. Most of the Japanese language institutions that existed in Macau in 1942 were probably aimed at money-making. However, Japanese education as a money-making exercise could not have continued to exist in Macau since we do not see advertisements for the schools after October 5, until at least the end of the war. But there is a possibility that Nan Wan Ri Yu Su Cheng Ke was not a money-making institution. 177 adver-tisements between January 24 and October 5 are not economic as the publicity of a money-making institution. It is also possible to imagine some relationship between Nan Wan Su Cheng Ke and Xi Nan Ri Bao.26 The building, the current Pei Dao Zhong Xue where Ms Liang learned Japanese, was Xi Nan Ri Bao's next-door neighbouron the left, and Nan Wan Su Cheng Ke was one door away from Xi Nan Ri Bao to the right.
The fact that the Xi Nan Ri Bao school was free means the school was not a money-making institution. From the fact that Xi Nan Ri Bao was a pro-Japanese newspaper company, the purpose of their Japanese education might have been to spread Japanese in line with the Japanese national policy of establishing the 'Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere'.
Did the Japanese government have any relationship to Xi Nan Ri Bao or its Japa-nese language school? There was a strong possibility because there was a Japanese consulate in Macau from 1941 to 1945,27 and a special agency of the Japanese army from the spring of 1941 to July 1942.28 I therefore went to the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Military History Department at the National Institute for Defense Studies in Japan to find materiais which might show Japanese participation in Japanese education in Macau, but I could not find any.
Zhong Ri Wen Hua Xie Hui (Sino-Japanese cultural association) was a private organisation, under the Wan Jing-wei government, for cultural exchange, and re-ceived government subsidies from both Japanese and Wang Jing-wei governments. The Canton branch of the association was running a Chinese Japanese-language school there and engaging in Japanese language education.29
Xi Nan Ri Bao was a reception office for Di Er Ci Hua Nan Mei Shu Zhan Lan Hui (the second art exhibition South China) which was held under the auspices of Zhong Ri Wen Hua Xie Hui.30 So it is possible to think that there was some relationship be-tween Xi Nan Ri Bao and Zhong Ri Wen Hua Xie Hui in Japanese language education. If so, there might have been indirect participation by the Japanese government.
We do not yet have enough material to conclude that the Japanese govern-ment or military participated in Japanese language education in Macau in 1942. However, it is clear that at that time some institutions did engage in Japanese teaching, and that the learners studied Japanese of their own free will, though there was a limitation under the social conditions of contemporary Japanese eco-nomic influence in Macau.
Appendix 1
コンパン
晚安 今晚ハ 礦崩蛙 (kong3 beng1 wa1)
ドウ
請 何卒 多助 (do1 zo6)
クダ
俾我 下サィ 古打晒 (gu2 da2 sai3)
スミ
對唔住(唔該) 濟マセソ 蘇美馬腥 (sou1 mei5 ma5 seng1)
リヵタゥ
多謝 有難 亜里瓦多 (a3 lei5 nga5 do1)
Appendix 2
Jornal“VaKio” 華僑報
Nan Wan Ri Yu Su Cheng Ke 南湾日語速成科
Xi Nan Ri Bao 西南日報
Quing Hua Xue Xiao 青華学校
Ao Men Hua Shi Xue Hui 澳門華視学会
He Lan Yuan 荷蘭園
Qi Zhi Xue Xiao 啓智学校
Nan Wan Ri Yu 南湾日語
Guang Zhong Ri Yu 光中日語
Da Tong Xue Qi Xiao 大同学啓校
Zhong Hua Shu Yuan 中華書院
Shang Xian Xue Xiao 尚賢学校
Rui Yun Xue Xiao 瑞雲学校
Xia Huan Fang Zhong Xue Xiao 下環坊衆学校
Min Guo Ma Lu 民国馬路
Liang Rui－ping 梁瑞萍
Pei Dao Zhong Xue 培道中学
Su Cheng 速成
Soku Sei 速成
Soku Sei Hoo 速成法
Ooide Masaatsu 大出正篤
Xi Lin 西林
Nishibayashi 西林
Lien Chang Gong Si 聯昌公司
Ri Yu Jie Jing 日語捷徑
Da Hua Gong Si 大華公司
Zhong Shan Tu Shu Guan 中山図書館
Ri Wei Guang Dong Xun Bao She 日偽廣東訊報社
Kojiki 古事記
Guang Zhou ln Zi Dian 廣州音字典
Zhong Ri Wen Hua Xie Hui 中日文化協会
Di Er Ci Hua Nan Mei Shu Zham Lan Hui 第二次華南美術展覧会
Notes
1 See for detail Muneo Kimura (ed.), Kooza Nihongo To Nihongo Kyooiku, vol. 15, Nihongo Kyooiku No Rekishi, (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1991), pp. 145-158.
2 See for detail Booeichoo Booei Kenkyuusho Senshibu (ed.), Shiryooshuu Nanpoo No Gunsei, (Tokyo: Asagumo Shinbunsha, 1985), pp. 433-434, p. 437.
3 Professor Sam Hon Lai, Faculty of Education, University of Macau, inter-view by author, tape recording, September 10 1993. He learned Japanese from 1942 to 1945 at Guangdong Sheng Sheng Li Di Wu Zhong Xue at Fuoshan.
4 XI Nan Ri Bao sent a representative to Dong Ya Xin Wen Ji Zhe Da Hui (News-papermen Conference in East Asia) which was held in Canton in August 1941. The original idea for the conference came from the special agency of the Japanese mili-tary Guangdong. There are more details in the records of 'Tooa Shinbun Kisha kyookai 'in the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
5 Ao Men Hua Shi Xue Hui was established in 1944 in order to supervise educa-tional work in Macau. See for more detail Jiang-ke Hao, "Hua Shi Xue Hui Ban Bu Jiao Yu Tiao Li", Macao Daily News, July 7 1993. The Education Department (Macau Government) kindly gave me photocopies of the material used in this paper.
6 Licence No. 12 issued in 1938. The Education Department also gave me pho-tocopies of the school licences.
7 Licence No. 28.
8 For example, the advertisements from August 4 to 7 in 1942 of Jornal Va Kio.
9 Ms Liang Rui-ping answered my questions in written form on July 30 1992.
10 See for detail Muneo Kimura op. cit., pp. 138-141.
11 Xi Lin, "Ri Ben Yu Wen Yu Yu Wen Zhi Xue Xi", Jornal Va Kio, August 26 1942.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid.
17 TBV Jade Channel 'The Pearl Report "Mr. K. Wada"'. The broadcast date was not clear though I inquired of the TBV News Department a few times. Yaohan International Education Centre has a copy of the programme and the chairman, Mr Shozo Sawa, kindly showed me it, but they do not have a record of the on-air date either.
18 Huai-yuan Guan (ed.), Xiang Gang Jia Zu Shi, (Hong Kong: Capital Commu-nication Co. Ltd., 1989), p. 46.
19 Ibid., pp. 45-47.
20 Information from Ms Liang Rui-ping.
21 Jiang-ke Hao, "Wei He Ao Lun Duo Guan Wan Zi", Macao Daily News, No-vember 12, 1992.
22 Record of Military History Department, the National Institute for Defense Studies, "Keizai Huusa Jooho Geppoo", September 30 1942.
23 Huai-yuan Guan, op. cit., pp. 46.
24 Advertisements for the book appear in Jornal Va Kio in March and April of 1942.
25 Bing-Cai Rao (ed.), Guan Zhou In Zi Dian, ( Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Co., 1985).
26 Mr. Chen Ji-yi, St. Joseph's College, Macau, interview by author, tape re-cording, September 19 1993. According to Mr. Chen, people in Macau saw Xi Nan Ri Bao as a Japanese organisation and he believes that Xi Nan Ri Bao was running Nan Wan Ri Yu Su Cheng Ke.
27 Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Gaimushoo Nenkan Ni (Tokyo: Minis-try of Foreign Affairs, 1953), p. 170.
28 Nakano Kooyuukai (ed.), Rikugun Nakano Gakkoo, (Tokyo: Nakano Kooyuukai, 1978), pp. 340-341.
29 See for detail Zhong Ri Wen Hua Xie Hui Guang Zhou Fen Hui, Zhong Ri Wen Hua Xie Hui Guang Zhou Fen Hui Gong Zuo Zhuang Kuang Bao Gao, October, 1942 or Record of the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "Kakkoku Ni Okeru Kyookai Oyobi Bunka Dantai Kankei Zakken - Chuugoku No Bu".
30 An advertisement for the exhibition appears in the Jornal Va Kio for Decem-ber 23 1942.
